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Historical Documents relating to 

New Mexico, Nueva Vizcaya, and Approaches 

Thereto, to 1773 



J?JP COLLECTED BY 
ADOLPH F. A. BANDELIER and FANNY R. BANDELIER 



SPANISH TEXTS AND ENGLISH TRANSLATIONS 



EDITED WITH INTRODUCTIONS AND ANNOTATIONS 
BY 

CHARLES WILSON HACKETT, Ph. D. 

Professor of Latin American History in the University of Texas 



VOLUME II 




WASHINGTON, D. C 
Published by the Carnegie Institution of Washington 

1926 






Carnegie Institution of Washington 

PUBLICATION NO. 330, VOL. II 



Papers of the Department of Historical Research 
J. Franklin Jameson, Editor 



&§t Borb Q0afttmore (press 

BALTIMORE, MD., V. S. A, 



PREFACE. 

The historical documents in this volume constitute the third chapter, 
or division, of the entire collection of transcripts of historical documents 
that were compiled between 191 2 and 191 5 by Dr. and Mrs. Adolph F. A. 
Bandelier under the patronage of the Carnegie Institution of Washington. 
The only other published collection of miscellaneous documents relating 
to Nueva Vizcaya in the seventeenth century that will compare in volume 
and subject-matter with the documents hereinafter published for the first 
time are the Documentos para la Historia Eclesidstica y Civil de la Nueva- 
Vizcaya in Documentos para la Historia de Mexico, fourth series, 
volume III. (Mexico, 1857). 

In this volume the same method has been followed with reference to 
the chronological plan of organization of the historical materials, the 
expansion of abbreviated words, the separation of words in the Spanish 
text, punctuation, and accentuation as was indicated in the preface to 
volume I. 

With reference to the Spanish text and the corresponding translations 
hereinafter published, some explanation is necessary. Many documents 
were copied only in part by the Bandeliers, and, prior to 1918, the parts 
thus copied were translated while the editor was associated with the 
University of California. After the editor became a member of the 
faculty of the University of Texas in 1918, he ascertained that his prede- 
cessor in the chair of Latin American History, Dr. W. E. Dunn, had 
had copied for the University of Texas Library many of the documents 
which the Bandeliers had copied, either in whole or in part. As a result 
the editor has been able to supply from the University of Texas tran- 
scripts many omissions occurring in the Bandelier transcripts, and has 
thus been able to publish the complete text of many documents of which 
the Bandeliers copied only parts. All such additions to the Bandelier tran- 
scripts as copied by the Bandeliers have been indicated by brackets in the 
Spanish text as published hereinafter. No document, however, of which 
the Bandeliers did not copy some part has been added from the University 
of Texas collection of transcripts. On the other hand, wherever it has 
been possible to do so, each document of which the Bandeliers copied 
some part and of which a copy exists at the University of Texas has been 
published complete. By making these additions, from the University of 
Texas copies, of omissions occurring in the Bandelier copies of docu- 
ments, much recopying has had to be done and much additional transla- 
tion has had to be made after it had been assumed in 1918 that the Spanish 
text and the corresponding English translations for this volume were 
complete. 

iii 



iv Preface 

As was the case in volume L, an asterisk (*) will be found in the table 
of contents of this volume, immediately following the English transla- 
tion of the title of each of those documents that were translated by 
Dr. Priestley; a double asterisk (**) follows the English translation of 
the titles of those documents that were translated by Mrs. Sanchez. 
Where no such marks occur the document was translated by the editor, 
with the exception that in the expediente beginning on page 244 and con- 
tinuing through page 294 the translation was made by Dr. Lota May 
Spell, curator of the Garcia Collection of Mexican History and Literature 
at the University of Texas. To Dr. Spell for this and for other helpful 
assistance the editor is under grateful obligation. Aside from the section 
translated by Dr. Spell, all additional matter supplied from the University 
of Texas transcripts has been translated by the editor. 

The editor desires to express again his indebtedness to the same gener- 
ous collaborators who are mentioned in the preface to volume I. 

Charles Wilson Hackett. 
Austin, Texas. 



CONTENTS. 

PAGE 

Preface 

iii. nueva vlzcaya in the seventeenth century. 

1. Introduction. 

Nueva Vizcaya, a frontier province 3 

Some notable events in the seventeenth-century history of Nueva 

Vizcaya 35 

Proposals for the defense and development of Nueva Vizcaya, 1693- 

1698 71 

2. Documents relating to Nueva Vizcaya in the sevententh century. 

Al Audiencia de la nueva Galicia que haga la visita de la tierra como 
esta ordenado saliendo a ella cada uno de los oydores por su turno 
sin escusarse por ninguna causa. [Tordesillas, 24 de Julio de 1601.] 
To the Audiencia of Nueva Galicia, ordering it to perform the 
visitation of the country as commanded, each of the oidores going 
out for this purpose in his turn and being excused therefrom under 
no circumstances whatever.* [Tordesillas, July 24, 1601.] 85 

Al Virrey de la nueva espaiia con una Carta del dean de la nueva 
Galicia en que dize lo que convernia que los religiosos de la conpafiia 
de Jesus se encargasen de la conbersion de ciertos yndios para que 
ponga en ello el rremedio y rrecaudo necessario. [Villalpando, 7 de 
Febrero de 1602.] 

To the viceroy of New Spain, inclosing a letter from the dean of 
Nueva Galicia saying that it would be desirable that the religious 
of the Company of Jesus should be placed in charge of the conver- 
sion of certain Indians so that this work may be properly provided 
for and improved.* [Villalpando, February 7, 1602.] 87 

Al fiscal de la audiencia de la Nueva Galicia sobre que hagase oficio en 
lo que toca a los casados quienes viven sin sus mugeres y acerca de 
que espanoles no biven en pueblos de indios. [El Par do, 20 de 
Noviembre de 1603.] 

To the fiscal of the Audiencia of Nueva Galicia ordering him to 
take action in regard to married men who live apart from their 
wives, and to see that Spaniards shall not live in Indian towns.* 
[El Pardo, November 20, 1603.] 87 

[Carta de Francisco de Urdinola] a su magestad. [Durango, 31 de 
Marzo de 1604.] 

[Letter of Francisco de Urdinola] to his Majesty.* [Durango, 
March 31, 1604.] 89 

Al obispo de la nueva Galicia que ponga remedio en los excesos que se 
an entendido hazen los curas beneficiados y Religiosos que acuden 
a la administracion de los sacramentos dexandolos sin pagarles nada 
no embargante que de la Real hazienda se les da lo que an menester. 
[Lerma, 29 de Junio de 1605.] 

To the bishop of Nueva Galicia, directing him to correct the 
abuses which it has been understood that the parish priests, bene- 
ficed clergy, and regulars commit in the administration of the sacra- 
ments, [demanding from the Indians compensation in services and 
produce for this] and paying them nothing therefor, in spite of the 
fact that they receive from the royal treasury amounts sufficient 
for their expenses.* [Lerma, June 29, 1605.] 93 

Respuesta al governador de la nueva Vizcaya en lo tocante a las salinas 
de aquella provincia. [San Lorenzo, 3 de Septiembre de 161 1.] 

Reply to the governor of Nueva Vizcaya concerning the salt 
deposits of that province.* [San Lorenzo, September 3, 1611.] 95 

v 



vi Contents 

PAGE 

Servicios hechos a su Magestad Por El Cappitan don Hieronimo 
Velasquez Davila [en Nueva Galicia, 1617.] 

Services performed for his Majesty by Captain Don Jeronimo 

Velasquez Davila [in Nueva Galicia. 1617.*] 95 

Probanda de Miguel de Barrasa Residente en las Yndias de nueba 
Espafia en la Villa de Durango : De los servicios que a echo a su 
Magestad en los Reynos de Vigcaya y Galicia. [1618.] 

Proof by Miguel de Barrasa, a resident of the villa of Durango, 
New Spain, in the Indies, of services which he has performed for his 

Majesty in the kingdoms of Vizcaya and Galicia.* [1618.] 97 

Relacion breve y succinta de los sucesos que ha tenido la guerra de los 
Tepehuanes de la governacion de la Nueva Vizcaya desde 15 de 
Noviembre de 1616 hasta 16 de Mayo de 1618. 

A brief and succinct account of the events of the war with the 
Tepehuanes, government of Nueva Vizcaya, from November 15, 

1616, to May 16, 1618.* 101 

Provision Real Y Conducta de capitan de Ynfanteria de La ciudad de 
Guadalajara al Cappitan Geronimo Velasquesz davilas. [1621.] 

Royal writ and commission to Captain Jeronimo Velasquez Davila 

as captain of infantry of the city of Guadalajara.** [1621.] 115 

Papeles del Almirante Matheo de Vesga. [Gobernador y capitan gen- 
eral de la provincia de Nueva Vizcaya. 14 de Deciembre de 1620 
hasta 19 de Mayo de 1622.] 

Papers of Admiral Mateo de Vesga, [governor and captain - 
general of the province of Nueva Vizcaya. December 14, 1620, to 

May 19, 1622.]** 119 

Del legajo de papeles tocantes a asuntos de los Indios revelados en 
nueva Vizcaya. Governador Mateo de Vesga. [Mayo de 1624.] 

From the bundle of papers touching upon the affairs of the rebel- 
lious Indians of Nueva Vizcaya. Governor Mateo de Vesga.** 

[May, 1624.] 137 

Estado en que estaba Durango y la tierra, los edificios que an hecho 
yglesias y monasteries el gran crezimyento que tuvo la provyncia y 
govierno [de Nueva Vizcaya. 1624.] 

The condition of Durango and of the country, the buildings, 
churches, and monasteries that were constructed, and the great 
development of the province and government [of Nueva Vizcaya. 

1624.] 145 

Relacion que se le vino [Pedro Coronado] azer al gobernador del 
estado de unas provyncias y de las battalias que tubo con ellos y 
rendimiento y ordenes que se dieron. [Durango, provincia de Nueva 
Vizcaya, 30 de Abril de 1625.] 

Report which [Pedro Coronado] came to make to the governor 
concerning the state of some of the provinces, and the battles that 
took place with [the Indians], their submission, and the orders that 
were given.** [Durango, province of Nueva Vizcaya, April 30, 

1625.] 147 

Razon Y minuta de los yndios que se administran en las provincias 
de la nueba Vizcaia Por los Vicarios Veneficiados y rrelixiosos de 
San Francisco y compafiia de Jesus que hoy estan bautizados. [1625.] 

Account and memorandum of the baptized Indians governed in the 
provinces of Nueva Vizcaya by the vicars, beneficiaries, and re- 
ligious of the Order of Saint Francis and of the Company of 

Jesus.** [1625.] 153 

Al presidente de Guadalaxara sobre el modo de escrivir cartas a Su 
Magestad. Febrero 12 de 1642. 

To the president of Guadalajara, concerning the form [to be ob- 
served] in writing letters to his Majesty.* [February 12, 1642.] 159 



Contents vii 



PACE 

Al Governador de la Nueva Vizcaya guarde las cedulas que estan 
dadas, para que no se hagan esclavos a los Yndios Y los conserven 
en paz quietud Y Justicia. [Madrid, 30 de Noviembre de 1647.] 

To the governor of Nueva Vizcaya ; ordering him to observe the 
cedulas which have been issued in order that the Indians may not be 
enslaved, and that they may be kept peaceful and quiet, and that they 
may be accorded justice.* [Madrid, November 30, 1647.] 161 

Al Virrey de la Nueva Espana que ymforme sobre el Presidio, que 
havisa combiene formar de nuebo el Governador de la Nueva Viz- 
caya. [Madrid, 18 de Enero de 1648.] 

To the viceroy of New Spain, ordering him to report concerning 
the presidio which the governor of Nueva Vizcaya recommends to 
be established anew.* [Madrid, January 18, 1648.] 163 

Respuesta al Presidente de Guadalaxara ssobre Un papel que remitio, 
que le dio un Religioso de San f rancisco ssobre materias de Religion 
Conversiones y Contribuciones que los Yndios hacen al barbaro 
Maiarita. [Madrid, 30 de Noviembre de 1649.] 

Reply to the president of Guadalajara concerning a document 
that he sent, which was given to him by a religious of the Order of 
Saint Francis, relative to affairs of religion, conversions, and the 
contributions which the Indians pay to the barbarian Maiarita .* 
[Madrid, November 30, 1649.] 165 

Ynforme que hace El Padre C. fray lorengo Canto Religioso de la 
Seraphica Orden de nuestro Padre San francisco A el Sefior Don 
Diego Guajardo fajardo Governador y capitan general de el Reyno 
de la Vizcaya, y sus probincias, y a los religiosos Prelados y 
Superiores de la dicha Orden. [Santiago de Babonoyaba, 21 de 
Mayo de 1650.] 

Report which Father Fray Lorenzo Cantu, a religious of the 
Seraphic Order of our Father Saint Francis, makes to Sefior Don 
Diego Guajardo Fajardo, governor and captain-general of the king- 
dom of Nueva Vizcaya and its provinces, and to the religious, pre- 
lates, and superiors of the said order.* [Santiago de Babonoyaba, 
May 21, 1650.] 167 

Respuesta al Governador de la Nueva vizcaia sobre la reducion de los 
Yndios de Sonora. [Madrid, 27 de Marzo de 165 1.] 

Reply to the governor of Nueva Vizcaya concerning the reduction 
of the Indians of Sonora. [Madrid, March 27, 1651.] 171 

Al Virrey de la Nueva Espafia ynforme ssobre lo que propone el 
governador de la Nueva Vizcaya cerca de la provission de las plagas 
de los presidios de su districto. [Buen Retiro, 23 de Mayo de 1652.] 
To the viceroy of New Spain, asking him to report on the pro- 
posal of the governor of Nueva Vizcaya with reference to the enlist- 
ment of soldiers in the presidios of his district.* [Buen Retiro, 
May 23, 1652.] 173 

Respuesta al Governador de la Nueva Vizcaya ssobre despoblar la 
provincia de Sonora. [Buen Retiro, 23 de Mayo de 1652.] 

Reply to the governor of Nueva Vizcaya, concerning the depopu- 
lation of the province of Sonora.* [Buen Retiro, May 23, 1652.].. 177 

Al Virrey de la Nueva Espana guarde la zedula en esta incerta ssobre 
el aumento y alivio de los Yndios de la Nueva Galicia y ynforme 
ssobre ello como esta mandado. [Madrid, 24 de Julio de 1652.] 

To the viceroy of New Spain, ordering him to observe the cedula 
inclosed herewith concerning the improvement and relief of the 
Indians of Nueva Galicia, and to report on the situation as he has 
been commanded.* [Madrid, July 24, 1652.] 179 



viii Contents 

PAGE 

LaCiudad de Guadalaxara 23 de Agosto de 1664. A su Magestad. 
Recibida 30 de mayo 665. 

The City of Guadalajara. August 23, 1664. To his Majesty. Re- 
ceived May 30, 1665.** 185 

[Informe del Gobernador Antonio de Oca Sarmiento al Sefior Virrey 
El Parral, 12 de Marzo de 1667. 

Report of Governor Antonio de Oca Sarmiento to the sefior 

viceroy. El Parral, March 12, 1667.] 189 

[Carta del Governador Antonio de Oca Sarmiento a la Reyna. San 
Joseph del Parral, 19 de Marzo de 1667. 

Letter of Governor Antonio de Oca Sarmiento to the Queen. San 

Joseph del Parral, March 19, 1667.] 195 

Al Virrey de Nueva Espafia Sobre que se quite una ymposicion que 
los Governadores de la Nueva Vizcaya han hecho a los Yndios de 
aquella Provincia y avisse los motivos que Huvo para ello con lo 
demas que se le ordena. [Madrid, 22 de Junio de 1670.] 

To the viceroy of New Spain, ordering the removal of an impost 
which the governors of Nueva Vizcaya have laid upon the Indians 
of that province, and asking him to report the reason for levying it, 

and to comply with other orders.* [Madrid, June 22, 1670.] 201 

Al Obispo de la Nueva Vizcaya sobre que se observe lo dispuesto 
en las cedulas ariva ynsertas en que se manda que los Curas 
doctrineros sean examinados por los Prelados en la lengua de los 
Yndios. [Madrid, 6 de Septiembre de 1670.]. 

To the bishop of Nueva Vizcaya, commanding observance of the 
provisions of the cedulas inserted above, in which it is ordered that 
parish priests be examined in the language of the Indians by the prel- 
ates.* [Madrid, September 6, 1670.] 203 

Al Virrey de la Nueva espafia que ynforme ssobre si conbendra 
agregar al Governador de la nueva Vizcaya el Govierno de los Presi- 
dios de sinaloa el cerro gordo y san sevastian de aquella provincia. 
Corregida. Con duplicado. Duplicose. [Madrid, 6 de Septiembre de 
1670.] 

To the viceroy of New Spain, ordering him to report as to 
whether it would be fitting to assign to the governor of Nueva Viz- 
caya the control of the presidios of Sinaloa, Cerro Gordo, and San 
Sebastian, of that province. Corrected ; with a duplicate. Let it be 

duplicated. [Madrid, September 6, 1670.] 205 

Al fiscal de la Audiencia de Guadalaxara dando reprezentacion por 
haver pedido se ponga en Livertad a los Yndios del distrito de ella, 
que tenian por esclavos. [Madrid, 13 de Diciembre de 1672.] 

To the fiscal of the Audiencia of Guadalajara, offering acknowl- 
edgments for his having asked that the Indians of that district whom 
they hold as slaves be set at liberty. [Madrid, December 13, 1672.] . 205 
A la Audiencia de Guadalajara dandolas Gracias por haver puesto en 
livertad a los Yndios del distrito de ella, como esta mandado por 
diferentes cedulas. [Madrid, 23 de Diciembre de 1672.] 

To the Audiencia of Guadalajara, thanking its members for hav- 
ing set at liberty the Indians of its district, as is commanded in 

various cedulas.* [Madrid, December 23, 1672.] 207 

A la Audiencia de Guadalajara, estrafiandole que no aya embiado al 
Consejo los Autos de un Pleyto que siguio Don Fernando de Haro 
sobre el servicio Personal de los Yndios de las Provincias de Sonora 
y Sinaloa y mandando los remite sin dilacion. [Madrid, 2 de Abril 
de 1676.] 

To the Audiencia of Guadalajara, expressing surprise that it has 
not sent to the Council the autos in a suit which Don Fernando de 
Haro prosecuted concerning the personal service of the Indians 



Contents ix 

PACE 

of the provinces of Sonora and Sinaloa, and commanding that it 
forward them at once.* [Madrid, April 2, 1676.] 209 

El Lizenciado Don Lope de Sierra Ossorio Oidor de la Real Audiencia 
de Mexico, Gobernador y Capitan General que fue del Reino de la 
Nueva Vizcaia, informa a Vuestra Magestad el estado de las cossas 
de aquel Reino. [Mexico, 26 de Septiembre de 1678.] 

The licenciado Don Lope de Sierra Ossorio, oidor of the royal 
Audiencia of Mexico, former governor and captain-general of the 
kingdom of Nueva Vizcaya, informs your Majesty of the state 
of affairs of that kingdom.** [Mexico, September 26, 1678.] 211 

Extracto de Papel que formo el Senor Don Lope de Sierra sobre las 
cossas tocantes al Reyno de la Nueba Vizcaya. [Sin fecha. Sub- 
secuente al ano de 1683.] 

Extract of a paper which Don Lope de Sierra wrote in regard to 
matters touching upon the kingdom of Nueva Vizcaya.** [Undated ; 
subsequent to the year 1683.] 219 

Don Juan Isidro de Pardinas, Governador de la Nueba Vizcaya, A su 
Magestad. Parral, 21 de Noviembre 1688. Recibida por mano de 
Don Bernardino Pardinas su hermano en 16 de Agosto de 1689. 

Don Juan Isidro de Pardinas, governor of Nueva Vizcaya, to his 
Majesty. Parral, November 21, 1688. Received by the hand of Don 
Bernardino Pardinas, his brother, on August 16, 1689.** 229 

Autos Fechos por el Senor Gobernador y Capitan General de la Nueba 
Vizcaya Don Juan Ysidro de Pardinas Villar de Francos sobre las 
Noticias que Dieron los Yndios del Rio del Norte de que Subian por 
el Naciones Extrangeras y Providencia que Dio sobre ello. [3 de 
Noviembre de 1688 hasta 8 de Julio de 1692.] 

Autos drawn up by the senor governor and captain-general of 
Nueva Vizcaya, Don Juan Isidro de Pardinas Villar de Francos, 
concerning the information which the Indians of the Rio del Norte 
gave, namely, that foreign nations were ascending the river, and 
the measures taken in regard to it. [November 3, 1688, to July 8, 
1692.] 235 

[Documentos escogidos del expediente intitulado :] Testimonio de 
Los auttos hechos sobre las Providencias dadas en tiempo de Don 
Gabriel de el Castillo Governador de el Parral Sobre operaciones de 
Guerra Y otros puntos. [31 de Mayo de 1691 hasta 9 de Febrero de 
1694.] Bino con carta del Virrey de 16 de abril de 1695. 

[Documents selected from the expediente entitled:] Certified copy 
of the autos made concerning the action taken during the administra- 
tion of Don Gabriel del Castillo, governor of El Parral, with respect 
to military operations and other matters. [May 31, 1691, to February 
9, 1604.] It came with a letter of the viceroy of April 16, 1695 291 

[Documentos escogidos del expediente intitulado:] Testimonio de 
Cartas y ynformes sobre los Presidios del Reino de la Vizcaya 
Escritas por el Maestre del Campo Don Joseph Francisco Marin, 
Cavallero del Orden de Santiago y Otras Personas expertas, e 
ynteligentes Remitidas al Excelentisimo Senor Virrey Conde de 
Galve. [3 de Agosto hasta 30 de Septiembre de 1693.] Vino con 
carta del Virrey de 15 de Junio de 1694. 

[Selected documents from the expediente entitled :] Certified copy 
of letters and reports concerning the presidios of the kingdom of 
Vizcaya written by the maestre de campo, Don Joseph Francisco 
Marin, knight of the Order of Santiago, and other expert and well- 
informed persons, sent to the most excellent senor viceroy the 
Count of Galve. [August 3 to September 30, 1693.] It came with a 
letter from the viceroy of June 15, 1694 365 



x Contents 

PAGE 

El Virrey de la Nueva Espana da quenta a Vuestra Magestad con 
testimonio de Autos del estado y operaciones del Reino de la Nueba 
Vizcaya, ordenes y asistencias que ha dado para su manutencion, y 
propone los medios Con que podra mantenerse en seguridad y 
quietud por lo de adelante. [Mexico, 15 de Junio de 1694.] 

The viceroy of New Spain gives account to your Majesty, with a 
certified copy of autos, relating to the state and operations of the 
kingdom of Nueva Vizcaya, and the orders which he has taken for 
its maintenance. He suggests the means by which it may be main- 
tained in peace and security in the future.** [Mexico, June 15, 
1694J , • 4ii 

Comision nombrando a Don Carlos de Andrade y Sotomayor Comi- 
sario del Santo Oficio de la Inquisicion en la Villa de Aguas 
Calientes. [Villa de Aguas Calientes, 2 de Abril de 1695.] 

Commission naming Don Carlos de Andrade y Sotomayor Comi- 
sario of the Holy Office of the Inquisition at the town of Aguas 
Calientes.** [Villa de Aguas Calientes, April 2, 1695.] 413 

El Virrey da quenta de lo executado en la nueba Vizcaya por su 
governador Don Gabriel del Castillo, y los capitanes de aquellos 
presidios todo a fin de castigar los Indios Rebeldes que cada dia 
executan nuebas muertes y atrocidades con los traxinantes y 
Vezinos, y de las providencias que ha dado, Remitiendose en todo a 
los autos que embia con esta carta. Sobre esto mismo hay expediente 
en poder del Senor fiscal con carta del Governador don Gabriel del 
Castillo en que trata del estado de el Reyno de la Nueva Vizcaya y 
sus Presidios. [Mexico, 16 de Noviembre de 1695.] 

The viceroy gives account of what has been done in Nueva 
Vizcaya by its governor, Don Gabriel del Castillo, and the captains 
of those presidios, all for the purpose of chastising the rebellious 
Indians who each day are committing fresh murders and atrocities 
on carriers and citizens, and of the measures that he has taken, 
transmitting the autos touching upon everything which he sends with 
this letter. There is an expediente upon this same subject in the 
possession of the senor fiscal, with a letter from the governor, 
Don Gabriel del Castillo, in which he treats of the state of the 
kingdom of Nueva Vizcaya and of its presidios.** [Mexico, Novem- 
ber 16, 1695.] 415 

Respuesta Fiscal Sobre Diferentes Puntos de Guerra con los Yndios 
Enemigos del Reyno del Parral Motibados de Diferentes Ynformes 
del Virrey de Mexico Conde de Galve, Y de las Consultas de Don 
Gabriel del Castillo Governador de la Dicha Ciudad del Parral. 
[Madrid, 1 de Abril de 1698.] 

Reply of the fiscal concerning various questions relating to the 
war with the hostile Indians of the kingdom of El Parral which 
were raised by different reports of the viceroy of Mexico, the Count 
of Galve, and by the opinions of Don Gabriel del Castillo, governor 
of the said city of El Parral.** [Madrid, April 1, 1698.] 419 

Respuesta fiscal a la Carta de oficiales Reales. Reconozido del senor 
fiscal. [Madrid, 2 de Abril de 1698.] 

Reply of the fiscal to the letter of the royal officials. Acknowl- 
edged by the senor fiscal.** [Madrid, April 2, 1698.] 459 

Notes for Part III 464 

Appendix : A. Parchment inscribed with Letters of Larcheveque and Groslet . . 470 

B. Fragments of the Log of the Belle 474 

Index 483 



Contents xi 



ILLUSTRATIONS. 

PAGE 

Map of Northwestern Mexico, formerly Nueva Vizcaya Frontispiece 

Parchment, with the Drawing of Ship, and Letters of Larcheveque and 

Groslet Opp. p. 257 

Fragments of the Log of the " Belle " Following p. 476 



V 



III. NUEVA VIZCAYA IN THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY 



III. i. INTRODUCTION. 
Nueva Vizcaya: a Frontier Province. 

i. The geographical extent of Nueva Vizcaya. In a preceding chapter 
narrating the expansion of Spain in North America to 1590, a brief 
account was given of the establishment in 1562 of the new political juris- 
diction of Nueva Vizcaya and of its limits and development until near 
the close of the sixteenth century. 1 At the close of the seventeenth cen- 
tury the so-called kingdom of Nueva Vizcaya still comprised an area 
imperial in extent. As defined in 1693, the boundary of Nueva Vizcaya 
began ten or twelve leagues below Durango, the capital, at a point said to 
be in 24 20' north latitude. Thence it passed in a northeasterly direction, 
delimiting on the south and east the province of Nueva Galicia, to a 
point on the western boundary of the kingdom of Nuevo Leon. From there 
the boundary between Nueva Vizcaya and Nuevo Leon ran in a northerly 
direction, between Saltillo and the villa of Monterey, capital of Nuevo 
Leon, to the newly created province of Coahuila, 2 the southern boundary 
of which in 1674 had been established about twenty leagues north of 
Saltillo. 3 Thence the boundary between Nueva Vizcaya and Coahuila 
passed south and west of Monclova and then again turned north and con- 
tinued to the Rio del Norte. From the point where the boundary reached 
the Rio del Norte to the presidio of El Paso the kingdom of Nueva 
Vizcaya stretched to the northeast " to such a longitude " that the boun- 
dary was " considered to extend as far as the Colbert [Mississippi] 
River ". 

On the north, Nueva Vizcaya extended " as far as the presidio of El 
Paso ", described as being " in latitude thirty-two degrees, less one- 
third ", and from where " the bounds of New Mexico bear towards its 
capital which is Santa Fe ". To the northwest, the kingdom of Nueva 
Vizcaya extended " as far as latitude thirty-seven degrees and fifteen 
minutes ", or to the New Mexican provinces of Zuni and Moqui. To the 
west of Nueva Vizcaya proper lay the provinces of Rosario, Sinaloa, and 

1 Volume I., this series, pp. 14-18. 

2 Marin to the viceroy, El Parral, Sept. 30, 1693, this volume, p. 389. 

3 H. E. Bolton, Spanish Exploration in the Southwest, 1 542-1706 (New York, 1916), 
pp. 285-286. 

2 3 



4 Introduction 

Sonora, 4 the last two of which were administrative subdivisions of Nueva 
Vizcaya. 5 

In a jurisdiction of the magnitude of Nueva Vizcaya it is not surpris- 
ing that it was commonplace to refer to distances that sometimes mounted 
into the hundreds of leagues. From Mexico City to Durango the dis- 
tance was about 230 leagues; 6 that from Guadalajara to the Real de 
Cusiguriachi, "in the centre of the Tarahumara nation", was 250 leagues. 7 
Northwest of Durango 150 leagues was the important presidio of Sina- 
loa ; 8 in the same general direction from Durango the kingdom of Nueva 
Vizcaya extended for almost 300 leagues. 9 

The most important settlement after Durango was the Real del Parral, 
which was between seventy and one hundred leagues north of the capital. 10 
West of the Real del Parral 200 leagues was San Juan Bautista, the capi- 
tal and most important settlement of the alcaldia mayor of Sonora. 11 One 
hundred leagues north of the Real del Parral was the presidio of Janos, 
which was seventy leagues southwest of the New Mexico frontier at 
El Paso. 12 Eighty leagues northeast of the Real del Parral was the 
important post of La Junta, 13 at the junction of the Conchos and Rio 
Grande rivers. In 1618 the kingdom of Nueva Vizcaya was described as 
being "almost 250 leagues long and nearly so wide"; 14 in 1678 an 

4 Marin to the viceroy, El Parral, Sept. 30, 1693, this volume, p. 389. The geogra- 
phy of the Pacific coast region of northwestern New Spain in the seventeenth century 
as given by H. H. Bancroft, History of the North Mexican States and Texas, I. (San 
Francisco, 1884), pp. 202-204, is as follows: The names Chiametla and Rosario were 
applied "to the region lying between the rivers Cafias and Mazatlan. . . . Next north- 
ward, between the rivers Mazatlan and Piastla, was Copola. . . . Culiacan extended 
from Piastla to the Rio Culiacan. . . . Next we find Sinaloa, often described as lying 
between Culiacan and Rio Mayo but whose limit was more properly the Rio del Fuerte, 
or possibly the Alamos. . . . The name was originally that of a tribe dwelling on the 
stream called Rio del Fuerte . . . thence it was extended from tribe and river to 
province and capital; then from the capital over several provinces within the gover- 
nor's jurisdiction as far north as the Rio Yaqui. . . . North of Sinaloa was Ostimuri, 
which reached from the Alamos to the Rio Yaqui. . . . All the country north of the 
Yaqui was sometimes called Sonora. . . . Yet it was more common among the Jesuits 
to restrict the name to the valley where it originated ". 

5 De la Fuente to Almazan, Janos, Sept. 18, 1693, p. 371, infra; Bancroft, op. cit., 
PP. 255, 520. 

6 Don Lope de Sierra Osorio to the king, Mexico, Sept. 26, 1678, p. 211, infra; Marin 
to the viceroy, El Parral, Sept. 30, 1693, p. 391, infra. 

7 Fiscal's reply, Madrid, Apr. 2, 1698, p. 461, infra. 

8 A brief account of the Tepehuane rebellion, 1616-1618, p. 109, infra. 

9 Marin to the viceroy, El Parral, Sept. 30, 1693, p. 389, infra. 

10 Ibid., p. 391; informe of Lope de Sierra Osorio, p. 211, infra. 

11 Marin to the viceroy, El Parral, Sept. 30, 1693, p. 389, infra; Castillo to the viceroy, 
Durango, Apr. 4 to May 2, 1693, p. 309, infra. See also H. E. Bolton, Kino's Historical 
Memoir of Pimeria Alta, 1. (Cleveland, 1919), no, note. 

12 Marin to the Count of Galve, El Parral, Sept. 30, 1693, p. 393, infra ; A. E. Hughes, 
The Beginning of Spanish Settlement in the El Paso District, in the University of Cali- 
fornia Publications in History, I. (Berkeley, 1914) 310-31 1. 

13 Retana to Pardinas, Rio Salado, Mar. 3, 1693, p. 257, infra. 

14 A brief account of the Tepehuane rebellion, 1616-1618, p. 101, infra. 



Introduction 5 

ex-governor stated that Nueva Vizcaya was " almost four hundred 
leagues square ". 15 

2. The potential wealth and natural advantages of Nueva Vizcaya. 
The great potential and undeveloped wealth of Nueva Vizcaya and its 
climatic and other natural advantages were themes upon which the gover- 
nors of that kingdom in the seventeenth century never tired of discoursing. 
Governor Urdifiola in 1604 assured the king that in all New Spain there 
was " no land so rich in veins of silver as these provinces of Nueva Viz- 
caya ", 16 and Governor Oca Sarmiento in 1667 advised the king that 
Nueva Vizcaya was " the richest province of New Spain ". 17 

Later governors waxed more enthusiastic and were more explicit than 
Urdifiola and Oca Sarmiento in their praise of Nueva Vizcaya. Governor 
Sierra Osorio in 1678, after asserting that Nueva Vizcaya was " the best 
kingdom that your Majesty has in his entire crown ", said : " The Sierra 
Madre which has its beginning near the port of Acapulco and extends 
through New Mexico, without its end being known, traverses the centre 
of this kingdom. The mountains into which it is divided are infinite, and 
all are full of rich ores of silver and gold." Continuing, Governor Sierra 
Osorio pointed out other advantages of Nueva Vizcaya, as follows ! 
" The level lands of which it is composed are very productive for all 
kinds of crops and the raising of cattle and sheep, for there are many 
rivers, arroyos, and springs which water them." 18 In a later report, 
prepared subsequent to the year 1683, Sierra Osorio described Nueva 
Vizcaya as " one of the most fertile kingdoms in the Indies, one most 
abounding in all kinds of fruits and in silver and gold mines, and which, 
if it were populated proportionately with the others, would contribute 
more treasure to his Majesty than all the others ". Referring to the ex- 
treme northeastern section of Nueva Vizcaya, Sierra Osorio said : " The 
country of the Conchos is level, fertile, and watered by many rivers and 
streams, following the line from San Francisco de Conchos as far as the 
river called Del Norte." 19 

No less enthusiastic than Sierra Osorio concerning Nueva Vizcaya and 
its potentialities was Governor Don Juan Isidro Pardinas Villar de 
Francos. Writing in 1688 he said: " It is a very fertile kingdom for in 
it are grown all kinds of grain that are to be found in any other part of 
America. It has the requisite cattle and sheep for its support; it is ex- 
tremely rich in gold and silver ores, for there is no part in the whole of it 
that does not show veins. . . . After I entered upon this governorship 

15 In forme of Don Lope de Sierra Osorio, 1678, p. 211, infra. 

16 Urdifiola to the king, Durango, Mar. 31, 1604, p. 91, infra. 

17 Oca Sarmiento's report to the viceroy, Mar. 12, 1667, p. 191, infra. 

18 Inform e of Don Lope de Sierra Osorio, Sept. 26, 1678, p. 211, infra. 

19 Extract of a paper prepared by Lope de Sierra Osorio, subsequent to 1683, pp. 219, 
223, infra. 



6 Introduction 

there was discovered in that region [of the Tarahumare Indians] one 
of the richest mineral deposits that has been encountered in these parts." 20 

Unquestionably, one of the most favorable descriptions of Nueva Viz- 
caya was that made by Don Joseph Francisco Marin, viceregal inspector 
of Nueva Vizcaya in 1693. Writing in that year Marin said: " Heaven 
favored this most extensive kingdom with a benign climate, as much so 
as can be desired, and with great fertility of the land, for the plantings 
produce most abundant crops, while cattle produce so abundantly that if 
constant robberies of the Indians would allow them to increase, they 
would have no value whatever. The province abounds in such a plenti ful- 
ness of metals that the locality in its mountains where many and good 
mines may not be found is rare indeed. All of the most experienced per- 
sons in New Spain assert that the said kingdom has more silver than all 
the rest of it [New Spain], and every day new discoveries of ores are 
made." 21 

3. The provincial administration of Nueva Vizcaya. As an adminis- 
trative unit, the kingdom of Nueva Vizcaya was a part of the viceroyalty 
of New Spain. 22 In administrative and military affairs the kingdom was 
subject directly to the viceroy and captain-general of New Spain, and in 
judicial matters to the Audiencia of Guadalajara. 23 The provincial secu- 
lar government of Nueva Vizcaya was almost wholly military, adminis- 
tration being centred in the governor, who exercised the powers of captain- 
general. 24 During the early seventeenth century the governors resided 
at Durango, or Guadiana, the provincial capital founded by Francisco de 
Ibarra in 1563. Durango remained the nominal capital, but by the year 
1667, and thereafter until the close of the seventeenth century, the gover- 
nors were accustomed to reside at the Real del Parral, 25 which, in 1678. 

20 Pardinas to the king, El Parral, Nov. 21, 1688, p. 229, infra. 

21 Marin to the Count of Galve, El Parral, Sept. 30, 1693, p. 389, infra. 

22 A cedula of July 21, 1691, specifically charged the governors of Nueva Vizcaya 
" to report to the viceroy of New Spain concerning everything which they might accom- 
plish, obeying the orders which the said viceroy might issue to them for their better 
government." Fiscal's opinion, Madrid, Apr. 1, 1698, p. 421, infra. 

23 The Audiencia of Guadalajara, which was founded in 1548, exercised political and 
administrative authority in the province of Nueva Galicia, and judicial authority in that 
province, and also in Nueva Vizcaya after it was created in 1562, as well as in other 
northern provinces. Until 1572 judicial appeals might be made from the Audiencia of 
Guadalajara to that of New Spain, but in the latter year a chancery was formed and a 
separate seal of office was granted to the Audiencia of Guadalajara. Between 1572 and 
1680 the audiencia, as an administrative body, exercised political authority in the 
province of Nueva Galicia, but in the latter year the president of the audiencia was 
entrusted with the administration of the province. See C. W. Hackett, vol. I., this series, 
pp. 15, 21-22, and authorities cited; H. E. Bolton, Guide to Materials for the History 
of the United States in the Principal Archives of Mexico (Washington, 1913), p. 75. 

24 See Urdinola to the king, Durango, Mar. 31, 1604, p. 89, infra; the king to Governor 
Guajardo Fajardo, Buen Retiro, May 23, 1652, ibid., p. 177; order of Governor Castillo 
to General Retana, El Parral, Nov. 10, 1693, ibid., p. 345. 

25 Oca Sarmiento to the viceroy, El Parral, Mar. 12, 1667, p. 189, infra ; Marin to the 
viceroy, El Parral, Sept. 30, 1693, ibid., pp. 389, 391. 



Introduction 7 

was referred to as " the principal place in that kingdom ", and the one 
that paid the king the greatest income. 28 

Fiscal matters of the kingdom, such as the collection of the king's fifth 
from all mining production, the distribution of quicksilver, and the dis- 
bursement of the budget, were attended to by royal treasury officials in 
charge of the caja real, or royal depository, at Durango ; a fiscal agent 
appointed and paid by these officials represented them at the Real del 
Parral. 27 The only town that enjoyed, through a municipal cabildo, any 
degree of self-government was Durango. In ecclesiastical matters the 
bishop of Durango and the ecclesiastical cabildo of that town stood at the 
head of the secular clergy. 28 At the head of the Franciscan regular clergy 
was a custodio, with headquarters at the Real del Parral ; 29 two provin- 
cials of the Jesuit regular clergy were stationed in Sinaloa. 30 

In the early part of the seventeenth century the province of Santa 
Barbara appears to have been the most important subdivision of Nueva 
Vizcaya; this does not appear to have been the case by the latter half of 
the century. At that time it seems that the entire region from Durango 
to the Real del Parral, and for one hundred leagues beyond, and com- 
prising what might be termed Greater Nueva Vizcaya, was under the 
immediate jurisdiction of the governor. In this latter period it appears 
that no political subdivisions except Sinaloa and Sonora were referred to 
as provinces. 

The province of Santa Barbara in 1618 comprised five alcaldias; 
important mining camps in the province, and, in some instances, seats of 
alcaldias, were Guanecebi, San Juan de Inde, Santiago de Mapimi, Cuen- 
came, San Juan del Rio, and Valle de San Bartolome. 31 The first-named 
camp was described in 16 18 as " the most important mining camp in the 
kingdom of Nueva Vizcaya, and situated in the centre of the Tepehuane 
country ". 32 Because each of the five alcaldes of the province of Santa 
Barbara was alleged to have taken advantage of his position as protector 
of the Indians and as alcalde and to have utilized " for his own traffic " 

26 Don Lope de Sierra Osorio to the king, Mexico, Sept. 26, 1678, p. 211, infra. 
27 Ursua to the viceroy, Durango, May 12, 1693, p. 319, infra; fiscal's reply, Mexico, 
June 10, 1693, ibid., p. 319; informe of Sierra Osorio, 1678, ibid., p. 217. 

28 The bishopric of Durango was established in 1620 (Bancroft, op. cit., I. 307). 
See also the fiscal's reply, Madrid, Apr. 1, 1698, pp. 425, 427, infra. 

29 Report of Governor Castillo, San Francisco de Conchos, Oct. 20, 1693, this volume, 
p. 361, infra. The heads of the Franciscan order in New Spain were known as comisarios 
generates. Next below them were provinciates, at the head of subdivisions known as 
provinces. Subdivisions of provinces were known as custodias, at the heads of which 
were custodios. The lowest subdivision in the organization of a regular religious order 
was a presidency. At the head of such a group of missions was a president. 

30 Fiscal's opinion, Madrid, Apr. 1, 1698, p. 445, infra. For the definition of provincial, 
see the preceding note. 

31 Proof of the services of Miguel de Barrasa, 1618, pp. 09, 101, infra; papers of 
Admiral Mateo de Vesga, ibid., pp. 123, 129; report on the condition of Durango, 
1624, ibid., p. 145. 

32 Account of the Tepehuane rebellion, 1616-1618, p. 105, infra. 



8 Introduction 

the enforced labor of the Indians in his alcaldia, the king was petitioned, 
but in vain, in 1618, to reduce the five alcaldias to one corregimiento 33 

The most important administrative subdivision of Nueva Vizcaya in 
the later seventeenth century was the province of Sinaloa, 34 which, until 
after the close of the seventeenth century, included Sonora. 35 Until 1682 
the viceroy had the right to appoint the captain of the garrison at San 
Felipe y Santiago de Sinaloa; from the governor of Nueva Vizcaya the 
captain " received the appointment of alcalde mayor . . . and was often 
called governor of Sinaloa ". 36 

However, until about the middle of the seventeenth century Sinaloa 
was practically ignored by the governors of Nueva Vizcaya. 37 On the 
other hand, appointees of the viceroy in that province arrogated unto 
themselves the garrisoning of it and even endeavored to extend their 
authority into Sonora. 38 The result was, as will be shown, that a bitter 
dispute arose about the middle of the century between the viceroys and 
the governors of Nueva Vizcaya over the rights of each in that province. 
Finally, in 1682 a royal cedula placed Sinaloa under the undivided 
authority of the governor of Nueva Vizcaya. 39 Eleven years later, in 
1693, Sonora, which theretofore had been administered as a part of 
Sinaloa, was detached therefrom. Thenceforth, until 1734, Sinaloa and 
Sonora were administered by different military commandants, " each of 
whom was subject in civil and political matters to the governor of Nueva 
Vizcaya ". 40 

4. The Indians. According to Orozco y Berra and Bancroft, 41 the 
kingdom of Nueva Vizcaya in the seventeenth century was occupied by 
several well-defined linguistic groups of Indians, the most important of 
which were the Tepehuanes, the Acaxees and Xiximes, the Tarahumares, 

38 Proof of the services of Miguel de Barrasa, 1618, p. 101, infra. For a definition 
of corregimiento and for arguments for and against it, see vol. I., this series, pp. 24-25, 

125, 135-139, 143-145. 

34 In 1622 the title of " governor and captain-general of this kingdom and the 
provinces of Nueva Vizcaya, Chiametla, Copala, and Sinaloa, and their provinces " was 
borne by one of the governors of Nueva Vizcaya (see papers of Admiral Mateo de 
Vesga, 1620-1622, p. 119, infra; report of Pedro Coronado, 1625, ibid., p. 147. Such a 
comprehensive title does not appear to have been borne by his successors. For the 
geographical location of the above-named provinces, see note 4, supra. 

35 Bancroft (op. cit., I. 204) says that " throughout nearly the whole century Sinaloa 
is the best general name for the whole territory ". 

36 Bancroft, op. cit., I. 207 ; see also the extract of a paper prepared by Sierra Osorio, 
subsequent to 1683, p. 227, infra. 

37 Urdifiola to the king, Durango, Mar. 31, 1604, p. 89, infra; the king to the governor 
of Nueva Vizcaya, Madrid, Mar. 27, 1651, ibid., p. 171. 

38 The king to the governor of Nueva Vizcaya, Madrid, Mar. 27, 165 1, ibid. 

39 Extract of a paper prepared by Sierra Osorio, undated, p. 227, infra; De la Fuente 
to Almazan, Janos, Sept. 18, 1693, ibid., p. 373. 

40 Bancroft, op. cit., I. 255, 520. 

41 M. Orozco y Berra, Geografia de las Lenguas y Carta Etnogrdiica de Mexico 
(Mexico, 1864), pp. 310-356; Bancroft, op. cit., I. 309-319, especially p. 310 for Orozco y 
Berra* s map of Nueva Vizcaya. 



Introduction 9 

the Conchos, and the Tobosos. The first-named group occupied the heart 
of the southern half of Nueva Vizcaya, or the region lying on either side 
of the direct road, seventy leagues long, that led from Durango northwest 
to the Real del Parral. To the west of the Tepehuanes, extending almost 
to the Gulf of California and north almost to the Sinaloa River, in the 
region known as Topia, was the home of the Acaxees, Xiximes, and kin- 
dred tribes. Northwest of the Tepehuanes and extending for about two- 
thirds of the one hundred leagues that separated the Real del Parral and 
the presidio of Janos was the region occupied by the Tarahumare Indians. 
Northeast of El Parral, in the valley of the Conchos River, were the 
Conchos Indians. To the northeast of the Tepehuanes and to the east 
of the Conchos Indians were the Tobosos and Coahuila Indians. 

A much more comprehensive grouping of the Indians of Nueva Viz- 
caya in the seventeenth century than that of Orozco y Berra and Ban- 
croft — a geographical rather than a linguistic grouping — was prepared 
by Don Joseph Francisco Marin, viceregal visitor of Nueva Vizcaya in 
1693. Marin divides Nueva Vizcaya into three major geographic areas, 
and for each area lists the tribes living therein. The sum total of tribes 
listed by Marin is 159. In some cases Marin recorded the indigenous 
names of the* tribes; in other cases the tribal names as given are merely 
descriptive Spanish phrases. 

According to Marin, seventy-eight nations, the names of which are 
hereinafter published, lived between Durango and La Junta de los Rios, 42 
a distance of between 150 and 180 leagues. The last eighteen nations in 
this list were discovered by General Juan de Retana on an expedition 
which he made to La Junta in July, 1693. 43 

On the opposite side of the Rio del Norte from La Junta and between 
the Texas country and New Mexico there were, according to Marin, 
fifty-four nations of Indians, the names of which are hereinafter pub- 
lished. They were described as " more peaceful than war-like ", although 
the Apaches were said to harass them continuously. In the region between 
the Rio Conchos on the east, New Mexico on the north, and the Gulf of 
California and the Colorado River on the west, there were, according to 
Marin, twenty-seven different nations, some of which, as the Pimas and 
the Apaches Cruzados, were numerous and wide-spread. 44 

The total number of Indians in Nueva Vizcaya in the seventeenth cen- 
tury cannot be approximated. However, according to Don Lope de Sierra 
Osorio, ex-governor of Nueva Vizcaya, and later an oidor of the Audien- 
cia of Mexico, the native population was very large. Writing in 1678 
Sierra Osorio said : " Within the jurisdiction of the kingdom of Nueva 
Vizcaya there are many distinct nations, some of which are very large. 

42 Marin to the viceroy, El Parral, Sept. 30, 1693, pp. 393, 395- 

43 Ibid., p. 395. 

44 Ibid. 



10 Introduction 

Those of the Tepehuanes, Tarahumares, and Conchos alone, in what has 
been explored, will total 300,000 families . . . each one [nation] occu- 
pying one hundred and fifty leagues of mountain range. When the In- 
dians at the last point to which the padres have gone are questioned as to 
whether there are more Indians further on, and on either side, they reply 
that the multitude is innumerable in every direction. Solely on the Rio 
del Norte . . . there are so many nations that with all their efforts the 
padres who are in that vicinity have not been able to learn their names." 45 

With respect to the Tobosos Indians, Sierra Osorio said in 1678 that 
eleven nations of hostiles lived to the right of the highway from Durango 
to El Parral, and that, " because the bravest among them are the Tobosos, 
all are commonly called by that name ". 46 Captain Juan Bautista de 
Escorza, after he had made a reconnoitring expedition through the coun- 
try to the east of Durango and El Parral in 1693, reported that he had 
found " many new people among the enemy, for the hostile Tobosos do 
not make up even the fourth of them ", 47 

With reference to the Conchos Indians, Sierra Osorio, subsequent to 
1683, said: "The other nations lately in rebellion . . . have different 
names such as Chizos, Julimes, and others which it is impossible to remem- 
ber, included under the general appellation of Conchos, which is the more 
general name." 48 

At different periods during the seventeenth century the Indian problem 
for the Spaniards of Nueva Vizcaya was different. During the first three- 
quarters of the seventeenth century the Spaniards were engaged in the 
pacification and Christianization, primarily, of the Tepehuanes, Acaxees, 
Tarahumares, and Conchos Indians. The task was no easy one ; nor does 
the credit for such success as was attained belong to any one governor or 
Indian fighter. Governor Urdifiola boasted in 1604 that as the result of 
a seven months' campaign he had " reduced to twenty-four the seventy- 
odd villages and rancherias " of the Acaxees in the Sierra of San An- 
dres. 49 That Governors Alvear, Mateo de Vesga, and Luis Valdes be- 
tween 1 6 16 and 1646 concentrated their greatest efforts on subduing the 
Tepehuanes, Tarahumares, Conchos, and other allied tribes, with the out- 
come long in the balance, is abundantly demonstrated in documents here- 
inafter published. 50 

After the middle of the century greater success attended the Spaniards 
in the pacification and conversion of these Indians. In 1678 ex-Governor 

45 Informe of Sierra Osorio, Mexico, 1678, p. 215, infra. 

46 Informe of Sierra Osorio, 1678, p. 213, infra; cf. paper prepared by him, 
ibid., p. 219. 

47 Escorza to Castillo, Cerro Gordo, July 13, 1693, p. 323, infra. 

48 Paper prepared by Sierra Osorio, subsequent to 1683, p. 221, infra. 

49 Urdifiola to the king, Durango, Mar. 31, 1604, p. 89, infra. 

50 See the account of the Tepehuane rebellion, 1616-1618, pp. 101-115, infra; papers of 
Governor Mateo de Vesga, 1620-1625, ibid., pp. 1 19-143; cedula to the governor of Nueva 
Vizcaya, Nov. 30, 1647, ibid., pp. 161, 163; cedula to the viceroy of New Spain, ibid., 
pp. 163, 165. 



Introduction 11 

Sierra Osorio asserted that he had " reduced to peace " all of the Tobosos 
Indians and had settled some of them at San Francisco de Conchos, 61 
twenty-two leagues northeast of the Real del Parral. 52 Sierra Osorio also 
reported that all of the Tepehuanes, Tarahumares, and Conchos Indians 
were peaceable, and that a certain number of them, " though very small ", 
had already been baptized and " reduced to the faith ". He added : " All 
the nations in the kingdom of Nueva Vizcaya and in New Mexico can be 
reduced to our holy faith in greater facility than others, and at much less 
cost, for, besides being the most gentle and docile, by special kindness of 
God, there is no idolatry among them, nor do the inhabitants worship 
anything living or dead. From this — since they do not practice idolatry 
. . . — your Majesty will be able to infer with what facility they may be 
reduced to our holy Catholic faith." 53 

Five years later, in 1693, the viceregal visitor, Marin, said : " The 
Tepehuanes Indians . . . for many years . . . have maintained strict 
fidelity and obedience. . . . The Tepehuanes and Tarahumares . . . are 
now highly Hispanicized, have some degree of culture, and greatly apply 
themselves to the raising of cattle and the cultivation of their lands." M 
Equally optimistic was Marin's report on the Indians of Sinaloa. " Any 
uprising ought not to be feared there ", he said, " because its inhabitants 
are naturally peaceable, are now rooted in the faith, and are devoted to 
the cultivation of their farms and the raising of their cattle." 53 

Despite some success of the Spaniards among the Tepehuanes, Tarahu- 
mares, and other tribes, the last two decades of the seventeenth century in 
general were characterized by marked apostasy among the Christianized 
Indians, and by the unprecedented hostilities of the heathen Indians all 
the way from Coahuila to Sonora. In part, these hostilities were inspired 
by the success of the Pueblo Indian rebellion of 1680-1692 in New 
Mexico ; 56 in large measure they were due to the " boldness and audacity " 
of the Indians and to their desire to plunder and to harass. 57 Captain 
Escorza, after his reconnoitring expedition through the Toboso country 
in 1693, reported that " the ancient enemies, who, under the name of 
Tobosos, have invaded these kingdoms for many years, are now driven 
by necessity itself and their own bad disposition to increase the ravages, 
for, having consumed the thousands of cattle and horses that roamed 
through these lands, they now have no recourse except to seize those 
raised by the Spaniards on their estates ". 58 Such was the hostility after 

51 Informe of Sierra Osorio, 1678, p. 213, infra. 

52 Paper prepared by Sierra Osorio ; subsequent to 1683, p. 221, infra. 

53 Informe of Sierra Osorio, pp. 215, 217, infra. 

54 Marin to the Count of Galve, El Parral, Sept. 3C, 26Q3, pp. 391, 401, infra. 

55 Ibid., p. 405; see also ibid., p. 389; and fiscal's opinion, Madrid, Apr. 1, 1698, p. 447, 
infra. 

56 Paper prepared by Sierra Osorio subsequent to 1683, p. 219, infra. 

57 Marin to the Count of Galve, El Parral, Sept. 30, 1693, p. 397, infra. 

58 Escorza to Castillo, Cerro Gordo, July 13, 1693, .p. 325, infra. 



12 Introduction 

1680 of the heathen Indians that it was only by the most heroic efforts 
that Governors Pardifias and Castillo between the years 1687 and 1695 
saved the province, as is related hereinafter, 59 from utter destruction. 

The instigators and leaders of the hostiles during these years were the 
ferocious and apostate Tobosos and their allies. Writing subsequent to 
1683, ex-Governor Sierra Osorio said that the Tobosos were " so desper- 
ate and valiant that they take or give no quarter and they make slaves of 
all the women and children whom they capture ". 60 Writing in 1693 tne 
visitor Marin graphically described the adept cunning and stratagem em- 
ployed by the hostiles in attacking the Spaniards both on the highways 
and on their ranches. 61 With reference to the perfidy of the Tobosos, 
Marin said : " They have failed time without number in the obedience 
which they promised, being apostates from the Evangelical law, which 
they profess, and the most pernicious and malevolent among them all. 
Furthermore they are the ones who instigate and turn many other nations 
among the Spaniards by exciting them with the great amount of booty 
which they have acquired through the carelessness of the latter." 62 Marin 
further reported that these hostiles entered Nueva Vizcaya " at the junc- 
tion of the Rio Florido and the Rio Conchos and by way of San Antonio, 
Las Cafias, La Herradura, Mapimi, and Rio Nazas ". 63 

The Indians that harassed the eastern and central sections of Nueva 
Vizcaya in the later seventeenth century were not only extremely fero- 
cious but were in a low stage of culture and in some instances were even 
cannibalistic. With reference to the Tobosos Indians and their environ- 
ment, ex-Governor Sierra Osorio said in 1678: " In all their land there 
is no river, arroyo, or spring that is perennial ; neither do they have towns 
nor do they plant crops, and, so far as I have observed on two occasions 
when I have passed through part of the region, there are neither birds nor 
animals." 64 In a later report Sierra Osorio said that the rebellious and 
barbarous Indians sustained themselves " more like wild beasts than as 
rational beings, by drinking filthy and corrupt water from some few 
lagoons, and the pools that the rain leaves for a while in the hollows of 
the rocks. When these fail they sustain themselves with juice of the wild 
fruits, roots, and the bark of plants and trees. At the same time they 
steal some cattle or horses . . . for their greatest treat is this kind of 
food. . . . And yet they are great endurers of hunger and thirst and 
other inclemencies of the weather to which they are subject through 
their exposure to the cold temperatures, as they use no other dress than 

69 See correspondence and autos of Pardifias, 1688-1692, infra, pp. 235-289 ; autos 
of Castillo, 1691-1694, ibid., pp. 291-362; autos and reports of Marin, 1693, pp. 365-411; 
fiscal's opinion, Madrid, Apr. 1, 1698, pp. 419-457. 

60 Paper prepared by Sierra Osorio subsequent to 1683, p. 219, infra. 

61 Marin to the Count of Galve, El Parral, Sept. 30, 1693, p. 397, infra. 

62 Ibid., p. 401. 

63 Fiscal's opinion, Madrid, Apr. 1, 1698, p. 437, infra. 

64 Informe of Sierra Osorio, Mexico, 1678, p. 213, infra. 



Introduction 13 

that granted them by nature. They have no settlement, nor community 
cultivation or planting of the land ". 65 

Sierra Osorio's description of the culture of the eastern Indians was 
corroborated by the visitor Marin in 1693. He said that the hostiles lived 
in the open like beasts, " obtaining their food by hunting, and much of the 
time living on reptilian animals ". 66 Marin also reported that " their 
principal food consists of horses and mules, and any filth that they may 
,find, even sometimes the bodies of Spaniards, as has many times hap- 
pened ". 67 Other evidence of cannibalism was not lacking. General 
Retana, a famed Indian fighter, reported in 1693 tnat some old women 
of the Chizos Indians had eaten alive a young Spanish female captive. 68 

There is no evidence that the Tepehuanes or Tarahumares, in the centre 
of the kingdom, were cannibals, but the ferocity of the latter is revealed 
by the fact that when a Spaniard was captured in the Tarahumare country 
in June, 1693, fifteen leagues from El Parral, the Indians skinned him 
alive " and committed other inhumanities that are not to be told ". 69 

Comparable to the ferocious and pernicious Tobosos and other hostiles 
on the eastern and northeastern frontiers of Nueva Vizcaya were the 
Pimas and Apaches, in the northwestern province of Sonora. In 1693 
the visitor Marin pointed out the necessity of " curbing the pride of the 
enemy Apaches and the numerous and wide-spread Pima nations ", who, 
he said, were " constantly attacking and committing hostilities " upon the 
inhabitants of Sonora. These Indians, Marin said, were accustomed to 
" enter by one of the following three routes — first through the Valle de 
Caaguiona, which is thirty leagues distant from the Real de San Juan; 
second, through the Valle de Babispe ; third, by that of Teuricache, nine 
leagues from the Real de Nacosari (which the enemy have almost depopu- 
lated by their constant raids)". 70 

In view of the character of the hostile Indians of Nueva Vizcaya, it is 
not surprising that various officials should have recommended that a war 
of extermination should be waged against them. Ex-Governor Sierra 
Osorio, for example, stated that in his opinion there was more justifica- 
tion in making war upon the hostiles and in enslaving them than there 
was in fighting and in enslaving the Turks, " for the latter ", he argued, 
" although they are the declared enemies of all Christendom, give quarter 
to all those who surrender without reaching the point of imbruing them- 
selves in the blood of those who by their sex, age or profession are de- 
fenseless ". 71 Similar or even more drastic recommendations were later 

65 Paper prepared by Sierra Osorio subsequent to 1683, p. 221, infra. 

66 Marin to the Count of Galve, El Parral, Sept. 30, 1693, p. 401, infra. 

67 Ibid., p. 397- 

68 Ibid. ; auto of Retana, pehol of Santa Marta, July 30, 1693, p. 335, infra. 
09 Castillo to the viceroy, Durango, Apr. 4 to May 2, 1693, p. 305, infra. 

70 Marin to the Count of Galve, El Parral, Sept. 30, 1693, p. 399, infra. 

71 Informe of Sierra Osorio, 1678, p. 213, infra. 



14 Introduction 

made by Governors Pardinas and Castillo and by the viceregal visitor 
Marin between 1688 and 1693. 

Although not a resident of Nueva Vizcaya proper, one of the unique 
characters of the northern frontier was Don Diego de Valdes, chief of 
the Nadadores tribe of Indians of Coahuila. Valdes won the respect and 
confidence not only of civilians and officials of the frontier, but even 
of the viceroy of New Spain. Injustices that were done him were the 
bases for the pronouncement of important regulations for the protection 
of loyal Indians by the viceroy. 

The loyalty of Valdes to the Spaniards and the aid that he had ren- 
dered to various military expeditions of the Spaniards against the hostile 
Indians were abundantly attested by certifications of captains and mili- 
tary chiefs of the frontier. His most highly prized possession, however, 
was a commission, and a " staff as governor of the Nadadores nation ", 
which the Count of Monclova, viceroy of New Spain between the years 
1686 and 1688, had given him. For some unexplained reason this staff 
was taken from Don Diego de Valdes — an act which filled him " with 
the greatest grief " — by Alonso de Leon, 72 governor of Coahuila, prior 
to the latter's death in March, 1691. 73 Through his attorney, Cristobal 
Vicente de Rivera, Don Diego petitioned the viceroy, the Count of Galve, 
to name Sargento Mayor Juan Bautista de Escorza of Nueva Vizcaya 
as protector of the Nadadores Indians, and to reinvest himself with author- 
ity as governor and with " the said staff ". The petition having been taken 
under advisement, the viceroy, upon the recommendation of the fiscal, 
Dr. Don Benito de Novoa Salgado, conformed with this request on 
May 31, 1 69 1. The viceroy instructed Escorza "to restore the staff of 
authority " to Don Diego de Valdes and also " everything that may have 
been taken, either from him or from other Indians, by Spaniards of bad 
character ". Likewise he was to make reparations for damages done to 
them. Under penalty of a fine of 500 pesos, all royal judges and justices 
were forbidden to place any impediments or embarrassments in the way 
of Escorza, and were instructed to expedite bills of indictment against 
any one who did oppose him. 

In his recommendations to the viceroy the fiscal had characterized the 
action of Captain De Leon in having deprived Don Diego of his staff 
as governor as " a very shameless effrontery, for what a viceroy gives an 
inferior cannot take away without consultation ". Altogether in accord 
with this attitude of his fiscal, the viceroy imposed a fine of 500 pesos 
upon any captain who, in the future, should " without consultation remove 
any person from an office filled by this Superior Government, for doing 
otherwise is to proceed boldly ". 74 

72 Decree of the viceroy, the Count of Galve, with enclosures, Mexico, May 31, 1691, 
PP. 335-339, infra. 

73 W. E. Dunn, Spanish and French Rivalry in the Gulf Region of the United States, 
1678-1702 (Austin, 1917), p. 129. 

74 Decree of the viceroy, the Count of Monclova, with enclosures, pp. 337, 339, infra. 



Introduction 15 

Later the commission issued to Escorza as protector of the Nadadores 
Indians was transferred by the viceroy to General Ignacio de Anaya. The 
latter, on June 9, 1692, in the presence of Captain Diego Ramon, gover- 
nor and captain of the presidio of Coahuila, formally notified Don Diego 
de Valdes that he was ready to give him and all of the Nadadores Indians 
" all the favor that his Excellency orders ". Don Diego was to be deprived 
of his most highly prized possession, however, for Anaya recorded that 
" as to the staff which his Excellency orders to be restored to him, it is 
impossible to fulfill that order because Governor Alonso de Leon is dead 
and no one knows in whose possession it was left ". Notwithstanding, 
he instructed all of the Nadadores Indians " to hold the said Captain 
Don Diego as their governor ". 75 

In July of the following year, 1693, some Chizos Indians from Nueva 
Vizcaya made a campaign into Coahuila, and among the booty later taken 
from them by General Juan de Retana was a " governor's title given to 
Don Diego de Valdes by the Count of Galve ". 76 

Meanwhile Don Diego had continued to enjoy the respect and confi- 
dence of at least two of his Spanish friends. On May 18, 1692, the month 
before his title as governor was, by order of the Count of Galve, restored 
to him, Don Juan Francisco Ruiz de Birbiesca commended Don Diego for 
" founding a mission of New Indians " ; sent him as presents a cloak and 
" a calabash full of rich brandy " ; and requested of him twenty-five In- 
dian laborers, under a competent foreman, to harvest his wheat crop. 77 
Equally cordial was another letter sent to Don Diego on the same day 
from Parras by Simon de Echavarria. The latter acknowledged the gift 
from Don Diego of two buckskins, requested Don Diego to send him a 
large bezal stone, and sent to the wife and son of Don Diego a blue baize 
skirt-pattern and a blanket, respectively. 78 

5. The civilian population of Nueva Vizcaya in the seventeenth century. 
Throughout the entire seventeenth century Nueva Vizcaya remained 
essentially a frontier province. The population of the kingdom was never 
large, nor were the settlers ever very prosperous or secure from Indian 
depredations, faf ts which the governors of the kingdom never ceased to 
bemoan. In 1604 Governor Urdifiola referred to " the poverty and lack 
of labor from which the settlers to-day in this large government suffer ". 79 
Durango in 1618 was a town of about one hundred settlers; 80 in 1693 it 
was referred to as the metropolis of the kingdom. 81 It was estimated in 
1678 that the entire kingdom of Nueva Vizcaya did not " contain more 

75 Auto of Anaya, Nadadores, June 9, 1692, pp. 339, 341, infra. 

7 * Auto of Retana, penol of Santa Marta, July 30, 1693, p. 333, infra. 

77 Birbiesca to Valdes, San Lorenzo, May 18, 1692, p. 341, infra. 

78 Echavarria to Don Diego Chechole, Parras, May 18, 1692, p. 343, infra. 

79 Urdifiola to the king, Durango, Mar. 31, 1604, p. 91, infra. 

80 A brief account of the Tepehuane rebellion, 1616-1618, p. 103, infra. 

81 Marin to the Count of Galve, El Parral, Sept. 30, 1693, p. 389, infra. 



16 Introduction 

than three hundred citizens ". 82 Ten years later Governor Pardinas com- 
plained that " the greater part of this kingdom has no Spanish population, 
for, since the war in it has been continuous, the Spaniards do not ven- 
ture to settle many parts that are very suitable for towns ". 83 In 1693, at 
which time the visitor Marin reported that Nueva Vizcaya was " being 
depopulated . . . and despoiled of everything ", the number of Spanish 
families living in the kingdom numbered " about five hundred, more or 
less "." 

The chief occupation of the settlers was mining and ranching. Despite 
the fact that mining was considerably retarded " on account of the poverty 
and sparseness of the population ", Governor Urdinola in 1604 reported 
that in the district of San Andres and Guanecebi alone there were " more 
than thirty discovered mines, and eight others in the valley of Santa 
Barbara and its vicinity ". 85 

Even the frontier province of Conchos was described in 1667 as " one 
of the most important of this kingdom, on account of the productions of 
its farms and silver mines ". 86 In the early '8o's there were said to have 
been in the jurisdiction of El Parral and its vicinity " more than thirty 
irrigated farms ", although at that time " not even four " had been planted 
as a result of the Indian laborers having retired to the mountains. 87 

Despite the paucity of the Spanish population the annual production 
of silver was very large. Governor Guajardo Fajardo, on October 7, 
165 1, advised the king that a train of wagons was at that time ready to 
leave with more than 20,000 marks of silver, which made a total of more 
than 80,000 marks that had been despatched from Nueva Vizcaya that 
year. 88 By 1678 the annual production of silver in Nueva Vizcaya was 
in excess of 150,000 marks, from which the king received " in fifths and 
tithes nearly 200,000 pesos ". At the Real del Parral alone in a fourteen- 
month period subsequent to 1678 there were mined 120,000 marks of 
silver. Despite the great production of silver, the miners themselves ap- 
pear not to have enjoyed opulence. Sierra Osorio, for instance, assured 
the king in 1678 that "because of the great poverty of the miners and 
excessive cost of the quicksilver and other ingredients " they were not able 
to deepen the mines. 89 Other exceedingly rich mining centres in the last 
decade of the century besides El Parral were those of Cusiguriachi and 
Urique, 90 to the west of the Real del Parral. 

82 Informe of Sierra Osorio, 1678, p. 215, infra. 

83 Pardinas to the king, El Parral, Nov. 21, 1688, p. 229, infra. 

84 Marin to the Count of Galve, El Parral, Sept. 30, 1693, pp. 391, 393, infra. 

85 Urdinola to the king, Durango, Mar. 31, 1604, p. 91, infra. 

86 Oca Sarmiento to the viceroy, El Parral, Mar. 12, 1667, p. 189, infra. 

87 Extract of a paper prepared by Sierra Osorio, subsequent to 1683, p. 225, infra. 

88 The king to the viceroy, May 23, 1652, p. 175, infra; the king to the governor of 
Nueva Vizcaya, May 23, 1652, ibid., pp. 177, 179. 

89 Informe of Sierra Osorio, 1678, p. 217, infra. 

90 Castillo to the viceroy, Durango, Apr. 4 to May 2, 1693, this volume, p. 313, fiscal's 
reply, Madrid, Apr. 2, 1698, p. 459, infra. 



Introduction 17 

A characterization of the frontier type of settler in Nueva Vizcaya that 
is of human interest was made by the viceregal inspector Marin in 1693 J 
it reveals a spirit of independence among the northward-moving Latins 
that was as indomitable as that of the westward-moving Anglo-Americans 
further north. Marin said : " This Real de Durango and the country sur- 
rounding it are peopled by farmers, merchants, and miners, and the same 
is true of the rest of the kingdom. Although they are solicitous for their 
own welfare they appear to be solicitous also for the royal service. They 
are much influenced by suavity and gentleness in their superiors, and the 
opposite by harshness; in fact, as a result of their dispositions being 
somewhat bellicose, they are extremely sensitive to the voices of some 
people which are naturally harsh. For this reason whoever governs them 
ought to employ all character of tact and gentleness and ought to accom- 
modate himself to this knowledge. ... By following a few such prece- 
dents he will keep them peaceful and obedient. The inhabitants readily 
engage in lawsuits, and since from Durango to Sonora they do not have 
a lawyer to advise them, each is a lawyer for himself, while all presume 
that justice and right are on their side." 91 

6. The military strength and presidial defenses of Nueva Vizcaya, 
1 604- 1 6p 3. During the first three-quarters of the seventeenth century 
the military forces of Nueva Vizcaya constituted a relatively simple 
organization, under the immediate and personal command or close super- 
vision of the governor. It was not until after 1680 that serious consid- 
eration and constructive effort were applied to the creation of a unified 
and well-organized chain of presidios and system of defense for the 
kingdom. 

The number of presidios in Nueva Vizcaya prior to 1686 has not been 
ascertained, but that they were few is certain. Reference was made by 
Governor Urdifiola in 1604 to a presidio in the country of the Acaxees 
Indians, at which it had been possible to reduce the number of soldiers. 92 
In 16 1 7 Bartolome Juarez was referred to as " captain of the presidio of 
San Hipolito among the Xiximes ", and Diego Martinez de Urdaide was 
referred to as the " captain of Sinaloa ", 93 

At the outbreak of the Tepehuane rebellion in the latter part of 1616 
it appears that there was not a presidio in the entire region north of 
Durango. At least not one is mentioned in the account of a lengthy recon- 
noitring and punitive expedition made by Governor Alvear through that 
region between December 19, 16 16, and March 4, 1617. On this expedi- 
tion, however, the governor left at Guanecebi " a presidio, with twenty- 

91 Marin to the Count of Galve, El Parral, Sept. 30, 1693, pp. 407, 409, infra. 

92 Urdifiola to the king, Durango, Mar. 31, 1604, p. 89, infra. Urdaide (sometimes 
spelled Hurdaide) was captain of the presidio of Sinaloa from 1600 to 1626. See H. E. 
Bolton and T. M. Marshall, The Colonization of North America, 1492-1783 (New York, 
1920), pp.237, 239. 

93 A brief account of the Tepehuane rebellion, 1616-1618, p. 109, infra. 



18 Introduction 

five soldiers, powder, and munitions ". Credence is given to the supposi- 
tion that there were no presidios north of Durango prior to the establish- 
ment of one at Guanecebi by the statement that during Governor Albear's 
absence " the affairs of war of the kingdom and the defense of Guadiana 
remained in charge of the lieutenant-general, Rafael de Gascue ". 9 * 

In the course of the Tepehuane rebellion, 1616-1618, the viceroy sent 
re-enforcements from Zacatecas and San Luis and later three companies 
of soldiers from Mexico City, " paid for eight months ". These soldiers 
were distributed by the governor " where they would serve the best pur- 
pose ". Before the rebellion was suppressed it was reported that the 
governor proposed " to hold the territory by presidios and to protect the 
roads by escorts ". 95 

During the administration of Governor Albear, 1620-1625, it appears 
that little change was made in the defense system of the kingdom. 
Cristobal Sanchez was " deputy chief-justice and captain of war of the 
said province and of the residents of the Valley of San Bartolome ", 
while Diego Martinez de Urdaide remained " captain of the said province 
[of Sinaloa] and lieutenant-governor and captain-general " of it. Refer- 
ence was also made to " the fort of Montesclaros " in Sinaloa. 96 

A proposal to establish a presidio north of Durango was taken under 
advisement by the viceroy as early as 1646. The excuse for recom- 
mending the establishment of this presidio was the rebellion near the 
middle of the century of the Tepehuane, Salineros, and other Indians of 
Nueva Vizcaya, at . which time Governor Valdes appealed to the viceroy 
for aid of men and money. The request was granted and beneficent re- 
sults followed; by the early part of 1646, at a cost to the crown of over 
50,000 pesos, the governor had reduced 2000 Indians to peace and had 
killed or hanged 1 50 others. 

As a result of this uprising and as a guaranty for the newly arranged 
peace, Governor Valdes- pointed out to the viceroy the desirability of 
establishing a new presidio at a place called Cerro Gordo, between 
Guadiana and El Parral. The governor stated that this new presidio 
could be established without extra cost to the crown by detailing for it 
men from other presidios of Nueva Vizcaya. The viceroy presented the 
matter to the king in a letter of February 26, 1646. But the king and the 
Council of the Indies, before passing upon the recommendation, requested 
the viceroy to furnish them more information concerning the entire propo- 
sition, and all related details, together with his own recommendations in 
the matter, 97 an action equivalent to tabling the proposition. 

94 A brief account of the Tepehuane rebellion, pp. 109, III, infra. 

95 Ibid., pp. 111-115, infra. 

96 Papers of Admiral Mateo de Vesga, 1620-1622, p. 131, infra; Coronado's report, 
Durango, Apr. 30, 1625, p. 149, infra. 

97 The king to the governor of Nueva Vizcaya, Madrid, Nov. 30, 1647, p. 161, infra ; 
the king to the viceroy, Madrid, Jan. 18, 1648, ibid., p. 163. 



Introduction 19 

Shortly after the middle of the seventeenth century a dispute of con- 
siderable importance arose over the divided military authority in Nueva 
Vizcaya of the viceroy of New Spain and the governor and captain- 
general of Nueva Vizcaya. The bases of the dispute, according to 
Governor Don Diego Guajardo Fajardo, were as follows : The presidio 
of Sinaloa, since its foundation, had been subject to the government of 
Nueva Vizcaya, but the viceroys of New Spain had " arrogated to them- 
selves the garrisoning of it, with the tacit permission of " the predeces- 
sors of Guajardo Fajardo, and, with " no wider jurisdiction than the 
presidio ", were endeavoring in 1650 " to extend their jurisdiction and to 
establish their authority in the province of Sonora ". 98 

This was being attempted despite the fact that Captain Don Pedro de 
Perea had made a contract with the viceroy, the Marquis of Cadereyta, 
as early as 1636, " for the settlement of Sonora under certain conditions, 
one of which was that he was to apply to the governor of Nueva Vizcaya 
to issue him title as justicia mayor and captain of war of the said province 
of Sonora, since it was a district of that government; in conformity with 
this arrangement he was to be subject to orders issued to him from Nueva 
Vizcaya "." Governor Guajardo Fajardo claimed that after the death 
of Captain Perea " the governors of Nueva Vizcaya continued making 
appointments " to the office of justicia mayor and captain of war of 
Sonora. However,. the captains of the presidios of Sinaloa, "with no 
other purpose than that of extending their authority over Sonora ", at- 
tempted to free themselves not only from the subordination which they 
have to the governor of Nueva Vizcaya, " but even from the adminis- 
tration of justice of that province [Sinaloa]". Moreover they " endeav- 
ored to prevent possession of the office " of justicia mayor and captain of 
war by persons appointed by the governor of Nueva Vizcaya. 100 

During the administration of Governor Guajardo Fajardo the dispute 
over the divided authority in military matters in Nueva Vizcaya first 
became serious, and in the following manner : In the course of his efforts 
to pacify the Tarahumara province, Governor Guajardo Fajardo commis- 
sioned Simon Laso de la Vega as justicia mayor and captain of war of 
Sonora, and instructed him to pacify and explore that province. In this 
work De la Vega was obstructed and opposed by the presidial captains of 
Sinaloa 101 and finally met death in a suspicious manner. Later, when 
Governor Guajardo Fajardo despatched an expedition to Sonora by 
way of Sinaloa under General Juan B. Morales to investigate the mur- 
der of De la Vega and to reassemble his dispersed soldiers, Don 
Pedro Porter Casanate, alcalde mayor of Sinaloa, and also at that time 
captain of the presidio of Sinaloa, " desiring to foment rivalries or to 

98 The king to the governor of Nueva Vizcaya, Mar. 27, 1651, p. 171, infra. 
"The king to the viceroy, May 23, 165 1, p. 173, infra. 

100 Ibid., p. 173. 

101 The king to the governor of Nueva Vizcaya, Mar. 26, 1651, p. 171, infra. 

3 



20 Introduction 

originate them between the governments of New Spain and Nueva Viz- 
caya ", placed obstructions in the way of the expedition. As a result " the 
assistance was not received nor was it possible to investigate or punish 
the crime of the death of Simon Laso ". 102 

With the hope of ending the uncertainty as to whether the viceroy of 
New Spain or the governor and captain-general of Nueva Vizcaya had 
authority in Sinaloa and Sonora, Governor Guajardo Fajardo as early as 
January 19, 1650, petitioned the king " to declare to whom belonged the 
government of those provinces, in order that each one may restrain him- 
self within the limits which belong to him ". 103 In a later letter, of Febru- 
ary 26, 1 65 1, Governor Guajardo Fajardo requested the king to order 
that all of the presidios of Nueva Vizcaya either be placed under the con- 
trol of the viceroy of New Spain, " or else be all at once taken from his 
jurisdiction, for the purpose of preventing rivalries ". 104 

This uncertainty with regard to military authority in Nueva Vizcaya 
produced much instability and insecurity throughout that kingdom and 
seriously threatened to retard the mining industry. On October 7, 1651, 
Governor Guajardo Fajardo advised the king that " the dangers are so 
continuous . . . from the invasions of the Indians that there is not an 
hour of security, for it is necessary at all times to be giving aid in arms, 
munitions and men to different places ". Complaint was also made by the 
governor that the viceroy had not answered his various appeals for aid or 
his suggestions that the viceroy " provide a remedy for the many in- 
juries ". He expressed the fear that the Indians would depopulate the 
entire kingdom unless the king adopted some remedial measures. 105 

The king, by way of reply, on May 23, 1652, praised Governor Gua- 
jardo Fajardo for his efforts to pacify the rebellious Tarahumares and 
advised him to continue these efforts until he had secured the complete 
pacification of the Indians. He also instructed the governor to keep the 
viceroy advised concerning developments and his own needs, and to see 
that the pacification proceeded with as little loss as possible, " first using 
the mild methods of friendship and kind treatment toward them ". On 
the same day the king wrote to the viceroy to give the governor of Nueva 
Vizcaya " all the help he needs to accomplish the desired end ", and to 
submit to him evidence bearing upon, and his own personal opinion con- 
cerning, what the governor had said with respect to the contract alleged 
to have been made in 1636 between the viceroy and Captain Pedro de 
Perea for the settlement of the province of Sonora. 106 

102 The king to the viceroy, May 23, 1652, pp. 173, 175, infra. 

103 The king to the governor of Nueva Vizcaya, Mar. 27, 165 1, p. 171, infra. 

104 The king to the viceroy, May 23, 1652, p. 175, infra. 

105 Ibid. ; the king to the governor of Nueva Vizcaya, pp. 177, 179. 

106 The king to the viceroy, May 23, 1652, p. 177, infra; the king to the governor 
of Nueva Vizcaya, May 23, 1652, pp. 177, 179. 



Introduction 21 

An early recommendation aiming at a systematic reorganization of the 
military defenses of Nueva Vizcaya was made by Governor Oca Sar- 
miento in 1667. He proposed that ten soldiers and four Indian allies 
should be stationed in each of " ten watch-towers " to be located " at the 
places where the enemy enters our lands ", and distributed in such a man- 
ner that they " would support each other and keep the enemy subject to 
the cordon of watch-towers thus formed ", and would at the same time 
" divide the enemy from the friendly Indians ". He stated that these 
watch-towers might be garrisoned without added expense to the king 
save for eight additional soldiers — thereby implying that the number of 
soldiers at that time was ninety-two — and 6000 pesos at the outset for the 
construction of the watch-towers. 107 

As late as 1670 the question of divided military authority in Nueva 
Vizcaya, which had been raised by Governor Guajardo Fajardo twenty 
years earlier, was still unsettled. At that time the viceroy of New Spain 
had under his immediate jurisdiction the presidios of Sinaloa, Cerro 
Gordo, and San Sebastian ; at these three presidios there were in all three 
captains, seventy-five soldiers, and one Indian spy. The salary of each 
of these presidials was 350 pesos. At the same time the governor of 
Nueva Vizcaya exercised authority over the presidios of Santa Catalina, 
among the Tepehuanes, and San Hipolito, among the Xiximes, each with 
a captain, nine soldiers, and thirty field soldiers. Each of these presidials 
drew an annual salary of 450 pesos. As a result of this divided responsi- 
bility the Indians were not kept in subjection, for the governors excused 
" themselves from assisting by saying that they do not have a sufficient 
force, because the forces in the said presidios " which were under the 
charge of the viceroy did not obey them. Conscious of the difficulties 
with reference to the defense and security of Nueva Vizcaya because of 
this situation, and desirous of ascertaining whether it would be wise to 
place all of the presidios under the jurisdiction of the governor, the queen 
regent on September 6, 1670, instructed the viceroy to report to her with 
his own recommendations upon the matter. 108 

The question of the divided military authority in Nueva Vizcaya of 
the governor of that kingdom and of the viceroy of New Spain was par- 
tially settled in 1682. In that year a cedula placed under the control of 
the governor the presidios of Sinaloa, Cerro Gordo, and San Sebastian, 
which theretofore had been under the control of the viceroy. Such an 
arrangement, it was pointed out, would enable the viceroy to " have in 
equal degree the superior government of all " and would also enable him 
" to avail himself of these forces without opposition in urgencies " that 
might occur. 109 

107 Oca Sarmiento to the viceroy, El Parral, Mar. 12, 1667, p. 191, infra. 

108 The queen regent to the viceroy, Madrid, Sept. 6, 1670, p. 205, infra. 

109 Extract of a paper prepared by Sierra Osorio subsequent to 1683, p. 227, infra. 



22 Introduction 

One of the most illuminating reports upon conditions in general in 
Nueva Vizcaya in the later seventeenth century was made, subsequent to 
1683, by Don Lope de Sierra Osorio, former governor of that kingdom. 
With reference to the military defense of Nueva Vizcaya, Sierra Osorio 
pointed out the necessity of establishing " two presidios of fifty men 
each " at El Gallo and Cuencame, which were the principal places from 
which the hostiles sallied forth to do their damage. This would " close 
the doors " to the Indians and would " make safe commerce and travel 
in those provinces ". These two new presidios, together with the one 
already at Cerro Gordo, would constitute a series of defenses " in a line 
formed from Sombrerete ... to the Real del Parral ". This line, one 
hundred leagues long, should, Sierra Osorio said, be " divided off in con- 
venient distances to allow communication from one presidio to another, 
and to reconnoitre and watch the intervening spaces ". 

Sierra Osorio also favored the establishment at San Francisco de Con- 
chos of a presidio as a means of holding some nations in check, depriving 
others of communication, and preventing the outrages and robberies that 
were common in that district. The soldiers of this presidio, together with 
thirty field soldiers that already constituted a field company with head- 
quarters at El Parral, should, Sierra Osorio thought, co-operate in oppos- 
ing possible Indian incursions. 

By the above disposition of the military forces of the kingdom Sierra 
Osorio believed that safety would be assured to the mining camps, and, 
*as a result of this safety, that old mining camps would be reopened and 
some security would be given to defenseless towns, farms, cattle ranches, 
and charcoal establishments which were necessary for the " conservation 
and working of the mines ". Likewise this line of defense would separate 
the settled and subjugated districts of Nueva Vizcaya from the 
" supremely rough and almost impenetrable " country of the barbarous 
and hostile Indians. Sierra Osorio stated that theretofore many Indians 
" impelled by their own interests " had worked on the mines and farms 
of the Spaniards. But because they then lacked those " interests ", with 
consequent loss to farming and mining, and because they were " rebels 
and apostates ", Sierra Osorio thought that war should be " made upon 
them resolutely, without lifting a hand from it ", until they were reduced 
or subjected. 

Sierra Osorio urged that the viceroy, in view of so much that was at 
stake, should be ordered, in case he could not go in person to Nueva Viz- 
caya, " to apply his whole attention, zeal, and care " to the matter of the 
defense of Nueva Vizcaya, and to assist the governor with " money and 
all character of supplies of soldiers, arms, horses, and provisions " that 
he might need. He also recommended that the governors should be al- 
lowed to appoint the captains of the three new presidios which he pro- 
posed should be erected at El Gallo, Cuencame, and San Francisco de 



Introduction 23 

Conchos and to have perpetual control over them, the governor being 
obligated to appoint to these positions only men of good military 
experience. 110 

At the beginning of the last decade of the seventeenth century the mili- 
tary administration in Sinaloa and Sonora demanded the consideration 
of the provincial and viceregal authorities. As a proposed means of curb- 
ing Indian hostilities that were being committed in Nueva Galicia, Sina- 
loa, and adjacent provinces, the president of the Audiencia of Guadala- 
jara and the alcalde mayor of Sinaloa recommended to the viceroy in 1690 
that a new presidio should be established for that region. A junta de 
guerra, upon taking the recommendations under advisement on August 2, 
1690, requested the president of the Audiencia of Guadalajara to secure 
the sworn statements of a number of experienced persons with reference 
to the most suitable site for the proposed new presidio. Most of the per- 
sons consulted on this matter favored Orachiche as the most suitable site. 
At the same time the advantages of moving the presidio of Sinaloa to 
Los Cedros, which was " beyond the Real de los Frailes ", was also 
pointed out. The erection of the new presidio and the removal of that of 
Sinaloa was recommended by the president of the Audiencia, but, as a 
result of the fiscal, in the interest of economy, having opposed this joint 
proposition, it fell through. 

The proposition calling for the removal of the presidio of Sinaloa 
came up again however. On February 12, 1691, Governor Pardinas wrote 
to the viceroy that the presidio of Sinaloa was no longer necessary where 
it was, and recommended that it be removed to a site below Gentiles, mid- 
way between Sonora and Sinaloa. In March, 1691, Juan Ruiz de Mon- 
toya and Sebastian de Deymas Ardilaga, " persons thoroughly and per- 
sonally acquainted with the provinces of Sonora and Sinaloa ", expressed 
the opinion that the presidio of Sinaloa was an " unprofitable and useless 
expense ", and that it would be desirable to move it to the site of Teuri- 
cache. In June of the same year Don Francisco Marmolejo, former oidor 
of the Audiencia of Mexico, and auditor-general of the junta de guerra, 
supported the recommendations of Pardinas and favored at the same 
time the creation of a flying company to be composed in part of soldiers 
from the presidio of Sinaloa. 

In view of these representations and reports a junta de hacienda on 
July 18, 1 69 1, resolved to create a flying company, under the captaincy of 
Francisco Ramirez Salazar, " in order that he might constantly patrol the 
provinces of Sonora " At the same time action on the proposed removal 
of the presidio of Sinaloa was deferred. 

News that the authorities had had under consideration the proposal to 
suppress the presidio of Sinaloa drew from its captain, Don Manuel de 
Agramont, on January 31 and February 4, 1692, vigorous representations 

110 Sierra Osorio, pp. 219-227, infra. 



24 Introduction 

with reference " to the importance of maintaining the presidio of Sinaloa 
and of the drawbacks and difficulties of supplying soldiers to the flying 
company "of Captain Ramirez de Salazar. Captain Agramont was sup- 
ported in these representations by Fathers Bernabe de Soto and Ambrosio 
Odon, Jesuit provincials, and by Father Manuel Gonzales, rector of the 
College of Oposura. 111 The beginning of 1693 found Captain Salazar 
still in command of forty-three men, including an armorer, at the presidio 
of Sinaloa; all of these, he declared, were needed, " and even more ". In 
addition seven men from Sinaloa were then in Sonora. Agramont urged 
the viceroy to order these men to return, for, as he naively expressed 
himself, " if this presidio [of Sinaloa] be diminished, that is, if a thing 
so small can be diminished, it will surely put the Yaqui and Sonora coun- 
try in danger of being lost ". 112 

In Sonora, in the latter part of 1692 the situation, because of the con- 
tinued " robberies, murders, and atrocities " of the hostiles, and also the 
death of the alcalde mayor, was a gloomy one for the settlers of that 
province. As a temporary measure, designed to check the hostiles and 
hold that distant frontier, the viceroy gave instructions that twenty sol- 
diers from the presidio of Sinaloa and ten from those of Cuencame and 
El Gallo should be sent at once to Sonora under Captain Francisco 
Ramirez de Salazar. Upon arriving in Sonora Salazar found that his 
force was not sufficient to cope with the situation, and, despite the remon- 
strances of the demoralized settlers, went to Mexico City to lay the situa- 
tion before the viceroy. His departure was the occasion for the hostiles 
to renew their sanguinary attacks and depredations upon the Spaniards, 
with the result that mining and commerce were greatly retarded. Mean- 
while Salazar's mission had been successful, but he died at Zacatecas 
while en route to Sonora with fifty soldiers which the viceroy had granted 
to him. News of Salazar's death having reached Sonora, the deputy 
alcaldes mayores of five mining settlements, including that of the capital, 
San Juan Bautista, sent urgent appeals to the viceroy for the fifty soldiers 
to be sent on at once. They supported their request by giving details of 
recent atrocities committed by the Sonora, Soba, Guipuru, and Pima 
Indians, and by voicing their convictions that the Christian Indians were 
on the point of joining the hostiles, which, if true, would in their opinion 
mean the definite loss of the entire province. 113 

The recommendations that three presidios be established in Nueva 
Vizcaya, which were made by ex-Governor Sierra Osorio subsequent to 
1683, appear to have been adopted, either in whole or in part, for in 1693 
the viceregal inspector, Don Joseph Francisco Marin, referred to the 
"presidios which were erected in the year 1686 to check the barbarous 

111 Fiscal's opinion, Madrid, Apr. 1, 1698, p. 445, infra. 

112 Agramont to the viceroy, Sinaloa, Apr. 22, 1693, p. 317, infra. 

113 The residents of Sonora to the viceroy, San Juan Bautista, Feb. 6, 1693, pp. 291- 
2 97, infra ; fiscal's report, Madrid, Apr. 1, 1698, ibid., pp. 423-429. 



Introduction 25 

hostilities of the Indians ". 114 In September, 1693, at the time that Marin 
made a report upon the military strength of Nueva Vizcaya, 115 374 sol- 
diers, under the command of nine captains, making a total of 383 men, 
constituted the military force of that kingdom. These men were distrib- 
uted at seven presidios and in two field companies, as follows : 

At the presidio of Santa Catalina de Tepehuanes, on the direct road, 
seventy leagues long, that led from Durango to the Real del Parral, 
Captain Don Benito Pereda y Morales was in command of eight soldiers. 
This road by way of Santa Catalina had " slight security " because squads 
of Tobosos constantly spied upon it. Three presidios, namely, El Pasaje, 
El Gallo, and Cerro Gordo, were located along the road, 100 leagues long, 
that led from Durango to the Real del Parral by way of Cuencame. This 
road was more frequently travelled than the direct road by way of Santa 
Catalina because of the greater security afforded by the three presidios. 

At the first of these presidios, El Pasaje, 116 which was thirty leagues 
from Durango, Captain Juan Bautista de Escorza was in command of 
fifty men. Twenty-four leagues from El Pasaje was the presidio of 
El Gallo, where Captain Luis de Quintana was in command of another 
fifty soldiers. At the presidio of Cerro Gordo, which was twenty-two 
leagues from El Gallo and twenty-four leagues below the Real del Parral, 
Captain Martin de Ugalde was in command of twenty-three soldiers. The 
Real del Parral was the headquarters for a field company, consisting of 
fifty soldiers, under the command of Captain Antonio de Medina, al- 
though fifteen soldiers of this company were usually kept at Durango. 
Twenty-two leagues northeast of the Real del Parral was the presidio of 
San Francisco de Conchos. There General Juan Fernandez de Retana 
was captain of fifty soldiers. One hundred leagues northwest of the Real 
del Parral, 117 and approximately seventy leagues southwest of the pueblo 
of El Paso, 118 was the presidio of Janos, situated in the province by that 
name. There Captain Juan Fernandez de la Fuente was in command of 
fifty soldiers. This presidio, prior to 1693, had been the principal defense 
for " the entire province of Sonora ", which extended for more than 
another 150 leagues beyond. More than 150 leagues west of the Real del 
Parral was the presidio of Montesclaros, situated in the province of 
Sinaloa. There Don Manuel de Agramont y Arce was in command of 
forty-three soldiers, 119 although for many years fifteen soldiers from that 

114 Marin to the viceroy, El Parral, Sept. 30, 1693, p. 387, infra. 

115 For this report, see pp. 391, 393, infra. 

116 Governor Castillo referred in 1693 to "the said presidio of El Pasaje and Cuen- 
came" (Castillo's orders to Escorza, Durango, Apr. 2, 1693, p. 299, infra). From this 
it is inferred that El Pasaje and Cuencame were adjacent to each other. 

117 Marin to the viceroy, El Parral, Sept. 30, 1693, pp. 393, 405, infra ; fiscal's 
opinion, Madrid, Apr. 1, 1698, ibid., p. 431. 

118 Hughes, op. cit., p. 311. 

119 Marin to the viceroy, El Parral, Sept. 30, 1693, p. 393, infra ; fiscal's opinion, 
Madrid, Apr. 1, 1698, ibid., p. 431. 



26 Introduction 

presidio had served in Sonora for its defense. This had been possible 
because the presidio of Montesclaros was " in a quiet province and one 
peaceful for many years " prior to 1693. Marin felt that no uprising need 
be feared there because its inhabitants were " naturally peaceable . . . 
rooted in the faith . . . and devoted to the cultivation of their farms 
and the raising of cattle ". For these reasons Marin thought that the 
presidio of Montesclaros might be suppressed. His plans also called for 
the ultimate suppression of the presidio of Santa Catalina. 120 

Prior to Marin's report of his inspection, made to the viceroy in Sep- 
tember, 1693, seventy additional soldiers had been sent that year to Nueva 
Vizcaya. Twenty of these had gone to reinforce the field company of 
thirty soldiers with headquarters at the Real del Parral; and, for the 
greater defense of Sonora, fifty soldiers, constituting a field company, 
had been sent to that province from New Mexico under the command of 
Don Domingo Jironza Petriz de Cruzate, former governor of the latter 
province. 121 The annual appropriation in 1693 ^ or tne maintenance of all 
of the soldiers of Nueva Vizcaya, including 6000 pesos allowed for a 
peace and war fund with which to remunerate loyal Indians, exceeded 
170,000 pesos. 122 

7. Missionary progress in Nueva Viscaya. Bancroft's chapters, " An- 
nals of Nueva Vizcaya, 1600-1640 ", and " Nueva Vizcaya History, 
1641-1700 ", 123 together with the references therein cited, constitute basic 
sources for a study of the ecclesiastical organization and religious de- 
velopment in Nueva Vizcaya in the seventeenth century. Bancroft in fact 
emphasizes these subjects, very largely to the exclusion of the narrative 
of political developments. On the other hand, in the documents herein- 
after printed, there are only incidental references to the ecclesiastical 
organization and missionary progress in Nueva Vizcaya. 

A memorandum of the baptized Indians under religious administration 
of the Franciscans and Jesuits in Nueva Vizcaya during the administra- 
tion of Governor Vesga, 1620- 162 5, reveals the marked progress — the 
discouraging report given by Bancroft notwithstanding — which had at- 
tended and was attending the efforts of those missionaries. In the prov- 
ince of Sinaloa the Jesuits had no competition and there they realized 
their greatest achievements. In that province eighteen Jesuits were ad- 
ministering to 85,428 persons; at each of two pueblos as many as ten 
thousand persons were being ministered to by one missionary. In the 
provinces and districts of Nueva Vizcaya other than that of Sinaloa 
eighteen Jesuits ministered to 9042 persons; twelve Franciscans minis- 
tered to 4684 persons; and two lay licenciados and one lay bachiller 
ministered to 2409 persons. The total number of persons under religious 

120 Marin to the viceroy, El Parral, Sept. 30, 1693, pp. 405, 407, infra. 

121 Ibid., pp. 391-409; fiscal's reply, Madrid, Apr. 1, 1698, p. 431, infra. 

122 Marin to the viceroy, El Parral, Sept. 30, 1693, p. 407, infra. 

123 Bancroft, op. cit., I. 303-336, 337S72- 



Introduction 27 

ministration of the Franciscans and Jesuits in Nueva Vizcaya at the close 
of the first quarter of the seventeenth century, therefore, was 101,563. 
The names of the thirty missionaries and the three lay administrators, 
together with the number of persons to whom each ministered, are here- 
inafter published. 124 A member of the Order of Saint Augustine is men- 
tioned as curate and vicar at Guanecebi in 1622. 125 

Some slight information is thrown upon the achievements of the Fran- 
ciscans in Nueva Vizcaya in a report made by Fray Lorenzo Cantu, a 
Franciscan, of an official inspection which he made in 1650. Fray Cantu 
and his associates left Santiago Babonoyaba on May 9, 1650, and trav- 
elled twenty-eight leagues in seven days, visiting en route the Tepehuane 
pueblos of Santa Ysabel, San Andres, San Bernabe, and San Gregorio 
Yaguna. At the two last-named pueblos he baptized fifty- four infants; 
San Bernabe was rechristened by Fray Cantu, San Bernabe del Nombre 
de Dios. Across the river from the latter place Fray Cantu located a site 
for a church and a monastery and arranged for the denouncement of the 
title to the same. On this expedition Fray Cantu found the Indians alto- 
gether friendly and hospitable and anxious for the Franciscan " white 
fathers " to live among and minister to them. The smaller number of 
Indians whom he saw with bows and arrows he interpreted as " a sure 
sign that they were at peace and quiet in their towns ". Fray Cantu ad- 
vised Governor Guajardo Fajardo on May 21, 1650, that he had decided 
to remain at San Bernabe del Nombre de Dios in order to " erect a temple 
to God and a house and monastery " in which he might live, and from 
where he might minister to the natives of six other pueblos within a 
radius of twenty-four leagues of San Bernabe del Nombre de Dios. 126 

In Nueva Vizcaya, as elsewhere, the missions were supposed to be secu- 
larized within a few years after their establishment, but, as elsewhere, 
the secularization of missions in Nueva Vizcaya was attended with some 
irregularities. The bishop of Durango complained to the queen regent 
that as the Jesuit missions were secularized many parish priests — unwill- 
ing to comply with various royal and ecclesiastical provisions which re- 
quired them to pass a satisfactory examination in the Indian languages 
in which they were to give religious instruction — were obliged to hear 
confessions through an interpreter. In reply, the queen regent on Septem- 
ber 6, 1670, instructed the bishop to give the matter careful and prompt 
attention and " to take action to remedy such a defect ". 127 

124 "Account and memorandum of the baptized Indians governed in the provinces of 
Nueva Vizcaya ", etc., pp. 1 53-159, infra. Compare this account with Bancroft, op. cit., 
PP- 335S36, and authorities therein cited. For an account dealing with Jesuit missions 
in Nueva Vizcaya in 1678, see the Relacion of the inspection of Juan Ortiz Zapata, in 
Documentos para la Historia Eclesidstica y Civil de la Nueva-Vizcaya, in Docuntentos 
para la Historia de Mexico, fourth ser., III. 301-419. 

12B Papers of Admiral Mateo de Vesga, 1620- 1622, p. 131, infra. 

126 Cantu's report, Santiago de Babonoyaba, May 21, 1650, pp. 167-171, infra. 

127 The queen regent to the bishop of Nueva Vizcaya, Madrid, Sept. 6, 1670, p. 203, 
infra. 



28 Introduction 

Missionary efforts had been begun at La Junta de los Rios, at the 
junction of the Rio del Norte and Conchos rivers, probably as early as 
1670, but by missionaries from New Mexico 128 in the jurisdiction of the 
Custodia de San Pablo de Nuevo Mexico. 129 Little was accomplished at 
first, but after the Pueblo Indian revolt in 1680 and the establishment 
of settlements near El Paso by the Spanish refugees from New Mexico, 130 
missionaries from El Paso became very greatly interested in the conver- 
sion of the Indians at La Junta. Serious missionary work was begun 
there in 1683 and within one year seven missions had been built by mis- 
sionaries from New Mexico for nine tribes living on either side of the 
Rio del Norte, 131 in what was unquestionably Nueva Vizcayan territory. 
A serious rebellion of the Conchos and Julimes Indians occurred in the 
summer of 1684, but the Christian Indians at La Junta remained faith- 
ful and escaped to El Parral, taking their priests and the vessels and orna- 
ments of the churches with them. 132 In the late spring or early summer 
Father Fray Agustin de Colina became president of the Franciscan mis- 
sions at La Junta. There, " with the consolation that comes from obe- 
dience ", he labored for one year and seven months, subject, in religious 
matters, to the custodio of New Mexico, with headquarters then at El 
Paso, and, in secular matters, under the orders of the governor of Nueva 
Vizcaya. 133 1 

In November, 1693, Governor Castillo requested the viceroy to make 
appropriations for missionaries for 2500 persons comprising the Sunigu- 
gligla and Batayogligla nations and for eleven other friendly nations of 
the Rio del Norte. When the request was considered in Mexico City the 
fiscal recommended that first the royal officials of Durango and Zacatecas 
should report whether there had ever been any money paid through their 
offices for missionaries to these Indians. 134 

With reference to the fiscal's recommendations, a junta de hacienda in 
Mexico City on December 19, 1693, ordered that the Franciscan provin- 
cial of the province of Zacatecas should be requested to name four mis- 
sionaries to instruct the Indians at La Junta de los Rios and to give notice 
of their departure for La Junta in order that he might " be assisted with 
alms from the real hacienda ".. At the same time the royal treasury offi- 
cials were asked to " report as to whether there had been ministers in the 

128 Hughes, op. cit., pp. 330-331. 

129 See note 29, supra ; Father Colina to Pardifias, Nov. 18, 1688, pp. 245-249, infra ', 
and auto of Pardifias, El Parral, July 7, 1692, p. 285. 

130 See C. W. Hackett, " The Retreat of the Spaniards from New Mexico in 1680, and 
the Beginnings of El Paso", in Southwestern Historical Quarterly, XVI. 137-168, 
250-276. 

131 Hughes, op. cit., pp. 331-333 ; Bolton and Marshall, op. cit., p. 245. 

132 Hughes, op. cit., p. 358. 

133 Father Colina to Governor Pardifias, San Pedro de Conchos, Nov. 18, 1688, 
pp. 245-249, infra; auto of Pardifias, El Parral, July 7, 1692, ibid., p. 285. For the office 
of custodio, see note 29, supra. 

134 Opinion of the fiscal, Mexico, Dec. 16, 1693, pp. 357, 359, infra. 



Introduction 29 

said places at any other time and whether they had been paid from the 
royal depositories 'V 35 On February 9, 1694, in answer to the viceroy's 
request for information, the royal officials at Durango reported that 
according to the books of that royal auditor's office no payment had been 
made " since time immemorial " at that treasury of any sum designated 
as aid for any mission " in the region known as La Junta de los Rios ". 
In giving this answer the officials advised that there were seven missions 
located " eight or ten leagues beyond where the last reduced nations " 
were settled and that the distance from each of these missions to the next 
was about the same. These missions were San Pedro de Conchos, Santa 
Maria Natividad, San Pedro de Alcantara de Amiquipa, Santa Ana del 
Torreon, Santiago Baunoyava, Santa Ysabel, and Casas Grandes. To 
each mission there was annually appropriated, by order of the king, one 
hundred pesos in money and fifty fanegas of corn, valued at three pesos 
for each fanega, thereby making a total annual appropriation for each 
mission of 250 pesos. 136 

The mission of San Pedro de Conchos in 1693 ministered to six pueblos 
of Indians, namely, San Pedro, San Lucas, Santa Cruz, San Pablo, Nues- 
tra Senora de Guadalupe, and San Antonio de Julimes. The distance 
from the first-named to the last-named of these pueblos was twelve 
leagues, and it was very difficult for only one missionary to do everything 
that was required. For this reason Governor Castillo on October 20 re- 
quested the viceroy to make provision for another missionary for this 
group of seven pueblos. 137 

8. Spain's Indian and paternalistic policy as exemplified in Nueva 
Galicia and Nueva Vizcaya in the seventeenth century. That the Spanish 
Indian policy was benevolent and humanitarian by intention but that the 
theory and the application of the policy were widely divergent, resulting 
too often in the practical enslavement of the natives, has been indicated 
in a previous section. 138 Documents, hereinafter published, indicate to a 
certain degree the extent of the divergence between the theory and the 
application of Spain's Indian policy in Nueva Galicia and Nueva Vizcaya 
during the seventeenth century. They illustrate fully the fact that the 
crown of Spain, in theory, was ever solicitous for the welfare and spiritual 
uplift of those whom it regarded as its wards — the natives of the Indies. 

The king was informed in 1601 that cattle ranches of the Spaniards, 
in violation of the laws of the Indies, were encroaching upon the towns 
and cultivated fields of the Indians of Nueva Galicia, with the result that 
the crops and even the straw huts of the Indians were being devoured by 
the cattle, that the Indians were dying while guarding their fields, and 

135 Ibid. ; fiscal's opinion, Madrid, Apr. 1, 1698, pp. 425, 427, infra. 

136 Statement of the royal officials, Durango, Feb. 9, 1694, this volume, p. 361, infra ; 
opinion of the fiscal, Madrid, Apr. 1, 1698, p. 427, infra. 

137 Castillo to the viceroy, San Francisco de Conchos, Oct. 20, 1693, pp. 361, 363, infra. 

138 See vol. I., pp. 26-28. 



30 Introduction 

that they were obliged to gather their crops prematurely in order to save 
them from the depredations of the cattle. Upon learning of this the king 
on July 24, 1601, severely rebuked the Audiencia of Guadalajara for not 
having remedied this situation and ordered the members of that joint 
administrative and judicial body 139 to go out in turn to inspect the entire 
district, to endeavor " to remedy the injuries and oppressions " from 
which the Indians alleged that they suffered, and to see that their condi- 
tion was relieved and ameliorated in every way possible. 140 Two years 
later rigid instructions were issued to the same audiencia to enforce the 
laws which prohibited Spaniards from living in Indian towns. 141 

The king did not have occasion to rebuke solely civilians and adminis- 
trative officials for their abuse of the Indians. For example, in 1605 the 
king was informed that members of both the regular and secular clergy 
of Nueva Galicia were accustomed to urge the Indians " to give them 
daily two or three hens and corn, and on Fridays, fast-days, and during 
Lent, fish and eggs, and hay for their horses, as well as personal services 
from both men and women without any payment whatsoever for all this ". 
At once the king ordered the bishop of Guadalajara, on June 29, 1605, to 
effect immediately a reform with respect to this " very great " abuse, 
since the king, in order that they might " not oppress or wrong the poor 
natives ", had supplied the clergy " with provisions and other neces- 
saries " from the royal treasury. 142 In 1609, " after much consultation " 
the king issued a general cedula " wherein personal services from the In- 
dians " were prohibited. 143 

Despite such action on his part, designed to protect the Indians, the king 
was advised some years later that the Indians of New Spain were dealt 
with harshly, that they were forced to do personal service in the homes 
of the Spaniards, and that " outside work, heavy tasks, and other fatiguing 
burdens " were laid upon them. Upon learning this the king, " in words 
of great weight ", personally charged the viceroy of New Spain on 
July 30, 1627, to enforce the laws for the protection of the Indians. 144 

In 1645 there were in the province of Nueva Galicia, which was ad- 
ministered by the Audiencia of Guadalajara, 184 Indian towns, of which 
thirty-three were in encomienda. In the towns in encomienda there were 
2640 Indians who were required to pay each year the sum of 5392 pesos, 
seven tomines, and six grains as tribute. On February 25, 1645, the presi- 

139 See note 23, supra. 

140 The king to the Audiencia of Nueva Galicia, Tordesillas, July 24, 1601, p. 85, infra. 

141 The king to the fiscal of the Audiencia of Nueva Galicia, El Pardo, Nov. 20, 1603, 
p. 89, infra. For the laws relating to restrictions upon the life in an Indian village, see 
Recopilacion de Leyes de los Reynos de las Indias Mandadas Imprimir y Publicar por 
la Majestad Catolica del Rey Don Carlos II. Nuestro Sehor (Madrid, 1681), lib. 2, 
tit. 3, leyes 19, 21, 23, 24. 

142 The king to the bishop of Nueva Galicia, Lerma, June 29, 1605, pp. 93, 95, infra. 

143 The king to the viceroy, Madrid, July 24, 1652, p. 181, infra. 

144 Ibid. 



Introduction 31 

dent of the audiencia, Don Pedro Fernandez de Baeza, advised the king 
that in the collection of this " insignificant " sum the Indians suffered 
many extortions and- damages which kept them in a state of constant 
anxiety, and that as a result of this and other injuries which they experi- 
enced, as from " storms and hard work in the mines and on the reparti- 
mientos " , the Indians were about to be annihilated. Moved by " pity 
and compassion at seeing them suffer and die ", President Baeza recom- 
mended that the Indians should be relieved of all or of a part of their 
tribute, so that " the entire rehabilitation of those miserable people " 
might be effected. 

In view of the above recommendations the king in 1646 expressed to the 
viceroy, the Count of Alva de Salvatierra, his suspicion that the collectors 
were " making a business of mulcting the Indians so as to keep them 
more completely under control ". Accordingly he instructed the viceroy 
to ascertain whether his suspicions were well founded or whether the 
tributes were in fact " heavy and intolerable ". In the former case the 
viceroy was instructed to co-operate with President Baeza in an endeavor 
to find some other means whereby the tributes might be collected without 
hardship to the Indians, and at the same time not " diminish the royal 
income ". On the other hand, in case the viceroy should ascertain that 
the injury came from the imposition of the tribute, he was, after con- 
sultation with the president of the audiencia, the bishop, and other well- 
informed persons, to exercise his " prudence and judgment " in reducing 
the amount of the tribute of the Indians, whose " consolation and relief " 
the king so greatly desired. 145 In 1649 tne king advised President Baeza 
that it was his duty and that of the audiencia to " endeavor to secure the 
entire welfare of the Indians, with all the attention and wise means 
deemed most fitting ". 146 Three years later Guajardo Fajardo, governor 
of Nueva Vizcaya, was instructed by the king to endeavor to accomplish 
the pacification and reduction of the Tarahumares " with the least number 
of deaths of Indians that is possible, first using the mild methods of 
friendship and kind treatment toward them, this being acceptable to the 
service of God ", and also to himself. 147 

The bishop of Durango advised the queen regent in April, 1669, that 
Don Juan Constantino, Indian governor of the Conchos nation, had com- 
plained to him that because of their harsh treatment by the Spaniards 
many Christian Indians had fled to the mountains. Others who had been 
given in encomienda by Governor Oca Sarmiento — notwithstanding that 

145 The king to the viceroy of New Spain, July 24, 1652, pp. 179-183, infra. When 
no news concerning this matter had been received by the king and the Council of the 
Indies by July 26, 1652, the above instructions were repeated in a cedula of that date 
addressed to the viceroy. 

146 The king to the president of the Audiencia of Guadalajara, Madrid, Nov. 30, 1649, 
p. 165, infra. 

147 The king to the governor of Nueva Vizcaya, Buen Retiro, May 23, 1652, pp. 177, 
179, infra. 



32 Introduction 

this was " prohibited by royal cedulas under heavy penalties " — were said 
to be " grievously oppressed ". Don Juan further complained that Gov- 
ernor Oca Sarmiento had forced him " to go and fetch from the moun- 
tains the Indians who had been in encomienda " . 

Upon receipt of the bishop's letter the queen regent on June 22, 1670, 
sent identic letters to the viceroy of New Spain, to the Audiencia of Guada- 
lajara, and to Governor Oca Sarmiento in which orders were given " to 
have the tribute or impost which . . . has been laid on the Indians re- 
moved or revoked at once ", and, after an investigation, to report the 
cause or reason for its imposition, how long it had been collected, to what 
sum it had amounted, and in what this sum had been invested. 148 

The enslaving of the Indians of America was strictly prohibited, but 
that this law was not rigidly enforced in northwestern New Spain in the 
seventeenth century there is abundant proof. In March, 16 17, in the 
course of the Tepehuane rebellion, 220 Indian prisoners, including women 
and boys, " were sentenced and apportioned ". 149 Five years later, on 
April 16, 1622, Cristobal Sanchez delivered to Governor Mateo de Vesga 
ten Indians whom he had captured on an expedition against the rebellious 
Conchos nation. The prisoners included five women, a girl, an Indian 
buck about eighteen years of age, and three boys from three to six years 
old. Governor Vesga declared those prisoners to be slaves and " that 
from them he would set aside for his Majesty what belonged to him as 
his royal fifth, delivering it to the royal officials of the real hacienda and 
treasury " of Durango. Accordingly the Indian buck and one of the boy 
prisoners were designated as the king's share; the other eight were or- 
dered to be sold at auction to the highest bidder. The governor further 
ordered that the amount of money thus to be realized should be distrib- 
uted as follows : one-third to " be applied to the expenses of the honors 
that would have to be given " in Durango to the memory of the late king, 
Philip III. ; another one-third was to be given to Captain Sanchez and 
his associates to compensate them for the expenses incurred in bringing 
the Indians to Durango; the final third was " to be applied to the expense 
of this audiencia of government ", and to court costs. When the eight 
Indians were sold at auction, on April 17, the total amount realized from 
the sale was " three hundred pesos in common gold ". Later, on April 19, 
the governor ordered that the entire sum of 300 pesos realized from the 
sale of the prisoner slaves should be applied " to the expenses of the said 
honors to his Majesty, who is in heaven ". 150 

A quarter of a century later the Tepehuanes, Salineros, and other In- 
dians rebelled against the Spaniards. 151 According to information reach- 

148 The queen regent to the viceroy, Madrid, June 22, 1670, p. 201, infra. 

149 Brief account of the Tepehuane Indian rebellion, 1616-1618, p. 109, infra. 

150 Papers of Admiral Mateo de Vesga, 1620-1622, pp. 135, 137, infra. 

151 For details of this rebellion, see Documentos para la Historia Eclesidstica y Civil 
de la Nueva-Viscaya in Documentos para la Historia de Mexico, fourth ser., III. 
(Mexico, 1857) 130-178. 



Introduction 33 

ing the king these Indians became restless when " certain alcaldes mayores 
and religious instructors . . . carried off and sold their children to serve 
in mines and elsewhere, disposing of them as slaves or giving them as 
presents ". Later, when Governor Luis de Valdes 152 began to punish 
them immoderately and even seized and shot some who had been sum- 
moned for religious instruction, the Indians flew to arms. On their raids 
they robbed and murdered and even broke into the royal treasury, thereby 
causing an " enormous expense " The above reports prompted the king 
to command Governor Valdes " to observe precisely and faithfully the 
provisions of the cedulas which have been issued commanding that the 
Indians shall not be enslaved nor given any cause for disturbance in that 
province by the alcaldes mayores, religious instructors, or any other 
person, but they shall rather be petted, treated with all kindness and be- 
nignity, kept in peace and quiet, and accorded just treatment ". 153 

At the request of Don Fernando de Haro y Monterroso, oidor of the 
Audiencia of Guadalajara, and acting fiscal before that court, that audi- 
encia early in 1672 ordered that the Chinos and Chichimecos Indians and 
those of Sinaloa, New Mexico, and Nuevo Leon should be set at liberty ; 
that owners should prove titles whereby they held slaves ; and that women 
and children of fourteen years, " even if taken in just wars, should be 
free, since it has been so ordered by various cedulas, particularly those 
of the years 1653 and 1663 ". At the same time, in separate letters, De 
Haro y Monterroso and the audiencia advised the queen regent that there 
were still many slaves in the audiencia districts of Guatemala and Mexico. 

In a letter dated December 13, 1672, the queen thanked De Haro y 
Monterroso for his " zeal and attentiveness " in the matter of freeing the 
slaves, and added that it was " just and proper to leave the Indians in 
freedom ... on account of the scruples of conscience which their en- 
slavement causes ". Like sentiments were expressed in a letter from the 
queen to the Audiencia of Guadalajara on December 23, 1672. The Audi- 
encias of Guatemala and Mexico were instructed by the queen on Decem- 
ber 13, 1672, to set at liberty Indian slaves in their respective juris- 
dictions. 154 

Three years later De Haro y Monterroso, as the result of a suit prose- 
cuted before the Audiencia of Guadalajara against " various powerful 
personages concerning the personal services of the Indians of the prov- 
inces of Sonora and Sinaloa and the division of land and water in those 
provinces, obtained a sentence for examination and review in favor of 
the Indians ". At the same time he secured a writ of execution and en- 

152 Bancroft (op. cit., I. 337) says Valdes was governor between 1642 and 1648. 

153 Cedula to the governor of Nueva Vizcaya, Madrid, Nov. 30, 1647, pp. 161, 163, infra; 
cedula to the viceroy of New Spain, Madrid, Jan. 18, 1648, ibid., pp. 163, 165. 

154 The queen regent to the fiscal of the Audiencia of Guadalajara, Dec. 13, 1672, 
pp. 205, 207, infra; the queen regent to the Audiencia of Guadalajara, Dec. 23, 1672, 
pp. 207, 209, infra. 



34 Introduction 

trusted its enforcement to Don Joseph Garcia de Salcedo, governor of 
Nueva Vizcaya. 155 At the request of the latter, however, the audiencia 
ordered the execution of the writ to be suspended until a report might be 
submitted to the queen regent. When advised of this action the queen 
rebuked the audiencia for having failed " to report the suit and put into 
execution " its writ, and ordered that all the papers bearing upon the 
subject should be sent to the Council of the Indies at once. 156 

The crown of Spain did not endeavor solely to protect and uplift the 
subject natives of America and to prevent them from being enslaved, but 
gave positive instructions that were designed to secure for even the most 
ferocious Indian prisoners of war just and humane treatment. About 
1692 the viceroy of New Spain notified Don Manuel de Agramont y Arce, 
captain of the presidial forces of Sinaloa, that henceforth the " heads of 
the forces ... on the frontiers " were not to " punish any Indians taken 
in battle without first giving them a trial and having sentence passed 
upon them by a legal adviser ". 157 In 1693 Governor Castillo recom- 
mended to the viceroy that his instructions be modified so as to " permit 
the prompt punishment of the hostiles, even permitting them, without 
either process or semblance of law, to be put to the sword for breaking 
the peace or for crimes " which they might commit. With reference to 
this recommendation the fiscal on December 16, 1693, advised the viceroy 
that since the king " with Catholic piety " had condemned such a method 
of procedure, the same did not permit of contravention, neither did the 
proposition deserve consideration. " On the other hand ", the fiscal con- 
tinued, " the said governor and the other captains and chiefs ought to 
conform to what has been decreed, conducting the cases according to law 
and proving them fully by admitting the least testimony that the character 
of the crimes may allow ". 158 

Two documents hereinafter published exemplify the paternalistic policy 
of the Spanish king with respect to his subjects resident in the Indies. 
Through recourse to bail and the payment of a certain fine, after which 
they continued " in their evil lives ", married men in the Indies at the 
beginning of the seventeenth century were wont to ignore the law which 
required them to return to Spain to renew the marital relations with their 
wives. To correct this abuse the king in 1603 instructed the fiscal of the 
Audiencia of Guadalajara to discharge his duty rigorously with respect 
to this law and to report neglect or contravention of it to the Council of 
the Indies. 159 

165 According to Bancroft (op. cit., I. 338), Salcedo was governor from 1670 to 1673. 

156 The queen regent to the Audiencia of Guadalajara, Apr. 2, 1676, p. 209, infra. 

157 Agramont to the viceroy, Sinaloa, Apr. 22, 1693, p. 315, infra. 

158 The fiscal's reply, Mexico, Dec. 16, 1693, p. 359, infra. 

159 The king to the fiscal of the Audiencia of Nueva Galicia, El Pardo, Nov. 20, 1603, 
p. 87, infra; see also note 4, supra. 



Introduction 35 

Because the letters and reports sent by the president of 'the Audiencia 
of Guadalajara were lacking in " the clarity and distinctness desired ", 
and " habitually " caused great confusion when the time came to consider 
and answer them, the king, in 1624, gave specific instructions concerning 
the form to be observed in writing letters to the Council of the Indies. 
Judicial reports were to be made " with great distinctness ", the various 
topics being kept separate. A letter for each subject was to be written on 
half the page; on the other half there was to " appear a brief abstract of 
the contents of the letter, or of the chapters, made as concise as possible, 
and in such a manner that from the abstract " one might decide upon the 
action to be taken. Chapters were to be numbered and references given 
to the records accompanying the letters. 160 

Some Notable Events in the History of Nueva Vizcaya 
between the years l602 and 1 693. 

I. The administration of Francisco de Urdinola the Younger, 1603- 
1611. In preceding chapters brief references were made to the services 
of Francisco de Urdinola the Younger, between the years 1575 and 1591. 
In the latter year he was serving as lieutenant governor and captain- 
general at Saltillo by appointment of Rodrigo del Rio de Losa, governor 
of Nueva Vizcaya. 161 The services of none of the prominent characters 
of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries are so little known or appre- 
ciated, and none deserve to be as fully narrated and rightly appraised as 
those of Urdinola the Younger. Fortunately, fairly complete transcripts 
of the records of his thirty-six years' services on the northern frontier are 
now available in this country. 162 Of the documents hereinafter published, 
however, only a few relate to that remarkable frontiersman. For that 
reason reference is herein made to only a few events in his notable ad- 
ministration as governor of Nueva Vizcaya. 

Urdinola was appointed governor of Nueva Vizcaya by the viceroy of 
New Spain, the Count of Monterey, on May 20, 1603, 163 and he assumed 

100 The king to the president of the Audiencia of Guadalajara, Feb. 12, 1624, pp. 159, 
161, infra. . 

161 Vol. L, pp. 17-18, 195. 

162 In the Library of Congress and in the University of Texas Library there are 
transcripts of a number of documents in the Archivo General de Indias, at Seville, 
Spain, which narrate the services of Urdinola. Notable among the expediences of these 
documents of which there are transcripts in the above-mentioned libraries are the fol- 
lowing: (1) " Servicios del Capitan Francisco de Urdinola sobre que se le haga merced " 
(A. G. I., Audiencia de Guadalajara, 66-6-17), transcript in the University of Texas 
Library; dates covered, 1591-1604 (311 pp.). (2) "Servicios de Francisco de Urdinola 
sobre que se le haga merced, Guadalajara, 1612, 2 a Pieza" (A. G. I., Audiencia de 
Guadalajara, 66-6-17), transcript in the University of Texas Library; dates covered, 
1607- 161 1 (123 pp.). 

163 " Titulo del Virrey que hace merced del Govierno de la Nueva Vizcaya a 20 de 
Mayo de 1603 ", in " Servicios del Capitan Francisco de Urdinola ". etc., loc. cit., 
pp. 90-93. 



36 Introduction 

his duties as such at Durango on June 23 of the same year. 164 About 
the same time the Acaxees Indians of the Sierra de San Andres renewed 
their incendiarism and warfare. In this they were led by a " pernicious " 
Indian by the name of Bishop, who even called himself God, and who 
baptized, said mass, married the Indians, and taught them a new creed. 
In a seven months' campaign against the hostiles, Urdinola traversed the 
mountains, captured and punished Bishop and his apostles and other 
leaders of the rebellion, and succeeded in inducing the Indians to con- 
gregate in twenty-four villages. These were advantageously located and 
at them the Jesuits at once began their labors with marked success. 
Urdinola boasted that he had accomplished all this at an expense of less 
than 5000 pesos to the crown and at an estimated personal expense of 
more than 20,000 pesos. 

Urdinola made his successes in this campaign the basis for petitioning 
the king to relieve him of his duties as governor and to recompense his 
services, since he was growing " old and infirm ", by granting to himself 
and to his two marriageable daughters " some favor ", iai That his re- 
quest to be relieved from active service had not been granted as late as 
161 1 is clear from the fact that in April, 1607, Urdinola reported to the 
king that a valuable salt deposit had been discovered twenty-five leagues 
beyond the province of Santa Barbara, and pointed out that great profit 
might be derived from it for the royal treasury. In reply, on Septem- 
ber 3, 161 1, the king, addressing Urdinola as " governor of Nueva Viz- 
caya ", gave instructions that laws should be obeyed which prescribed 
the freedom of all salt deposits in Nueva Vizcaya and in the rest of the 
Indies. 166 

2. The Tepehuane rebellion, November 15, 1616, to May 16, 1618. 
In November, 16 16, the previously tractable Tepehuane Indians initiated 
a rebellion " hardly equalled in the annals of the northwest " ; it was " an 
outbreak of religious and patriotic fanaticism ". 167 In a contemporary 
anonymous account of this rebellion, hereinafter published, the statement 
is made that the Tepehuanes " were inspired to apostatize through in- 
stinct and the persuasion of the devil. They set up an idol; they were 
governed by wizards; and, in order better to establish their new projects 
. . . they at once attempted ... to convoke all the other nations of that 
jurisdiction ". 168 It was the plan of the apostates to make simultaneous 
attacks upon all the towns of the kingdom, and November 22, 16 16, had 
been fixed as the day for beginning the attack on the capital of the juris- 

164 Administration of the oath of office to Urdinola, Durango, June 23, 1603, in 
" Servicios del Capitan Francisco de Urdinola ", etc., loc. cit., pp. 93-94- Bancroft {North 
Mexican States and Texas, I. 306) erroneously says that Urdinola became governor of 
Nueva Vizcaya in 1602. 

165 Urdinola to the king, Durango, Mar. 31, 1604, pp. 89-93, infra. 

166 The king to Urdinola, San Lorenzo, Sept. 3, 161 1, p. 95, infra. 

167 Bancroft, op. cit., I. 320. 

168 A brief account of the Tepehuane rebellion, 1616-1618, p. 101, infra. 



Introduction 37 

diction, Guadiana, the destruction of which was to be the chief aim of the 
rebels. 109 Some of the Indians, however, " moved by their avaricious 
zeal ", began their attacks as early as November 15 or 16. 170 

As soon as Governor Don Gaspar de Alvear 171 learned of this wide- 
spread rebellious movement he ordered on November 21 Rafael Gascue, 
lieutenant-captain-general, " to seize craftily " seventy-five of the gover- 
nors, caciques, and principal men of the Indians. This was done, and that 
night, when the inhabitants of Guadiana were thrown into a frenzy of 
fear because of the reported advance of 2000 Indian warriors, the ma- 
jority of the prisoners were executed. The following morning the others 
were executed at the hour at which the Indians had intended to attack 
Guadiana. 

The death of their leaders caused the Tepehuanes to lose courage and 
to flee to the mountains. This in turn enabled Governor Alvear to lead 
in person an offensive campaign against the rebels that lasted from 
December 14, 16 16, until March 4, 161 7. In the course of this campaign 
Guanecebi was succored on January 15. There the town had been pil- 
laged and burned and the survivors were making their last stand in the 
church. In a reconnaissance tour of the towns round about Guanecebi, 
Governor Alvear found the bodies of ten missionaries and over 260 other 
persons who had been murdered by the rebels. By a remarkable forced 
march of sixteen leagues on the day and night of February 12, Governor 
Alvear was able to make a surprise attack on the Indians at Tenerapa. 
Sixty Tepehuanes were killed there and 220 prisoners, including women 
and children, were sent in chains to Guadiana on March 4. The prison- 
ers later " were sentenced and apportioned ". 

Meanwhile in three other widely separated parts of the country other 
Spaniards had assumed offensive operations against the rebels. At Gua- 
diana an attack ordered by Lieutenant-General Rafael de Gascue upon the 
Indians assembled not far away, at El Tunal, resulted in disaster for the 
Indians. A successful punitive expedition was made through the Tepe- 
huane towns to the west of Guadiana by Captain Bartolome Juarez, pre- 
sidial captain at San Hipolito. By him punishment was exacted of the 
Xiximes for having confederated with the Tepehuanes. From Sinaloa, 
150 leagues distant from Guadiana, Captain Domingo Martinez de Hur- 
daide instituted a campaign against the Tepehuanes in the mountains to 
the west of Sinaloa. Unrest among the Indians of Sinaloa, however, 
prevented him from achieving much success. 

169 Ibid. 

170 Bancroft (op. cit., I. 322) says that the rebellion began on Nov. 16. Unless other- 
wise indicated, the contemporary account, hereinafter printed (pp. 101-115), will be fol- 
lowed. For details not herein given, see Bancroft, op. cit., pp. 320-329. 

171 Bancroft (op. cit., I. 306) says that Gaspar de Alvear y Salazar was governor of 
Nueva Vizcaya from 1615 to 1618. 



38 Introduction 

Between March and September, 1617, Governor Alvear, at the request 
of the Audiencia of Guadalajara, made a strenuous expedition to Nueva 
Galicia to put down rebellions that had broken out in some of the towns 
along the South Sea, in that province. En route to Nueva Galicia, 
Governor Alvear suppressed an uprising in the province of Chiametla, 
after which he succored the presidio of Acaponeta in Nueva Galicia. 
Having restored peace in that region, he returned to Guadiana. Shortly 
after his return three companies of soldiers arrived at Guadiana from 
Mexico City. These had been sent by the viceroy at the request of 
Lieutenant-General Gascue. 

The Indians, who by that time had resumed the offensive, at once be- 
gan to retire. They " separated into six armed congregations, or groups, 
many leagues distant each from the other, so that they had come to em- 
brace the entire government, the Tepehuanes having mingled with many 
other nations ". This called for offensive action on the part of the Span- 
iards, and between November, 161 7, and May, 16 18, five fairly success- 
ful expeditions were made against the rebels. Captain Juarez led a cam- 
paign against the Mesquital and the Guazamota Indians and their allies ; 
Captains Ontiveros, Castaneda, and Aguirre were in charge of operations 
in the direction of Santa Barbara; Captain Montano was sent to Guane- 
cebi by way of El Diablo Pass and Tecuchiapa; and Captain Mosquera 
proceeded against the Salineros, the Conchos, Tobosos, and the Nofio- 
ques Indians. From early February until mid-March, 1618, Governor 
Alvear was also in the field. Within fifteen days after he left Guadiana 
he had captured and executed a very warlike Tepehuane, Gogojito by 
name, and had put the latter's followers to flight. This influenced the 
Xiximes, the Acaxees, 172 and various other nations in that district to 
submit. After an absence of seventy days Governor Alvear returned to 
Guadiana. The Tepehuane rebellion had been suppressed. 

According to Bancroft, the Indians " had devastated the whole district 
of central Durango, destroying a large amount of mining and agricul- 
tural property and retarding the industrial progress of the country by at 
least fifty years. . . . They had lost one thousand warriors including 
their best chieftains; many of their women and children were captives; 
their fields had been ravaged; and most of their plunder was lost. Above 
all their god had utterly disappointed them; not one of his predictions had 
come to pass ". 173 

3. The administration of Governor Mateo de Vesga, 1620-1625. As 
early as December 14, 1620, and as late as April 30, 1625, Admiral Mateo 
de Vesga was governor and captain-general of the " kingdom and prov- 

172 . According to Bancroft {op. at., I. 324) the Tepehuanes "could not draw into the 
open revolt the pueblos of the Acaxees and Xiximes, though they were able through 
certain disaffected individuals and bands to cause much trouble, doubtless receiving aid 
and shelter throughout the war ". 

173 Bancroft, op. cit., I. 328-329. 



Introduction 39 

inces of Nueva Vizcaya, Chiametla, Copala, and Sinaloa, and their 
provinces 'V 74 If the records of his administration, hereinafter pub- 
lished, 175 do only half justice to Governor Vesga, he is to be rated not only 
as a most efficient and constructive administrator, but as a great pacifier 
of the Indians of his vast jurisdiction. In a report upon the condition of 
Durango and of the province of Nueva Vizcaya, dated June 17, 1624, 
Governor Vesga states that at the time that he took office as governor 
he found Durango " in a wretched state with respect to people and citizens 
as well as dwelling houses . . . ; farms were destroyed, the churches and 
dwellings of the fathers of the Company of Jesus, who were^ governing 
the affairs of the Indians, were burned and destroyed, and the reduction 
works for taking out silver at the mining camps and the adjacent farms 
were burned ". 176 By 1624, however, commerce and population were in- 
creased, an unprecedented building campaign was under way in Durango, 
and new farms and mining establishments and settlements had been de- 
veloped in the vicinity of the latter town. The various buildings that were 
in the course of construction in Durango were listed by Governor Vesga, 
and included an Augustinian monastery; twenty-two new residences, 
including one " very sumptuous and large house of great value " which 
belonged to the factor, Rafael Gascue; two houses that were being re- 
modelled; and ten stores. A half -league from Durango the governor had 
founded the Indian pueblo of San Antonio, settled by recently pacified 
Indians. Within a radius of several leagues of Durango one lime-kiln 
had been established and five new farms and ranches had been settled. 
Furthermore, since Governor Vesga from the beginning had governed 
with characteristic " good management, ability, and good administra- 
tion ", farms, mines, and Jesuit churches and dwellings that had been 
burned or destroyed prior to the beginning of his administration had by 
the middle of 1624 been re-established. 177 

As a pacifier of the turbulent Indians of his jurisdiction Governor 
Vesga deserves even greater credit than as an administrator. The records 
of his early successes in this respect were compiled, as the result of a 
gubernatorial order dated April 28, 1622, by Luis de la Puente, royal and 
government clerk, in order that the king and the Council of the Indies 
might have knowledge concerning " the present state of this government 
in the matter of the tranquillity and peace of its Indians ". 178 Between 
December 14, 1620, and January 17, 1621, forty-six Indian governors, 
caciques, captains, and other natives from the district of San Pablo, the 

174 See papers of Admiral Mateo de Vesga, 1620- 1622, p. 119, infra, and Coronado's 
report to Governor Vesga, ibid., pp. 147-153. In a list of governors of Nueva Vizcaya 
given by Bancroft (op. cit., p. 306) the name of Governor Vesga does not appear. For 
the location of the above named provinces, see note 4, supra. 

175 See pp. 1 19-153, infra. 

176 Auto of Governor Vesga, June 17, 1624, p. 145, infra. 

177 Ibid., pp. 145, 147- 

178 Papers of Admiral Mateo de Vesga, 1620-1622, p. 119, infra. 



40 Introduction 

pueblos of Las Milpillas Grande, and those of El Zape, El Potrero, Ayupa, 
Las Lajas, Casaria, and Cocorotame appeared before Governor Vesga in 
Durango and entered into peace pacts with him individually and in the 
name of their subjects. 179 

This happy progress in the pacification and submission of the Indian 
chiefs was rudely disturbed by reports which Governor Vesga received 
on January 21, 1621, from various religious and lay officials. These ad- 
vised that the Tepehuanes of the valley of San Pablo and San Ignacio, 
together with some Tarahumares, had rebelled, and that they had com- 
mitted arson and robbery in addition to having murdered some of the 
Spaniards and friendly Indians upon the farms of that district. A relief 
expedition was at once despatched to the scene of the rebellion. Later 
Governor Vesga himself led a punitive expedition against the rebels. 
From the valley of San Pablo, where the governor halted, Maestre de 
Campo de la Cueba with a force of Spanish soldiers and 200 friendly 
Indians advanced into the country of the Tarahumares. After eighteen 
days De la Cueba returned, bringing with him eleven Tarahumare pris- 
oners, including Don Juan Code, the self-styled " king of all the Tara- 
humare nation, numbering four thousand Indians ". Don Juan Code 
and two other Tarahumares entered into peace pacts with Governor Vesga 
and promised henceforth to aid the Spaniards against the Tepehuane 
rebels. The Tarahumare prisoners were discharged after having been 
paid for the time they had served. 

En route back to Durango Governor Vesga divided his forces at the 
valley of San Bartolome and with one division visited the pueblos and 
rancherias of the Tepehuane Indians, who were at peace with the Span- 
iards. Between May 13 and May 20, 1621, the pueblo of El Zape, in the 
jurisdiction of the mines of Guanecebi, the pueblos of Santa Catalina and 
Santiago Papasquiaro, and the pueblo of Capinamaiz, in the jurisdiction 
of San Juan del Rio, were visited. At each of these pueblos the native 
chiefs and the entire populace entered into peace pacts with the governor. 
In addition the native officials and residents of the pueblos of Las Mil- 
pillas, La Sauceda, and Canatu met the governor at Capinamaiz and asked 
to be allowed to make peace pacts with him. 

After the return of Governor Vesga to Durango delegations of Indians 
continued to visit him and to solicit ratification of peace pacts. Among 
those who came for this purpose were an Indian chief of the Toboso 
nation and four other Toboso Indians. They notified the governor on 
May 27 that the Toboso, the Achaelame, the Nonotie, and the Xipocale 
Indians had gone down to the pueblo of Atotonilco for the double pur- 
pose of making peace and harvesting their crops in the valley of San 
Bartolome. The governor entered into peace pacts with them and, in 
order to insure their protection, offered a writ of protection in their favor 
to be issued to the justice court of the valley of San Bartolome. 

179 Papers of Admiral Mateo de Vesga, pp. 119-121, infra. 



Introduction 41 

The following year, on January 16, 1622, the cacique and governor of 
the Tepehuanes, who lived near the mines of Mapimi, craved peace of 
the governor. On March 6 a very bellicose Tepehuane chieftain named 
El Xixicutta accepted from the governor an offer of pardon for himself 
and followers, after they had been in retirement in the sierras for four 
years. On April II, 1622, Cocani, the governor and cacique of the pueblo 
of Guaricame, one of the pueblos of the Umes nations, and twenty of his 
subjects entered into peace pacts with Governor Vesga. Seventeen days 
later Cristobal, the alcalde, and eight natives of the new pueblo of San 
Francisco de Ocatan appeared before the governor to notify him that 
theretofore they had been afraid to come down from the sierras, but 
" trusting that his lordship as a Christian would favor and protect them, 
they had come down and had settled the new pueblo called San Francisco 
de Ocatan ". The governor entered into peace pacts with them as they 
desired. 180 

After this Governor Vesga received reports from Captain Francisco 
de Castro, alcalde mayor of the mines of Guanecebi, which advised that 
Don Pedro, cacique of El Zape pueblo, and Don Lorenzo, of El Potrero 
pueblo, had disappeared and, in co-operation with a half-breed by the 
name of Captain Mateo Canelas, were conspiring to effect a rebellion and 
elect " for their king and chief the said Mateo Canelas ". Current reports 
that the Indian Francisco Onate, who had rebelled some days earlier, was 
operating in the mountain ranges of El Carnu in the vicinity of El Zape 
and El Potrero, together with the slight confidence which the governor 
had in the Tepehuanes, induced Governor Vesga to proceed cautiously 
and to endeavor to induce Onate to make peace. Accordingly he sent to 
Onate an offer of friendship and as a present a handsome " banner of 
crimson taffeta silk, bearing in the centre a picture of Our Lady of the 
Rosary ". The present and the offer of peace were both accepted by Fran- 
cisco Onate and on April 27, accompanied by his two sons, he appeared 
before alcalde mayor Francisco de Castro at Las Casas, the latter's place 
of residence. In the presence of several military and religious persons 
Francisco Onate, at his earnest solicitation, was pardoned for his offenses 
and entered into peace pacts with the Spaniards. 181 

Meanwhile disorders among the Conchos Indians had occasioned Gov- 
ernor Vesga considerable anxiety. It appears that during the year 1621 
Captain Cristobal Sanchez, deputy chief justice and war captain of the 
residents of the valley of San Bartolome, had despatched a Concho cacique 
into the interior country to summon his fellow-tribesmen to come to work 
in the fields and farms of the valley, as was their annual custom. On this 
occasion, however, the native emissary of the Spanish justice was at- 
tacked and seriously wounded. Because of this the residents of the valley 

180 Ibid., pp. 12 1- 129, infra. 

181 Ibid., pp. 129- 13 1, infra. 



42 Introduction 

of San Bartolome offered to make a punitive expedition against the of- 
fending Conchos at no other expense to the king than a barrel of powder, 
necessary iron for shoeing horses and mules, and the cost of a pack-train 
to carry the provisions for the friendly Indians who were to accompany 
the expedition. Governor Vesga learned of the above developments on 
November 5, 162 t. The following day he assembled a junta, composed 
of the persons experienced in war, to deliberate upon the proposed expe- 
dition to be made by the citizens of the valley of San Bartolome against 
the bellicose Conchos Indians. The members of the junta unanimously 
recommended that the governor should accept the offer of the citizens 
of the valley of San Bartolome to serve without pay, that he should ap- 
point an experienced soldier to lead the expedition, and that the latter 
should be warned not to permit any harm to be done to the Indian women 
and children. It was further recommended that the equipment asked for 
by the citizens of the valley of San Bartolome should be provided, and 
that a pack-train of thirty mules should be equipped for a period of two 
months, the cost of all of which should be taken from the 6000 pesos 
that was annually appropriated as a peace and war fund. 

The above recommendations were carried out on November 8 and the 
same day instructions were drawn up for Captain Cristobal Sanchez, 
deputy alcalde mayor of the province, as the leader of the expedition. 
Captain Sanchez received his commission and the supplies on Novem- 
ber 22 and at once enlisted a Spanish force and eighty-five caciques, gov- 
ernors, captains, and subjects of the Concha nation. The expedition left 
the town of San Francisco on December 25, 162 1, and after several en- 
counters with the rebellious Indians a number of the latter were captured 
and punished. As a result the others made peace. 182 

During 1624 Governor Vesga continued to receive the submission of 
Indians of Nueva Vizcaya. In March, 1624, he was visited by Don Bal- 
tasar, cacique and governor of the pueblo of Ticonazo, who, with his 
Christian Indian followers, was then residing by command of the gover- 
nor in Cerro Gordo. Don Baltasar was accompanied by a Tepehuane 
Indian named Don Agustin, who told Governor Vesga that eighty-five 
Indian men and women, desiring peace, had come down to submit, and 
that he had established them at a settlement in Cerro Gordo. At the same 
time Don Baltasar notified the governor that he had imprisoned and hanged 
in El Canutillo a Tepehuane Indian named Juan, a native of the pueblo 
of El Zape, who had engaged in highway robbery and rebellious activity. 
As a result of this drastic warning the other Indians had remained quiet 
and the country was pacified. As a reward for their services and because 
they promised thenceforth to arrest any highwaymen, the two Indians 
begged the governor to give them some clothes and to permit them to 
continue to dwell in the pueblo of Santa Maria del Cerro Gordo. The 

182 Papers of Admiral Mateo de Vesga, pp. 131-135, infra. 



Introduction 43 

governor gave them the craved-for permission to remain and live in the 
pueblo of Santa Maria, and ordered that Don Baltasar and Don Agustin 
and their followers should be supplied with such articles as common cloth, 
serges, hats, blankets, petticoats for their women, axes, machetes, and 
two young bulls which they were to kill and distribute among their people. 
In addition they were given seven pesos and a fraction of money. The 
cost of these presents was ordered paid from the 6000 pesos which was 
appropriated annually as a peace and war fund. 

On May 7, 1624, Father Fray Lazaro de Espinosa, guardian of the 
Franciscan convent of San Buenaventura at the pueblo of Atotonilco, in 
the province of Santa Barbara, arrived in Durango, accompanied by 
Don Jusepe, the Indian governor and cacique of Atotonilco ; Diego, son 
of Don Agustin, the captain and governor of the Toboso nation ; Alonso, 
captain of a rancheria of Toboso Indians; and another Toboso Indian 
named Jacobo. The chiefs Diego and Alonso told Governor Vesga that 
they and their subjects, the Nofiojes, or Cochames Chicos, and some of 
the Tepehuanes and Salineros had been at war with the Spaniards for 
twenty years, during which time they had not submitted to the Spanish 
king, nor had they received Christian instruction ; on the visit of Governor 
Vesga in 1622 to the Santa Barbara district they had declined to accept 
his peace terms and had dared the governor to come into the mountains 
against them. It was against them that the governor had sent an expe- 
dition under Captain Cristobal Sanchez. Confessing the errors of their 
past actions, they begged the governor in the name of a large number 
of their subjects, settled at a place fifteen leagues from Atotonilco, to 
accept their offer of peace and to indicate where they might settle. The 
governor accepted their offer and gave instructions that they were to 
settle six leagues from Atotonilco, at San Felipe on the Rio Florido, 
where they were to build a church and dwellings and plant their crops. 
Before they left the governor ordered that gifts of clothing, knives, shoes, 
hats, needles, and thread should be given to the Indians. As a token of 
appreciation of his efforts to effect this happy submission, and as reim- 
bursement for what had been spent in the undertaking, it was ordered that 
Fray Espinosa should be paid seventy-five pesos in silver. 183 

From the far western province of Sinaloa on the last day of April, 
1625, Pedro Coronado, a duly accredited emissary of Captain Diego 
Martinez de Urdaide, lieutenant governor and captain-general of the 
province of Sinaloa, arrived in Durango to report to Governor Vesga 
concerning the state of that province and the progress of the war which 
Captain Urdaide had waged against the Soes, Calimones, and other na- 
tions of that province. Coronado informed the governor that the chief 
operations of Captain Urdaide had been directed against the Soes Indians, 

183 " F rom the bundle of papers touching upon the affairs of the rebellious Indians of 
Nueva Vizcaya ", etc., pp. 137-143, infra. 






44 Introduction 

who lived only four leagues from the presidio and Jesuit mission of Mon- 
tesclaros. A Soes Indian named Jocopillo had been the chief organizer 
of the rebellion and had enlisted the co-operation of the Calimones, who 
lived five leagues from the Soes, and the Apacales, whose captain was a 
very bellicose Indian by the name of Huechuri. 

At the time of the moon agreed upon, the Soes assembled for the pur- 
pose of killing the Jesuits, Fathers Castin and Julio Pascual, and the 
Christian neophytes. Fathers Castin and Pascual escaped because of 
having gone to other missions, but eight Christian chiefs were killed at 
the pueblo of Vaca because they were not willing to join in the rebellion. 
At the same time the Indians at the pueblo of Calimones, which was not 
far from that of Vaca, rebelled, burned the town, and defied Captain 
Urdaide to meet them on the field of battle. A messenger who was sent 
to them with certain demands was roasted and eaten by them. 

Fearing that the uprising would spread to the other nations of the prov- 
ince, Captain Urdaide took the field against the rebels with forty-eight 
well-equipped Spaniards and five hundred friendly Indians. At the end 
of a twelve-days' campaign, Captain Urdaide laid siege to the hostile 
Indians who had retired to a " rough and strong " rock. The siege en- 
dured thirty days, at the end of which the Spaniards and their allies 
divided into squads, " gained the said rock, and gave battle to the enemy ". 
One hundred and fifty of the hostiles were killed, many were wounded, 
forty men and women were taken prisoners, and the others fled to the 
sierras. During the siege four Spaniards were wounded and thirty of 
their Indian allies were killed. Before he returned to Montesclaros 
Captain Urdaide hanged twenty Indians, and after he reached Montes- 
claros twenty-six of the prisoners, " criminals and murderers ", were 
either banished from the province or sentenced " to personal service for 
a limited time ". One-third of the profit therefrom was applied " to the 
court expenses of his Majesty and the expenses of the expedition ". At 
the time that Coronado left Sinaloa Captain Urdaide was ill in bed. 
suffering from a broken arm, but the province was entirely at peace. 
Three soldiers who had accompanied Coronado to Durango corroborated 
his statements. 184 

4. The administration of Governor Antonio de Oca Sarmiento, 1666- 
1670. Antonio de Oca Sarmiento formally entered upon his duties as 
governor of Nueva Vizcaya at Durango early in January, 1666. 185 Under 
instructions from the crown he was, without limitation as to time, to 
conduct the residencia of his predecessor, Don Francisco de Gorraez, 186 

184 Coronado's report to Governor Vesga, pp. 141-153, infra. 

185 Bancroft {North Mexican States, I. 337) says that Oca Sarmiento was governor 
of Nueva Vizcaya during the period from 1665 to 1670. See Documentos de la Nueva- 
Vizcaya, in Documentos para la Historia de Mexico, fourth ser., III. 231-266, for cor- 
respondence relating to missionary interest in the Casas Grandes region during the 
administration of Governor Oca Sarmiento. 

186 Bancroft (op. cit., I. 337) says that Francisco de Gorraez Beaumont was governor 
of Nueva Vizcaya during the years 1662- 1665. 



Introduction 45 

and in addition was to investigate the murder of some natives, alleged to 
have been due to the negligence of Governor Gorraez and his ministers, 
and also certain alleged frauds in the administration of the finance of 
the province. A special cedula of June 8, 1665, issued in his favor granted 
him, during his incumbency as governor of Nueva Vizcaya, complete im- 
munity from interference by residencies judges of the Audiencia of 
Guadalajara. 

Upon his arrival at Durango Governor Oca Sarmiento learned that 
the Salineros, Tonoza, Yacoclames, and other Indians were allied in a 
formidable rebellion. Two weeks later, while the governor was en route 
to El Parral, which was then the permanent residence of the provincial 
governors, a wagon-train, which had been despatched for quicksilver 
under the command of Captain Pedro de Andrade, was attacked at a 
point seventy leagues distant from El Parral and all of the men in it, 
including the soldier escort, were killed. Accordingly, before proceeding 
to El Parral, Governor Oca Sarmiento recruited all the soldiers and 
Indian allies that he could and took the field against the rebels. First 
he put to flight the Indians who had attacked the wagon-train, after 
which he reconnoitred the adjacent country and the passes by which the 
Indians were accustomed to enter. Upon finally reaching El Parral the 
governor learned that the rebellious activity of the Conchos Indians was 
seriously interfering with the normal commerce between the rich and pro- 
ductive territory of those Indians and the provinces of New Mexico and 
Sinaloa. The governor accordingly led an expedition against them. He 
met with quick success, and after he had punished the leaders he was able 
to conclude a complete reconnaissance of the entire kingdom. 

The residencia of Governor Gorraez had been partially concluded by 
Governor Oca Sarmiento, assisted by Don Juan Zessati, oidor of the 
Audiencia of Guadalajara, by March 19, 1667, and the former governor 
had been sentenced " except in the matter of a forced loan ", which he 
asserted that he had secured under direct authority from the king. The 
sentence as passed required Gorraez to make restitution of certain funds 
to the real hacienda. In the matter of the forced loan, Oca Sarmiento 
found that Gorraez had called for it in Durango, the Real de Cuencame, 
the Real de Guanecebi, and a few other settlements without authority for 
having done so, and also that " he had not proceeded judicially either in 
safeguarding the fund or in keeping an account of it in proper manner ". 
Oca Sarmiento also- reported that the declarations of Gorraez did not 
seem to conform with the amounts which he declared that he had col- 
lected, " the amounts being greater and the provinces more numerous " 
than he acknowledged in his declaration. The investigation concerning 
the forced loan had not been concluded by March 19, 1667, at which time 
Gorraez, whose health was greatly impaired, had been granted permis- 
sion to go to Mexico City for treatment, after having been required to 
designate by power of attorney a competent person to represent him. 



46 Introduction 

The residencia of Gorraez revealed the fact that Valerio Cortes, who 
had served during the entire term of Gorraez as sargento mayor, had 
been found guilty, " upon his own answers ", of insubordination to Gov- 
ernor Gorraez. Particularly was he under suspicion because on one occa- 
sion he had even boasted that he was " the key to the kingdom ". In order 
to put to a test the loyalty and ability of Cortes, Governor Oca Sarmiento 
placed him in command of an expedition against some Indians. Cortes 
disobeyed his instructions, proved himself to be incompetent, and was 
removed from his command by the governor, who charged him " with all 
the faults and crimes which were shown in the answers given by Don 
Francisco de Gorraez ". The ensuing investigation revealed that Cortes 
had been guilty of habitual mistreatment of the natives, which had re- 
sulted in many murders and in uprisings of friendly Indians, who were 
then " waging the worst wars " in that kingdom. It was also revealed that 
he had committed atrocities against his " slaves and servants from which 
deaths resulted ". 

At this juncture Cortes, who had been proceeding in a most patronizing 
manner, secured from the Audiencia of Guadalajara a writ instructing 
Governor Oca Sarmiento to remit the case against him and to take no 
cognizance of it. In view of his royal commission, which instructed him 
to conduct the residencia of the preceding administration, Governor Oca 
Sarmiento denied that the audiencia had power to inhibit him in the 
matter and continued to investigate the crimes of Cortes. These investi- 
gations revealed that Cortes had as accomplices an expelled Jesuit by the 
name of Don Francisco de los Rios, who had been most bitter and lacking 
in decency in his opposition to Governor Gorraez, and a fractious indi- 
vidual and murderer by the name of Don Francisco Samosa, to whom 
Cortes had agreed to give his daughter in marriage. At the request of 
Governor Oca Sarmiento, the bishop of Durango ordered Don Francisco 
de los Rios to quit both the kingdom and the diocese, while the governor 
arrested and imprisoned Samosa. The latter soon afterward escaped 
during the absence of the governor on a campaign to pacify the Conchos 
and to punish the Tobosos Indians. Thereupon the three men appealed to 
the Audiencia of Guadalajara. Fearful that these men would attempt 
to embarrass him in the further prosecution of his duty, in contravention 
of the specific cedula of June 8, 1665, which gave him immunity from 
interference of residencia judges of the Audiencia of Guadalajara, Gov- 
ernor Oca Sarmiento requested the queen to give orders that the above 
cedula should be respected. With reference to the investigation into the 
conduct of Cortes, the governor requested the queen to " command the 
Audiencia of Guadalajara to stop interfering in a matter of so great im- 
portance to the service of his Majesty as the peace and quiet of this 
kingdom and its provinces, the satisfaction of the real hacienda, and the 
relief of the natives " whom Cortes had " so often persecuted with harsh- 
ness ". Similar requests were made of the viceroy, who was asked further 



Introduction 47 

to instruct the audiencia " that in the affairs of ordinary jurisdiction " 
they should " admit appeals only ". 18T 

5. The administration of Don Lope de Sierra Osorio, 1676-1678. 
Don Martin de Revollar, governor of Nueva Vizcaya, died at El Parral 
on November 19, 1676. 188 After his death so many murders and other 
atrocities were committed by eleven nations of hostile Indians who lived 
in the mountain ranges on the right side of the highway from Guadiana 
to El Parral that the entire province, according to reports made to the 
viceroy, was in danger of being lost. These hostiles were commonly re- 
ferred to as Tobosos, although that name was applied only to the bravest 
of the several nations. To cope with this dangerous situation the viceroy 
appointed Don Lope de Sierra Osorio, oidor of the Audiencia of Mexico, 
as governor and captain-general of Nueva Vizcaya. 189 Don Lope left 
Mexico City for El Parral on January 23, i6jj, and arrived at the latter 
place on April 21, 1677. 190 His term was a short one for in December of 
the next year he was serving as visitor of Guatemala. 191 

Upon his arrival in Nueva Vizcaya Don Lope found that throughout 
the length and breadth of the kingdom the " hostile Indians were wan- 
dering about, committing murders and robberies without resistance ". 
He at once assumed the offensive, with the result that in a few days after 
his arrival thirty-three of the hostiles were killed in a surprise attack. 
His subsequent successes the governor later naively reported to the king 
as follows : " In the period of the first four months our Lord favored me 
with other very happy successes in that we killed and took from them 
more than three or four hundred persons, while they did not kill or 
wound any of our force. ,, The Tobosos were finally reduced to peace and 
by Governor Sierra Osorio were settled at San Francisco de Conchos. 
There they soon became " such enemies to the rebellious Indians " that 
they constituted in 1678 " the principal defense of Nueva Vizcaya ", and 
were the ones whom the hostile Indians feared most. 

Because of their faithlessness, apostasy, and inhuman methods of war- 
fare, Governor Sierra Osorio did not feel very charitably disposed to 
some of the Indians of Nueva Vizcaya. In fact it was his expressed con- 
viction that there was among them no Indian with bow and arrow who 
did not " merit pain of death ". The governor predicted that unless very 
determined war was made upon them there was a risk of Nueva Vizcaya, 
Nueva Galicia, and New Mexico being completely lost. It is interesting 

187 Oca Sarmiento to the viceroy, El Parral, Mar. 12, 1667, pp. 189-195, infra ; Oca Sar- 
miento to the queen, El Parral, Mar. 19, 1667, ibid., pp. 195-199. 

188 A. Robles, Diario de los Anos 1665-1703, in Documentos para la Historia de 
Mexico, first ser., II. (Mexico, 1853) 224. 

189 Informe of Sierra Osorio, 1678, pp. 211-217, infra. 

190 Robles, op. cit., p. 230; Documentos de la Nueva-Vizcaya, in Documentos para la 
Historia de Mexico, fourth sen, III. 298-300. 

191 J. A. Villcorta, Historia de la America Central (Guatemala, 1920), p. 09. 



48 



Introduction 



to note that this statement was made only two years before the disastrous 
Pueblo Indian rebellion in New Mexico. 

During his administration Governor Sierra Osorio learned of a royal 
order which fixed the price of quicksilver at 220 pesos per quintal and 
required the miners to go to Vera Cruz for it. The governor at once 
notified the king that he believed that this price was exorbitant and that 
it would have a very depressing influence on the mining industry. At the 
same time he told the king that if quicksilver were supplied to the miners 
at cost the royal fifths 192 alone would amount to " three times as much 
as the price of quicksilver sent to the Indies ". Finally, because of the 
excessive poverty of the miners and the great distance to Vera Cruz the 
king modified his ruling and ordered the quicksilver to be placed in royal 
depositories and apportioned to the miners on four months' credit. 193 

6. The administration of Governor Don Juan Isidro de Pardinas Villar 
de Francos, 1687-1693, and fears of French aggressions on the Texas 
coast. Don Juan Isidro de Pardinas Villar de Francos assumed the gov- 
ernorship of Nueva Vizcaya in the early fall of 1687 and served until the 
early part of 1693. 194 After he entered upon his duties there was dis- 
covered in the region of the recently converted Tarahumare Indians one 
of the richest mineral deposits that had thereto been discovered. By the 
latter part of 1688 this deposit was yielding a great deal of silver, and 
machines, both for fire and quicksilver, were being utilized for extracting 
the ore. 

The paucity of the Spanish population and the hostility of the Indian 
tribes constituted the greatest potential handicaps for the peace and de- 
velopment of Nueva Vizcaya. Governor Pardinas in 1688 reported some 
success in his efforts to reconcile the Indians who lived along the highway 
between El Parral and Sonora to the settlement of Spaniards in their 
territory, but stated that he had not been able to reduce the hostiles of the 
kingdom despite the fact that he had made constant war upon them. In 
part he attributed his lack of success in this respect to the openness of 
the country, which enabled the Indians to attack, rob, and kill with 
impunity. 

In order to put an end to this deplorable situation, Governor Pardinas 
made offensive war upon the hostile Indians, yet his only success was in 
a campaign against the Pimas. This populous and brave Indian nation 
had repudiated its allegiance to the king and had caused some of the best 
mines in the province of Sonora to be depopulated. Governor Pardinas 



192 A tax paid by miners to the Spanish crown and amounting to a fifth on all metals 
mined. "The 'fifth' was the name always applied to this tax, though it soon became 
only a tenth." H. I. Priestley, The Mexican Nation: a History (New York, 1923), 
p. 131. 

193 Informe of Sierra Osorio, 1678, pp. 211-217, infra. 

194 Pardinas to the king, El Parral, Nov. 21, 1688, p. 229, infra; fiscal's reply, Madrid, 
Apr. 1, 1698, ibid., pp. 419, 455- 



Introduction 49 

sent reinforcements to the alcalde mayor of Sonora, with the result that 
the enemy was harassed, " after many deaths on both sides ", and finally 
was forced to sue for peace. After this Governor Pardinas reported that 
the Pimas had been settled in pueblos and rancherias and that they had 
asked " for the largest number of ministers to instruct them in the holy 
Catholic faith (a thing which it has not been possible to accomplish in 
more than forty years)". 

It was the boast of Governor Pardinas that he controlled and patrolled 
his vast jurisdiction without extra expense to the real hacienda. This 
was effected by making use of three grades of soldiers, namely, regular 
presidial soldiers, drafted civilians, and Indian auxiliaries. The presidials 
were employed in guarding the highways and in serving as convoys for 
commercial expeditions. The civilians were used upon expeditions which 
the governor led in person. The auxiliaries, who were paid and provi- 
sioned from the annual fund for peace and war, were regarded by Gov- 
ernor Pardinas as absolutely indispensable for maintaining order and for 
obstructing the expeditions of the hostiles. It was Governor Pardinas's 
expressed belief that by the use of these soldiers Sonora had been spared 
" the same peril that was experienced in New Mexico " in the Indian 
rebellion of 1680. 

In the latter part of 1688 Governor Pardinas received ominous reports 
of foreign aggression in the north. In a letter to the king on November 21, 
1688, he said : " The Indians of the Rio del Norte, in whom I have confi- 
dence, have informed me that some foreign people are in that territory 
. . . and are trying to thrust themselves upon the natives ". 195 Such a 
menace called for and resulted in a prompt investigation. The documents 
which narrate the full story of the Spanish defensive preparations in 
Nueva Vizcaya in view of what proved to be the French menace on the 
Texas coast are hereinafter published for the first time. They show, for 
the first time, that the selfish interest displayed by La Salle in the silver 
mines of Nueva Vizcaya at the time that he presented his two petitions, 
or memorials, to Louis XIV. 196 did not wane, even in the face of discour- 
agement and hardships, after the establishment of Fort St. Louis on the 
Texas coast. In fact, the documents hereinafter published show that 
expeditions were actually made by the French up the Rio Grande del 
Norte to within seven days' journey, or an estimated distance of sixty- 
seven leagues, 197 of La Junta, at the junction of the Rio Grande and 
Conchos rivers. A summary of this, one of the most romantic episodes 
in the history of the Spanish advance in North America, follows : 

Between the years 1685 and 1689 tne Spanish and viceregal courts in 
Madrid and Mexico City were profoundly agitated by the news that an 

195 Pardinas to the king, El Parral, Nov. 21, 1688, pp. 229-233, infra. 

196 See F. Parkman, La Salle and the Discovery of the Great West (Boston, 1884), 
PP. 322-330. 

197 Declaration of Don Juan Xaviata, El Parral, Apr. 11, 1689, pp. 263, 265, infra. 



50 Introduction 

expedition under La Salle had established a foothold for France some- 
where on the Gulf Coast between Tampico and Apalache Bay. 198 Expedi- 
tions were promptly sent out, both by land and by sea, to find and to de- 
stroy this settlement. In 1688 Alonso de Leon, governor of Coahuila, 
who had previously led two expeditions from Nuevo Leon in search of 
the French, learned that some Indians north of the Rio Grande were 
ruled over by a white chief. Concluding that this man must be a French- 
man, Governor De Leon at once organized an expedition to go in search 
of him. At a distance of forty-two leagues northeast of present Mon- 
clova, De Leon and his force crossed the Rio Grande, and about twenty 
leagues further on reached the rancheria of the white chief. 199 He proved 
to be a demented Frenchman, by the name of Jarri, or Jean Gery, 200 who 
was pretending, in grotesquely crude yet barbaric splendor, to play the 
role of king. 201 Apparently he was not one of La Salle's settlers, but in- 
stead was an independent adventurer who had wandered into Texas from 
the Illinois country or from Canada. 202 

Governor De Leon carried the Frenchman to Monclova and later sent 
him to the viceroy in Mexico City. Little or no satisfactory information 
could be secured from him, however, and the search by the Spaniards for 
La Salle's settlement was continued. The following year De Leon finally 
reached the then abandoned French fort near the so-called Bay of Espiritu 
Santo on the Texas coast. 203 By that time the French menace, at least 
temporarily, had been dispelled as the joint result of maritime disaster, 
pestilence, Indian hostility, and the treachery and jealousy of some of 
the Frenchmen themselves. 204 Before the menace was dispelled, however, 
it agitated profoundly far-western Nueva Vizcaya and aroused the heroic 
and defensive efforts of the officials of that distant frontier province. 
Indeed, these efforts were so effective that the officials of Nueva Vizcaya 
learned of " the activities and final fate of La Salle's colony before the 
viceregal government, with all its industry, succeeded in clearing up the 
mystery ". 205 

The first news to reach Nueva Vizcaya of foreign aggressions on the 
Gulf Coast appears to have been received by way of La Junta de los Rios. 
In the course of the year 1687 some Cibolo and Jumano Indians, whose 
rancheria was three days' journey below La Junta, 206 asked Father Colina, 

198 Dunn, Spanish and French Rivalry, pp. 36-47. 

199 Dunn, op. cit., pp. 85-87. 

200 H. E. Bolton, The Spanish Borderlands (New Haven, 1921), p. 214; Dunn, op. cit., 
p. 88, n. 9. 

201 Dunn, op. cit., p. 86. 

202 Bolton, op. cit., p. 214. 

203 For the location of La Salle's fort, see H. E. Bolton, " The Location of La Salle's 
Colony on the Gulf of Mexico ", in Mississippi Valley Historical Review, II. 165-182. 

204 Dunn, op. cit., pp. 86-109. 

205 Dunn, op. cit., p. 95. 

206 Declaration of Don Juan Xaviata, p. 265, infra ; declaration of Miguel, ibid., p. 269. 



Introduction 51 

president of the Franciscan group of missions there, for a letter for some 
Spaniards who, they stated, " were going and coming among the Texas 
Indians ". By way of reply Father Colina requested that a letter from 
these Spaniards should first be brought to him, and this the Cibolos and 
Jumanos promised to do. The following year, in September, five Cibolos 
visited Father Colina and reported that a white man, whom they referred 
to as a Moor, was living with a nation " adjacent to the Texas Indians " ; 
that he possessed a long but damaged harquebus and a plate of armor, 
with helmet; and that he had been of so much help to the Indians with 
whom he was living that they had been able to destroy half of the Michi 
Indians, their enemies. 207 It seems safe to infer that the white man re- 
ferred to was the demented Frenchman Jean Gery. 

Still later other Cibolo Indian traders arrived at La Junta de los Rios. 
They reported that strangers -were accustomed to go among the Texas 
Indians to trade axes, clothing, and other things for horses and fruits of 
the land " and also some portions of red earth ". It was further reported 
that these strangers went about in plate armor, that they went to sleep 
at night on the water where they had wooden houses, one of which had 
been sunk, and that the strangers had said that the Spaniards of El Parral 
were not good people, but that they, the strangers, were, and that they 
were going to penetrate the land of the Spaniards in wagons. 208 The 
visiting Indian traders further reported that the Cibolo captain, Don 
Nicolas, and all of his people, from their rancheria three days' journey 
below La Junta, 209 were en route to La Junta and that with them was a 
" Moor (for in this manner they referred to him)" who claimed to have 
escaped from others, " marching near the kingdom of the Texas Indians ", 
because they desired to kill him. This Spaniard, in addition to possessing 
a damaged harquebus, was reported to have cut off his beard and to have 
trimmed his hair in Indian fashion. 210 It was further reported that the 
Cibolos en route to La Junta were bringing letters from the Spaniards, 
or foreigners, who were near the Texas Indians, that were addressed to 
the missionaries on the Rio del Norte. 211 

Before the Cibolos arrived at La Junta the superiors of the Order of 
Saint Francis instructed the missionaries there to abandon that region 
because of unrest among the Sumas Indians 212 and because of the inability 
to afford protection to the missionaries. 213 On November 20, 1688, 

207 Declaration of Father Agustin de Colina, pp. 241, 243, infra. 
20S Ibid.; declaration of Father Hinojosa, p. 243, infra. 

209 Declaration of Don Juan Xaviata, p. 265, infra ; declaration of Miguel, ibid., p. 269. 

210 This may have been Jean Gery, who was captured by Governor De Leon in the 
early summer of 1688. 

211 Declaration of Fathers Colina and Hinojosa, loc. cit. ; declarations of Don Nicolas, 
Juan de Salieses, and Salvador, pp. 235-239, infra. 

212 The Sumas Indians lived on the Mexican side of the Rio del Norte, about twelve 
leagues below present El Paso. Hughes, op. cit., p. 310, and authorities cited. 

213 Father Colina to Governor Pardifias, San Pedro de Conchos, Nov. 18, 1688, 
pp. 245, 247, infra. 



52 Introduction 

General Juan de Retana, captain of the presidio of San Francisco de 
Conchos, learned that Fathers Colina and Hinojosa, accompanied by three 
Indians from La Junta, were at the mission of San Pedro de Conchos. 
General Retana heard the testimony of the three Indians on November 21, 
1688 ; 214 the following day he despatched two Indian couriers to La 
Junta to bear messages of friendship and cheer to the Indians of La Junta 
and to the captains of the upper Rio del Norte. General Retana also re- 
quested Don Nicolas, the Cibolo captain, to send him the letters which 
he was bringing and to meet him at La Junta. 215 The following day 
General Retana heard the testimony of Fathers Colina and Hinojosa. 218 
Two days later, November 25, General Retana forwarded the original 
depositions of the two missionaries and of the three Indians to Governor 
Pardinas at El Parral. 217 

Meanwhile Governor Pardinas had heard that foreigners, whom he 
suspected to be Frenchmen, were settled at the Bay of Espiritu Santo, and 
were approaching La Junta. In view of this, and because of the rebellious 
activity of the Tobosos, Salineros, Cabesas, Chizos, Chichitames, and 
Cholemes Indians, Governor Pardinas as early as November 2, 1688, had 
ordered General Retana, with ninety Spaniards, to set out from his pre- 
sidio of San Francisco de Conchos on November 15 and to proceed to 
La Junta. With reference to the rebellious Indians, General Retana was 
instructed to wage a vigorous campaign until they were " reduced or 
punished so that through fear they may desire peace ". Detailed instruc- 
tions for combating the purported French menace were given to him. 
He was to cross the Rio del Norte at La Junta, and by entering into 
friendly relations and making satisfactory peace terms with the Indians 
living on the north side of the river he was to forestall a possible alliance 
between them and the Frenchmen supposed to be approaching La Junta. 
Next, formal possession of the region was to be taken, both in the name 
of the king and for the church, after which the locality was to be recon- 
noitred. In case he should learn of any Indians in that region who, like 
the Texas Indians, lived under an organized government " with a king, 
cacique, or chief whom they obey ", General Retana was to form an alli- 
ance with them, thereby " to prevent the said strangers from doing it ", 
while the religious were to " cause them to know . . . the things of our 
holy faith ". He was also to see that the soldiers behaved most circum- 
spectly in their relations with the natives. Finally, General Retana was 
instructed to reconnoitre the Bay of Espiritu Santo, or any other port 
where he might learn that any foreigners were settled. Through spies he 
was to endeavor to learn of the number of the foreigners and the charac- 
ter of their fortifications. A full record of " the places, day's marches, 

214 See note 213. 

215 Auto of Retana, pp. 239, 241, infra. 

216 Declarations of Fathers Colina and Hinojosa, pp. 241, 243, infra. 

217 Auto of General Retana, San Francisco de Conchos, Nov. 25, 1688, p. 245, infra. 



Introduction 53 

routes, altitudes, and rivers " was to be kept and sent to the governor. 
Ample authority was conferred upon General Retana to exercise disci- 
pline over the Spaniards and Indian auxiliaries who were to accompany 
him. Munitions, supplies, and mules necessary for the expedition were 
furnished on the governor's personal credit, until the accounts might 
be paid. 21 '' 

En route to La Junta, General Retana exacted punishment of three 
rebellious Indian nations and took from them stolen horses, which he 
sent back to the rightful owners. After he reached La Junta he sent 
Indian scouts to study the routes from there to the Bay of Espiritu Santo. 
Shortly afterward General Retana learned that the principal chief of the 
Cibolo and Jumano Indians was approaching La Junta on his return from 
a visit to the Texas Indians, that he was the bearer of letters for the 
Spaniards, and that he would give an account of everything. Accordingly 
General Retana went out to meet the Indian chief, who proved to be an 
old friend of the Spaniards by the name of Juan Xaviata, or Sabeata. 219 
This Indian, in the interval between the issuance of Governor Pardinas's 
instructions to General Retana on November 2, 1688, and the latter's 
arrival at La Junta some time before March 3, 1689, had made a journey 
to the east as far as the country of the Texas Indians — without having 
waited for General Retana, as the latter had requested — to trade and 
" to bring more certain news concerning everything ". 22 ° Xaviata cor- 
dially welcomed the Spaniards with General Retana and told them " that 
the Moors, for it is thus that the Indians call the French, were already 
dead, for the neighboring nations attacked and killed them . . . and that 
there was not now one alive where they resided ". However, four or five 
Frenchmen were reported to be living among the Texas Indians, described 
as " an extensive nation that ought in reason to border on Florida ". 
Xaviata stated that he had seen some spoils taken from the French, among 
which were " some papers " and a painting of a ship on parchment which 
had been given to him. These Xaviata stated he was taking to Governor 
Pardifias. 

True to his expressed intentions Don Juan Xaviata, accompanied by 
Miguel, a captain of the Cibolo and Jumano Indians and by two heathen 
Indians, presented himself before Governor Pardifias at El Parral on 
April 10, 1689. Xaviata assured the governor that the " Moors " had 
been destroyed, and as proof presented to him " two sheets of paper 
which appear to be from some book printed by hand, apparently in the 

- 18 Auto of Governor Pardifias, El Parral, Nov. 2, 1688, pp. 249, 251, infra; "Order 
for an expedition to reconnoitre the Rio del Norte", El Parral, Nov. 2, 1688, pp. 251- 
257, infra. 

219 For brief references to Juan Xaviata, see H. E. Bolton, " The Spanish Occupation 
of Texas, 1519-1600", in Southwestern Historical Quarterly, XVI. 19-20; H. E. Bolton, 
" The Jumano Indians in Texas ", in the Quarterly of the Texas State Historical Asso- 
ciation, XV. pp. 72-73 ; and Dunn, op. cit., 96-09, 133. 

220 Declarations of Don Juan Xaviata, pp. 263, 265, infra. 



54 Introduction 

French language, and a frigate painted on parchment with some annota- 
tions ", all of which were " tied up in a neckcloth of fine wide lace ". 221 
To-day these most interesting papers, " preserved in this most interesting 
manner " and characterized as " doubtless the only relics of La Salle's 
Texas colony ", 222 are still preserved in the Archives of the Indies, at 
Seville, Spain. Photographs of them are herein published for the first 
time. 223 

The day after the arrival of Don Juan Xaviata and his companions at 
El Parral Governor Pardinas took the sworn testimony of each concern- 
ing the country and the foreigners to the east of La Junta. The witnesses 
were asked the distance and the condition of the road from El Parral to 
the Texas Indians and to the Bay of Espiritu Santo — whether there were 
obstacles along it, or rivers to be forded; how many and what nations 
lived along this road; whether the foreigners were still at the Bay of 
Espiritu Santo ; and, in case the foreigners were still there, whether they 
had conversed with them, and, if so, what had been said. 224 The deposi- 
tions of these Indians, which shed some new light upon the sad fate of 
the La Salle expedition and which are printed hereinafter, 225 are most 
interesting, even though they are not satisfactorily illuminative in all 
details. 

According to the Indian deponents, foreigners, with " coats or breast- 
plates of steel, and helmets on their heads ", and carrying long harque- 
buses, had on no less than three occasions ascended the Rio del Norte. 
On the first two visits they ate and danced with the Indians, told them 
that they were going to be their relatives, and gave them axes, knives, 
and ribbons, and, to the women, beads. They had with them an interpre- 
ter, and through him they inquired how far it was to where the Spaniards 
were mining silver. 226 Between the first and second visits there was a 
lapse of two moons and between the second and the third visit there was 
a lapse of over three moons. 227 On the third and last visit six foreigners 
and an Indian interpreter came up the river in canoes and four other for- 
eigners came by land to a rancheria seven days' journey, or an estimated 
distance of sixty-seven leagues, below La Junta. Again the foreigners 
fraternized with the natives, to whom they gave copper ladles, ribbons, 
table-knives, and pocket-knives; to the captains they gave some shirts. 
Again they asked the Indians how many Spaniards there were in the 

221 " The governor arrives from the Rio del Norte ", p. 261, infra. 

222 Dunn, op. cit., p. 99, n. 28. See the Appendix to this volume. 

223 See opposite pp. 257 and 476. It was through the courtesy of Miss Irene A. Wright 
that these photographs were secured. 

224 Auto of Governor Pardinas, El Parral, Apr. II, 1689, p. 263, infra. 
226 Pp. 263-281, infra. 

226 Declaration of Cuis Benive, a heathen Cibolo, p. 275, infra ; declaration of Muy- 
gisofac, a heathen Cibolo, ibid., p. 279. 

227 Declaration of Miguel, a Christian Cibolo, p. 269, infra; declaration of Cuis 
Benive, ibid., p. 275. 



Introduction 55 

region of El Parral where silver was being mined, and they interrogated 
those Indians who had been to harvest crops for the Spaniards in the 
valley of San Bartolome. They also told the Indians that the Spaniards 
were not good people, but that they were. The visitors remained at the 
rancheria for three days, after which they returned by way of the river. 
Because the foreigners had rosaries, and " spoke to them of God ", and 
took nothing from them, the Indians judged them to be good people, like 
the Spaniards. The only thing that seemed strange to them was that 
they wore doublets of steel. 228 

Three moons after the Frenchmen had left the Indian rancheria on 
the Rio Grande, Don Juan Xaviata and certain of the Cibolo chiefs 
started on their journey to the country of the Texas Indians. 229 While on 
this journey they learned that all the foreigners, except a few who had 
gone to trade with the Texas Indians for maize, had been killed, 230 and 
that those who had killed them intended " to do likewise with as many 
as might come in wooden houses ". 231 

The Cibolos also saw " plunder of garments and clothing and other 
articles " that had belonged to the foreigners, including a cape at one 
rancheria which resembled those worn by the Franciscan missionaries. 
At one place the Indians danced about much plunder, around which they 
" had placed banners of silk on sticks ". 232 None of the Christian Cibolos 
ventured to visit the site of the French settlement, but two heathen Cibolos 
did so. One estimated the site to be ten and the other twelve days' jour- 
ney from La Junta. One of them stated that " they found it abandoned 
and almost in ruins. They saw some very large harquebuses (the way 
these people have of describing pieces of artillery), but they saw no living 
thing except some of the pigs which they had ". The other heathen Cibolo 
stated that " inside the place where the strangers had lived were many 
broken chests ". 233 Thus did two Rio Grande Indians who had been to 
the Texas coast, who had returned from there to La Junta, and who had 
gone on eighty leagues from there to El Parral describe the ruins of 
La Salle's settlement. This description, it is interesting to note, was given 

228 Declaration of Don Juan Xaviata, governor of the Cibolos, p. 265, infra ; declara- 
tion of Miguel, captain of the Cibolos, ibid., pp. 269, 271 ; declaration of Cuis Benive, 
ibid., p. 275. 

229 Declaration of Don Juan Xaviata, p. 265, infra; declaration of Cuis Benive, ibid., 
p. 277. 

- 80 Don Juan Xaviata testified (p. 265, infra) that the Indians near the sea told him 
that they had killed the foreigners. Miguel, captain of the Cibolos, testified that "the 
Indians of the region where the sun rises had destroyed and killed the said foreigners " 
(p. 221). Cuis Benive, a heathen Cibolo, testified (p. 275) that the Indians of the sierra 
had killed the foreigners. Muygisofac, another heathen Cibolo, testified (p. 279) that 
the " Indians who live in the sierras and those of the sea-coast had killed them all ". 

23i Declaration of Don Juan Xaviata, p. 265, infra. 

232 Ibid.; declaration of Miguel, ibid., pp. 271, 273; declaration of Cuis Benive, ibid., p. 
275 ; declaration of Muygisofac, ibid., p. 279. 

233 Declaration of Cuis Benive, pp. 275, 277, infra ; declaration of Muygisofac, ibid., 
p. 279. 



56 



Introduction 



in El Parral eleven days before Governor De Leon of Coahuila on his 
fourth expedition reached the ruins of the French fort on April 22, 
1689. 234 

Before returning to La Junta the Cibolo Indians visited the Texas 
Indians, who lived at an estimated distance of from eighteen to twenty- 
six days' journey from La Junta. 235 While among the Texas Indians the 
Cibolos met and conversed with five of the survivors of the La Salle 
expedition, who received the Indians courteously and inquired concerning 
the Spaniards. Because Miguel, the Cibolo captain, offered to conduct 
them " to a land of Christian Spaniards ", the Frenchmen started to 
accompany the Cibolos on their return journey to La Junta. But on the 
third day's journey, because they heard that there were many warlike 
Indians along the way, the Frenchmen returned to the Texas Indians, 236 
after having instructed the Cibolos to notify the Spaniards of their 
presence among the Texas Indians, and to ask them to come and " take 
them out ". 237 

En route to La Junta, after having left the Texas Indians, Don Juan 
Xaviata was presented with " a good bundle of papers " by an Indian 
captain of one of the rancherias near the Texas Indians. Later all of 
these papers, except the two sheets of paper and the picture of a ship 
which Xaviata presented to Governor Pardifias upon his arrival at El 
Parral, were stolen from him by a Coahuila Indian who spoke Spanish. 238 

The testimony of the four Indians who had been to the Texas country 
convinced Governor Pardifias that no longer was there urgent necessity 
for reconnoitring the Bay of Espiritu Santo. Accordingly on April 12, 
1689, just ten days before Governor Alonso de Leon reached the deserted 
French settlement, and, as later evidence showed, corroborated in large 
measure the testimony of the four above-mentioned Indians, Governor 



234 For a description of De Leon's discovery of the French fort, see Dunn, op. cii., 
pp. 100-109. 

135 Declaration of Don Juan Xaviata, p. 267, infra. Miguel, the captain of the Cibolos, 
estimated (p. 273) that the distance from La Junta to the Texas Indians was only eight 
days' journey. This was a gross underestimate of the distance. Upon evidence secured 
while he was in the La Junta region in 1689, General Retana estimated that the distance 
from La Junta to the country of the Texas Indians was twenty-two days' M marches by 
wagon ". See Retana to Pardifias, Rio Salado, Mar. 3, 1689, pp. 257, 259, infra. 

236 In the latter part of April, 1689, Governor De Leon met two of the survivors of 
La Salle's colony twenty-five leagues beyond the San Marcos River, and learned of two 
other Frenchmen who had been living among the Texas Indians. The Frenchmen en- 
countered by De Leon were Jean Larcheveque and Jacques Groslet (see Dunn, op. cit., 
p. 105). Doubtless these were two of the Frenchmen whom the Cibolo Indians had 
conversed with when they were visiting the Texas Indians. Five other Frenchmen were 
rescued by De Leon in Texas in 1690, and were sent by him to the viceroy. Letter of 
Father Font Cuberta to the father custodio, p. 283, infra. 

237 Declaration of Don Juan Xaviata, pp. 265, 267, infra ; declaration of Miguel, ibid., 
pp. 271, 273 ; declaration of Cuis Benive, ibid., p. 275 ; declaration of Muygisofac, ibid., 

p. 279- 

238 Same references. 



Introduction 57 

Pardifias countermanded his previous instructions for General Retana 
to reconnoitre the site of the French settlement. 239 

The following year, 1690, Don Juan Xaviata again visited the country 
of the Texas Indians, where he found the situation very different from 
what it had been on his former visit. The De Leon-Massanet expedition 
of 1690 had burned the desolate French fort near the Bay of Espiritu 
Santo, had encountered several other Frenchmen, and had founded the 
temporary mission of San Francisco de los Texas at a site eighteen 
leagues northeast of the Trinity River. After the establishment of the 
mission Governor De Leon and Father Massanet had departed for Coa- 
huila on June 2, 240 leaving at the new mission only three missionaries, 
one lay brother, and three Spanish soldiers. 241 Father Massanet was 
absent until the following year, when he returned to the Texas country 
with the Teran expedition. Soon after his departure for Coahuila Don 
Juan Xaviata arrived at San Francisco de los Texas. On September 4 
Father Font Cuberta, one of the three missionaries who had been left 
there, wrote a letter to the Father custodio at El Paso and entrusted it 
to Don Juan Xaviata. The letter related briefly the circumstances that 
had left him and his associates at San Francisco de los Texas and told 
of reports that white men, whom he suspected to be Frenchmen, were 
" some distance to the north " of the Texas country, where there was 
reported to be a river so large that it could not be crossed on horseback. 
Father Font Cuberta stated that Don Juan Xaviata had told him that it 
was " no more than five days' journey " from San Francisco de los Texas 
to El Paso, 242 and, in view of this, and the rumors that the French were 
going to come there, suggested that " it would be a great assistance " if 
it were " possible for some soldiers to come and see if these Frenchmen 
were approaching ". 243 

Don Juan Xaviata did not return to La Junta promptly, and the follow- 
ing June, 1 69 1, the Teran expedition while en route from Coahuila to 
Texas encountered Don Juan Xaviata and a large number of Jumanos 
and their allies on the Guadalupe River. Xaviata had letters from the 
missionaries at San Francisco de los Texas which told of the death of 
Father Font Cuberta. 244 A year later, July 7, 1692, Don Juan Xaviata 
gave to Governor Pardifias at El Parral an account, hereinafter pub- 
lished, 245 of his latest expedition to the Texas country. He stated that 
he had gone there in fulfillment of Governor Pardinas's request that he 

239 Auto of Governor Pardifias, pp. 281, 283, infra. 

240 Dunn, op. cit., p. 122. 

241 Father Font Cuberta to the father custodio, p. 283, infra; Dunn {op. cit., p. 122) 
says that only six Spaniards were left at San Francisco de los Texas. 

242 Don Juan Xaviata later repudiated this estimate and stated that the missionary 
doubtless had misunderstood him. See auto of Governor Pardifias, p. 287, infra. 

243 Father Font Cuberta to the father custodio, pp. 283, 285, infra. 

244 Dunn, op. cit., p. 133. 

245 Pp. 285-289, infra. 



58 Introduction 

try to ascertain whether any foreigners had returned to the Bay of 
Espiritu Santo. He explained his long absence by the fact that the Span- 
iards whom he had met in Texas " were not suspicious people . . . and 
so he wandered among different nations ... a period of ten moons ". 
After his return to La Junta he had exacted vengeance on certain Indian 
nations who had killed, during his absence, a number of his people be- 
cause they had not been willing to join in a rebellion against the 
Spaniards. 246 

During the closing months of Pardinas's administration, and while 
the decision was pending with respect to the question of removing or 
retaining its presidio, 247 the western province of Sinaloa was enjoying 
comparative peace and stability. At that time, however, it appears that 
the authority of the alcalde mayor of Sinaloa was not recognized along 
the boundary with Nueva Vizcaya, for Captain Agramont complained to 
the viceroy in April, 1693, that his subordinates there did " only what the 
alcalde mayor of the Real de San Juan, and deputy of Nacosari ", who 
resided in Corodeguachi " for the guarding of that frontier ", told them 
to do. 

The most serious troubles in Sinaloa in the spring of 1693 were occa- 
sioned by " an epidemic of measles in its worst form " and by a pro- 
longed drought. Because of the former, work at the camps was at a 
standstill, there not being " so much as the stroke of a pick ". As a result 
of the drought, and consequent hunger because of short crops, the In- 
dians at first had blamed " the God of the Spaniards ", and later some 
had run away from their pueblos and rancherias. The drought was also 
blamed for " another epidemic among the animals ". 

Captain Agramont reported to the viceroy in April, 1693, that 9800 
pounds of quicksilver had previously been distributed among the miners 
of that region and that another consignment of 10,200 pounds was ex- 
pected. An assayer and his assistant were also expected and upon their 
arrival the most advantageous site for a smelter was to be selected. 248 

7. The administration of Governor Don Gabriel del Castillo. Don 
Gabriel del Castillo arrived at Durango on March 30, 1693, and at once 
assumed the governorship of Nueva Vizcaya; as late as April 28, 1696, 
he was still serving as governor. 249 Upon his arrival he found that a 
crisis was threatening the very existence of that kingdom. A " general 
epidemic " prevailed and many of the soldiers were ill. About two weeks 
before his arrival the Indians renewed their depredations and by the be- 
ginning of April they had committed so many murders, atrocities, and 

246 Auto of Governor Pardirias, pp. 285, 287, infra. 

247 See pp. 317, 379, infra. 

248 Agramont to the viceroy, Sinaloa, Apr. 22, 1693, pp. 315, 317, infra. 

249 Castillo to the viceroy, Durango, Apr. 4-May 2, 1693, p. 301, infra ; fiscal's report, 
Madrid, Apr. 1, 1698, ibid., p. 419; reply of the fiscal, Madrid, Apr. 2, 1698, ibid., pp. 459, 
461. 



Introduction 59 

horse-thefts that the governor expressed the fear that outlying ranches 
and towns of the kingdom would be totally destroyed. 

To forestall such a contingency Governor Castillo commissioned 
Sargento Mayor Juan Bautista Escorza, captain of the thirty-five soldiers 
stationed at the presidio of El Pasaje, to make a two-month campaign 
against the hostiles. Escorza was instructed to take in all fifty soldiers, 
recruited in part from his own presidial force and in part from those at 
the presidios of El Gallo and Cerro Gordo, and with these to reconnoitre 
twelve designated localities and four mountain passes by which the hos- 
tiles were accustomed to enter the kingdom. In case the hostiles were not 
encountered at any of these places, Escorza was to proceed to the Sierra 
del Diablo and reconnoitre various water-holes and camping sites fre- 
quented by the Indians ; in case the Indians were encountered he was to 
endeavor to completely put them to the sword ; in case they were put to 
flight he was to pursue them until he either overtook them or forced them 
into a place where he could besiege them, at which time reinforcements 
were to be summoned if they were needed. Should Escorza find a trail 
of the Indians that led toward either of the presidios of El Gallo or Cerro 
Gordo, or toward El Parral, he was to notify the respective captain, so 
that, co-operating, they might " catch the enemy between them and com- 
pletely put them to the sword ". Under no circumstances was he to con- 
sider peace proposals unless the hostiles and all their families agreed to 
submit to the unconditional terms of the governor. 250 

Escorza was delayed in starting upon his expedition because of being 
obliged to await the arrival of some flour from El Parral, and in making 
other necessary arrangements. Governor Castillo expressed his belief 
on May 2, however, that Escorza with fifty soldiers and twenty-four 
friendly Indians was by that time in the field. 251 

A royal cedula of July 21, 1691, had instructed the governors of Nueva 
Vizcaya not only to obey the orders of the viceroy of New Spain but to 
report to him " concerning everything which they might accomplish ". 252 
In conformity with this cedula Governor Castillo gave an account to the 
viceroy on May 2, 1693, °f ms activities, and at the same time made 
various recommendations concerning the distribution of the soldiers in 
Nueva Vizcaya. Under the arrangement existing at that time, as has been 
stated, thirty field soldiers were assigned to the Real del Parral, although 
fifteen of them were usually kept there and the other fifteen were kept at 
Durango. At first Governor Castillo had been of the opinion that it would 
be unnecessary to keep the fifteen soldiers at Durango, but later he came 
to the conclusion that it was essential to keep at least ten of them there. 

250 Governor Castillo's instructions to Sargento Mayor Juan Bautista Escorza, 
Durango, Apr. 2, 1693, pp. 297-301, infra; fiscal's report, Madrid, Apr. 1, 1608, ibid., 
p. 427. 

201 Castillo to the viceroy, Apr. 4-May 2, 1693, p. 303, infra. 

25z Fiscal's report, Madrid, Apr. 1, 1698, pp. 419, 421, infra. 



60 Introduction 

He thought that a minimum of thirty field soldiers should be kept at 
El Parral instead of fifteen, as was then the case, but that it would be 
much better if forty field soldiers were permanently stationed there. 
Accordingly, he recommended that five of the fifteen soldiers at Durango 
and twenty additional soldiers should be sent to reinforce the fifteen sol- 
diers at the Real del Parral, thereby increasing to forty the soldiers at 
that place. 253 

Indeed, the need of soldiers at El Parral was felt to be so urgent that 
early in May Governor Castillo countermanded previous instructions for 
the fifteen soldiers there to come to Durango and serve as his convoy to 
El Parral. 254 In lieu of this plan he took under advisement the withdrawal 
of three soldiers from each of five presidios to serve as his body-guard ; 255 
later he expressed doubt as to the advisability of diverting a single soldier 
from any presidio. 256 

About the time of Governor Castillo's arrival in Durango decision was 
pending as to whether the viceroy should transfer fifty soldiers from New 
Mexico — where Governor Diego de Vargas the year before had received 
the nominal submission of all of the rebellious Pueblo Indians of New 
Mexico 257 — to Nueva Vizcaya for the purpose of enforcing the garrison 
of General Juan de Retana. 258 Governor Castillo told the viceroy in his 
letter of May 2, 1693, that in case these soldiers were transferred to 
Nueva Vizcaya, which action he regarded as a necessity, 259 it was his 
intention to put two additional squads in the field, comprising in all one 
hundred and fifty Spanish soldiers and one hundred friendly Indians, 
and to keep them there until the kingdom was made safe. Governor Cas- 
tillo justified these plans by expressing the belief that the only remedy 
for a province, " with Indians scattered over 200 leagues of it commit- 
ting atrocities ", was for three such squads to pursue them " simulta- 
neously for more than 300 leagues in their own country, in order to destroy 
or reduce them ". 260 General Retana, captain of fifty men at his presidio 
of San Francisco de Conchos, was to be in command of one squad of 
sixty men, and was to leave ten men at his presidio during his absence. 
Martin de Ugalde, captain of twenty-four soldiers stationed at the pre- 
sidio of Cerro Gordo, was to command another squad of forty men, and 
was to leave eight others at his presidio. 261 These with the fifty soldiers 
then in the field with Escorza would make a total of 150 men in the three 

253 Castillo to the viceroy, Durango, Apr. 4-May 2, 1693, pp. 303, 307, 313, infra; 
fiscal' s report, Madrid, Apr. 1, 1698, ibid., p. 421. 

254 Castillo to the viceroy, Durango, Apr. 4-May 2, 1693, p. 305, infra. 

255 Ibid., p. 303. 

256 Ibid., p. 307. 

257 H. H. Bancroft, History of Arizona and New Mexico, 1 530-1888 (San Francisco, 
1889), pp. 197-202. 

258 Castillo to the viceroy, Apr. 4-May 2, 1693, pp. 303, 311, infra. 
™ Ibid., p. 303. 

260 Ibid., pp. 303, 305, 309. 
2el Ibid., pp. 299, 311. 






Introduction 61 

squads. It was not purposed to take any troops from Janos, and Captain 
Luis de Quintana was to remain with all of his troops at his presidio of 
El Gallo. 262 

Governor Castillo advised the viceroy that the so-called war and peace 
fund of 6000 pesos that was annually appropriated to the government of 
Nueva Vizcaya for the expense of maintaining one hundred Indian allies 
in the field would not be sufficient for that purpose and at the same time 
allow for emergency expenses that might arise in case the hostiles should 
submit and congregate in pueblos under the governor's orders. Accord- 
ingly Governor Castillo urged the viceroy to authorize the royal treasury 
officials at Durango to supply him, in case of an emergency such as sug- 
gested above, with necessary funds. 263 

Just at the time that Governor Castillo's hopes were high, as a result 
of prospective reinforcements from New Mexico, that a vigorous offen- 
sive might be undertaken against the hostiles, disquieting news came 
from Sonora that the viceroy had decided to withdraw fifty soldiers from 
the five presidios in Nueva Vizcaya and constitute of them a flying squad 
for Sonora, 264 under the command of Don Domingo Jironza Petriz de 
Cruzate, former governor of New Mexico. 265 This information brought 
forth a vigorous protest to the viceroy from Governor Castillo. He 
argued, while admitting the desirability of such a company for Sonora, 
that he was unable to spare a single soldier and that it would be far more 
sensible to strengthen rather than thus to weaken his provincial forces. 
He therefore implored the viceroy " to raise the fifty men for Sonora in 
some other place than Vizcaya ". 266 Governor Castillo supported his 
several requests and recommendations by detailing various murders and 
outrages recently committed by the Indians. 267 

Late in April a shipment of silver valued at 4000 marks reached 
Durango from El Parral. This was despatched from Durango south on 
May 2, by Governor Castillo. 268 

As the instructions issued by Governor Castillo on April 2 had called 
for him to do, Captain Escorza remained in the field with his squad for 
two months and even longer. The route which he followed carried him 
south and southeast to San Juan de Acosta, on the frontier of Nueva 
Galicia. From there he turned north on June 16, going by way of the 
Nieves, Parras, and Laguna regions to Mapimi, where he arrived on 
July 1. Eleven days later he reached the presidio of Cerro Gordo. 

202 Ibid. 

263 Ibid., pp. 303, 305 ; fiscal's opinion, Madrid, Apr. 1, 1698, p. 421, infra. 

264 Castillo to the viceroy, Durango, Apr. 4-May 2, 1693, p. 309, infra. 

265 For Cruzate, see Hughes, op. cit., p. 324. 

266 Castillo to the viceroy, Durango, Apr. 4-May 2, 1693, p. 309, infra; fiscal's report, 
Madrid, Apr. 1, 1698, ibid., pp. 421, 423. 

267 Ibid., pp. 305, 307, 309. 

268 Ibid., p. 313. 



:* 



62 



Introduction 



From the standpoint of military achievements Escorza's expedition 
could hardly be characterized as successful. At no place did he engage 
any hostile Indians in battle, and on the Nueva Galicia frontier nothing 
at all was heard of the hostiles. On the night of June 20 Escorza chased 
the enemy all night " without being able to catch or kill a single one ". 
Between Laguna and Mapimi the Indians fled from their rancherias at 
the approach of the Spaniards; along this stretch Escorza reported the 
loss of eight horses and the exhaustion of one-half of the remainder. 
Between Mapimi and Cerro Gordo, Escorza reconnoitred various places 
frequented by the Indians but without having engaged any in battle, 
although one party of approximately forty well-equipped and armed 
Indians was sighted in the sierra. 

When Escorza reached Cerro Gordo he reported to Governor Castillo 
that in the region visited affairs were " in a worse state " than they had 
ever been. He stated that many new people were among the enemy, 
including nations from the region of the Rio del Norte and northern 
Coahuila, not less than sixty leagues distant, and that they were having 
a very demoralizing effect upon the friendly Indians. Accordingly 
Escorza recommended that action be taken both in Nueva Vizcaya and 
by the captain of Coahuila to prevent these Indians from entering the 
former province. Furthermore, Escorza found that the enemy nations, 
under the name of Tobosos, had been " driven by necessity ... to in- 
crease their ravages ". This, and the fact that the local Indians were so 
weak that they were helpless to prevent strange Indians from coming in 
" but rather solicit them and invite them ", constituted, in Escorza's 
opinion, the causes for the bad situation on the eastern frontier of Nueva 
Vizcaya. 269 

Governor Castillo heartily congratulated Captain Escorza on July 15 
for having " entirely fulfilled " his obligation, and thanked him for all 
that he had done. At the same time he ordered Escorza to send the sol- 
diers comprising his squad back to the presidios from which they were 
enlisted, and to instruct the lieutenant at El Gallo to arm and provision 
the twenty soldiers from that presidio who had been with Escorza and 
" enough others to make up the number of forty-two ". These were in- 
structed to take the field at the latest by the end of this month. Escorza 
was also told to send scouts to various places in the mountains with 
orders to maintain great vigilance until the squads took the field. 270 

Meanwhile in Mexico City the viceroy had called a junta general de 
guerra on June 5, 1693, to consider the recommendations of Governor 
Castillo. By this junta it was decided that twenty soldiers, to be paid 
" in cash and goods ", should be added to the thirty field soldiers assigned 
to the Real del Parral, and that the fifteen soldiers at Durango, out of 



269 Escorza to Castillo, Cerro Gordo, July 13, 1693, pp. 3^9S 2 5, infra. 

270 Castillo to Escorza, El Parral, June 15, 1693, pp. 327, 3^9, infra. 



Introduction 63 

deference to the opinion of the governor, the bishop, the ecclesiastical 
cabildo, and the municipal cabildo, should remain there. Later, on 
December 19, 1693, a junta de hacienda authorized the fifteen soldiers 
assigned to Durango to go out twenty leagues from the city to explore, 
provided they were accompanied by the lieutenants of the governor. It 
was also resolved at the June junta that the royal treasury officials of 
Durango should be authorized, " in urgent cases which did not admit of 
communication with the viceroy ", to supply Governor Castillo " with 
what he might ask for, in case the six thousand pesos peace and war fund 
should not be sufficient, its distribution and account to fall to the care 
of the factor of the Real del Parral ", who should be obliged to account 
for all expenditures to the Court of Accounts. The junta also agreed 
not to take soldiers from the presidios of Nueva Vizcaya for the pro- 
posed flying company of Don Domingo Jironza. At the same time the 
instructions which Governor Castillo had given to Captain Don Juan 
Bautista de Escorza when he made his reconnaissance to the borders of 
Nueva Galicia were approved by the junta. 271 

In the course of the summer and autumn of 1693 punitive and recon- 
noitring expeditions, similar to the one that Captain Juan Bautista de 
Escorza had led, were sent out by Governor Castillo. The bases from 
which these later expeditions were sent out were San Francisco de Con- 
chos and Janos, on the northeastern and northwestern frontiers of the 
kingdom, respectively. On the expeditions that were sent out from San 
Francisco de Conchos against the Chizos and other allied Indian tribes. 
General Juan de Retana, captain of the presidio at that place, played the 
leading role. On his first expedition, while he was at the post of Los 
Posalmes, on July 19, he was visited by a Sunigugligla captain, who was 
escorted by Don Nicolas, governor of the Cibolo Indians. To the Suni- 
gugligla captain Retana pointed out the advantages of submitting to 
the Spaniards. By way of reply the native chief stated that he had re- 
cently deserted the hostiles and expressed a desire to settle with his people 
at that place and also a willingness to conduct Retana to three rancherias 
of the hostile Chichitames, Guazapayogliglas, and Sisimbles Indians, 
which were distant three days' journey from that place. These proposi- 
tions Retana accepted. Thereupon Don Nicolas, accompanied by the Suni- 
gugligla captain, whom Retana had greatly pleased by giving him gifts 
of biscuit, jerked beef, and tobacco, went away to bring " the rest of the 
friendly people of the lower river " for the proposed expedition against 
the hostiles, who were said to have scattered in different directions." 72 

On July 28 plans were agreed upon by General Retana and the captains 
of the Indian allies for an attack upon the Chizos Indians. These plans 
called for an assault early the following morning upon the pefiol of Santa 

271 Fiscal's report, Madrid, Apr. 1, 1698, pp. 425, 427, 429, infra. 

272 Auto of Retana, Los Posalmes, July 19, 1693, p. 329, infra. 



64 Introduction 

Marta, upon which the Chizos were stationed, and in this assault the 
Spaniards under Retana were to be aided by more than 200 Indian allies ; 
among these were three Cibolo spies. 273 When the attack was made at 
daybreak on the morning of July 29, the Chizos, through failure of some 
of the Indian allies to adhere to the plans that had been agreed upon, were 
able to retreat to the most inaccessible part of the penol. Retana was not 
to be outdone, and between daybreak and four o'clock in the afternoon 
he made three or four ineffective assaults upon the penol, in the course 
of which one Indian was killed and four Spaniards and ten Indian allies 
were wounded. At this juncture the Chizos sent word to Retana that they 
were willing to come down from the penol " even though they should be 
hanged ". Retana accepted the offer, whereupon they requested that 
Father Fray Gabriel Montes de Oca should be sent to the slope of the 
penol in order that he might accompany them. Retana also agreed to 
this, and gave instructions for the Chizos to be conducted to the camp of 
the Spaniards. Instead of following these instructions, however, the 
Chizos were located at twilight at a spring at the foot of the sierra. 
Shortly afterward it was reported to Retana that the Chizos had not 
come down from the sierra in good faith ; 274 the following morning a 
bloody trail indicated the route by which the hostiles had fled during the 
night. In a reconnoissance of the slopes of the penol the bodies of twenty- 
two dead Chizos men and eight women were found. 275 

The same day among the pillage that the Chizos had assembled at their 
rancheria were found various articles and papers, apparently from a 
mission in Coahuila; a commission issued by the viceroy, the Count of 
Galve, to Don Diego de Valdes, 276 Indian governor of the Nadadores 
nation in Coahuila; 277 and the saddle and other articles of a Spaniard, 
Andres de Jauregui, whom the hostiles had killed on San Pablo Hill. 278 

According to the testimony of a young Indian captive heard by Retana 
on July 30, the Chizos and their allies, guided by "two old Indian women 
who had escaped after having been captured by the Spaniards of Coa- 
huila ", had attacked eight days earlier a mission in Coahuila, distant four 
days' journey from that place. The missionary doubtless escaped martyr- 
dom by being absent from the mission. Ten people, however, including 
an Indian governor, were reported to have been killed. A young Spanish 
girl who was captured was killed and eaten by the old women. Other 
Spaniards in the district of Coahuila, or Parras, were also reported to 
have been killed. According to the same deponent the Sunigugligla In- 
dians " some days before " had attacked the Chizos and had killed five 

273 Auto of Retana, July 28, 1693, ibid., p. 331. 

274 Auto of Retana, penol of Santa Marta, July 29, 1693, ibid., pp. 33^-333- 

275 Auto of Retana, penol of Santa Marta, July 30, 1693, ibid., p. 333. 
27B Ibid. 

277 Decree of the viceroy, the Count of Galve, with enclosures, Mexico, May 31, 1691, 
PP. 335-339, infra. 

278 Auto of Retana, penol of Santa Marta, July 30, 1693, p. 333, infra. 



Introduction 65 

of them and taken off all of their horses. Two days before the Spaniards 
attacked the Chizos " another rancheria of many people left them ". 279 

Several weeks later, September 5, at his presidio of San Francisco de 
Conchos, General Retana received the submission of several Indian 
chiefs, including Don Santiago, the Chizo captain who had violated his 
pledge at the penol of Santa Marta. General Retana interrogated these 
Indians and from them he learned that the Hijos de la Tierra (Sons of 
the Earth), Las Piedras (the Stones), and the Acoclames had planted 
their crops at a water-hole in the mountains, and that their usual habitat 
was in the vicinity of the Sierra de Xacue and Las Encinillas. The de- 
ponents told Retana that these Indians had tried to dissuade them from 
joining the Spaniards, and, failing in this, they had intimidated them. 
They stated that the Cocoiomes and their allies under Don Francisco 
Tecolote, Lorencillo, Contreras, and other leaders were in the Sierra de 
Xacue and in the region between Acatita, La Grande, and Guapague. 
The deponents made suggestions concerning a proposed attack on these 
Indians, and offered to join Retana upon it. On cross-examination they 
stated that the Osatayogliglas, the Guazapayogliglas, the Chichitames, 
and the Sisimbles had only forty-two, thirty-eight, thirty, and fifty-four 
bow and arrow men, respectively. 280 

In November, 1693, as a result of Retana's campaigns, four of the 
Chizos nations namely, the Chichitames, the Satapayogliglas, the Guaza- 
payogliglas, and the Osatayogliglas, had been settled at the presidio of 
San Francisco de Conchos. Led by the Cocoiomes, however, other hos- 
tiles between that presidio and the Rio del Norte continued to harass the 
entire kingdom. 281 Finally, exasperated by the deplorable situation result- 
ing from their atrocities, convinced that there was " no other remedy than 
to pursue them and seek them in their own country ", and aware that the 
" gentle methods " used theretofore against the hostiles " had only served 
to encourage them ", Governor Castillo in November, 1693, decided that 
the only alternative left was " to make war upon them with blood and 
fire ", not only because he felt that they deserved it but because the king- 
dom was being " annihilated with the thefts of horses and the murders 
therein of many people ". 

Acting upon authority granted by the viceroy, in a junta general of 
June 5, Governor Castillo on November 10 instructed General Juan de 
Retana to take the field at once with eighty soldiers and sufficient sup- 
plies for four months. At the same time provision was to be made for 
two other squads to be in the field at the same time, one to be under the 
command of Captain Juan de Escorza and the other under Martin de 

™Ibid., pp. 333, 335- 

280 Auto of Retana, San Francisco de Conchos, Sept. 5, 1693, p. 343, infra ; declaration 
of Retana, San Francisco de Conchos, Sept. 5, 1693, ibid., pp. 343,. 345. 

281 Castillo to the viceroy, El Parral, Nov. 20, 1693, p. 349, infra ; Marin to the Count 
of Galve, El Parral, Sept. 30, 1693, ibid., p. 399. 

/ 



66 Introduction 

Ugalde. Of the soldiers for this expedition Retana was to take forty from 
the fifty at his own presidio of San Francisco de Conchos, twenty were 
to be taken from .the presidio of El Gallo, and another twenty were to 
be taken from the field company of Captain Antonio de Medina. Also, 
Retana was to take fifty paid Indians, including some from the four 
recently surrendered Chizos nations, and two hundred and fifty other 
Indians from the nations that had recently submitted. These were to be 
given only their food and " some assistance in expenses upon their 
return ". 

Retana was instructed to seek the enemy, beginning at the Sierra de 
Conula and Papagua and continuing from there to the " interior of the 
Rio del Norte region ", examining at his discretion El Diablo Sierra. 
In case he should encounter old enemies of the Spaniards he was to 
endeavor " to put them completely to the sword or else pursue them until 
they were forced by hunger and thirst to surrender ". In this contingency 
Retana was to receive the unconditional surrender of the men, women, 
and children, in the name of Governor Castillo, who was to be notified 
at once so that he might dictate terms to them. In case General Retana 
should pick up a trail of the enemy that led to either of the three distant 
pueblos, he was to advise them so that they might be on their guard and 
might be advised of the fact that two other squads were then in the field 
besides Retana's. 

Because the chiefs, Don Francisco El Tecolote, Contrerillas, Loren- 
cillo, Luguillas, Cola de Coiote, and Maimara, had been the unyielding 
ring-leaders in the atrocities committed against the Spaniards, Governor 
Castillo felt that it would be fitting to exterminate them altogether. 
Accordingly Retana was instructed to offer the Indian allies in the name 
of the king a reward of one hundred pesos for either of these chiefs. 282 

Just as General Retana was ready to take the field from the presidio 
of San Francisco de Conchos, Governor Castillo at El Parral heard 
rumors of the disloyalty of the four Chizos nations settled at the above 
presidio. It was reported to him that these nations had entered into a 
conspiracy with the Cocoiomes and other hostile nations whereby General 
Retana was to be allowed to take the field, after which the Chizos at 
Conchos were to kill all the women and the ten soldiers left there on the 
first feast day when they should be celebrating mass, and were then to 
join the hostiles in an endeavor to destroy Retana's squad. Since Retana 
was taking seventy Chizos Indians with him, Governor Castillo expressed 
the opinion that the Indians could succeed in their plans. 

Upon receipt of this disquieting information Governor Castillo sent 
instructions to Governor Don Nicolas of the Cibolos at La Junta to meet 
Retana, with reinforcements, twenty leagues beyond Conchos. At the 
same time instructions were issued to Captain Martin de Ugalde to pro- 

282 Order of Castillo to Retana, El Parral, Nov. 10, 1693, pp. 345-349, infra. 



Introduction 67 

ceed in haste and secrecy to the vicinity of Conchos and enter into com- 
munication with Retana. By a prearranged plan between the two captains 
two days after Retana took the field from San Francisco de Conchos, 
Ugalde with his squad was to appear unexpectedly at that pueblo. There 
he was to investigate the reports of the projected uprising of the Chizos, 
while Retana was to conduct a similar investigation wherever he might 
be encamped. In case the reports were confirmed as a result of these 
investigations, Retana was to execute " without further scruple " the 
seventy Chizos with him; Ugalde, after executing the Chizos men left 
at San Francisco de Conchos, was to send the women and children to 
Governor Castillo at El Parral. 283 

Again Retana's forces proved to be invincible before the heathen In- 
dians. The royal fiscal in Madrid summed up Retana's achievements in 
1698 as follows: " In the space of one year the presidial squads, includ- 
ing friendly Indians, commanded by Retana, made eight surprise attacks 
on the enemy Indians, killed more than three hundred of them, and re- 
duced to the dominion of his Majesty at La Junta de los Rios, in the 
north, two nations which contain more than four hundred families, and, 
at the pueblo of San Francisco, near the presidio of Conchos, four other 
nations, containing more than one hundred and thirty families." 284 

Meanwhile Governor Castillo had made the reports of the projected 
uprising of the Chizos Indians at San Francisco de Conchos the basis, 
as already shown, for requesting the viceroy to " amplify " his instruc- 
tions so as " to permit the prompt punishment of the hostiles, even per- 
mitting them, without either process or semblance of law, to be put to 
the sword for breaking the peace or for the crimes " which they might 
commit. In making this request Governor Castillo said : " Before God 
I assure your Excellency that it is contrary to reason not to put the In- 
dians to the sword. ... By merely making some attacks upon them they 
can escape by retiring far into the impenetrable mountains . . . where 
. . . they can hold their convocations and can decide to fall upon us 
when we are least expecting it." 28h The reasons for the fiscal's disap- 
proval of these suggestions have already been noted. 286 At the same 
time the fiscal also unqualifiedly disapproved Governor Castillo's sug- 
gestion that the women and children of the executed warriors should be 
deported to Mexico City. Aside from the expense necessary for their 
transportation, the fiscal stated that the demoralization of the unfortu- 

283 Castillo to the viceroy, El Parral, Nov. 20, 1693, pp. 349, 351, infra; opinion of the 
fiscal, Mexico, Dec. 16, 1693, ibid., pp. 355-36i. 

284 Fiscal's report, Madrid, Apr. 1, 1698, p. 427, infra. The number of families in the 
four nations congregated at San Francisco de Conchos was one hundred and forty-eight 
See fiscal's opinion, Mexico, Dec 16, 1693, p. 357, infra. 

285 Castillo to the viceroy, El Parral, Nov. 20, 1693, p. 351, infra; fiscal's opinion, 
Madrid, Apr. 1, 1698, ibid., pp. 427, 429. 

288 See p. 129. 
6 



68 Introduction 

nates would be such because of lack of work and a place to live that they 
would be a constant expense to the real hacienda. 2 * 7 

At the time that Governor Castillo requested the viceroy to modify 
instructions so as to permit the summary execution of certain notorious 
Indians, there were one hundred and forty-eight families of Chizos In- 
dians settled at the presidio of Conchos for whom the governor held some 
slight hope that they would " continue in the reduction and peace agreed 
to ". Since their arrival at this presidio Governor Castillo had been 
assisting these Indians with supplies of meat and corn and in November, 
1693, he requested the viceroy to continue this assistance for the year 
that they would have to wait until their crops might be planted and har- 
vested, the expense of which would amount to 6000 pesos. On Decem- 
ber 16 the fiscal in Mexico City pointed out to the viceroy the slight bene- 
fits that had resulted from similar grants made in the past, but neverthe- 
less advised the viceroy to grant the request — the royal treasury officials 
to be instructed to deliver to the factor, Don Joseph de Ursua, the neces- 
sary funds, and the governor to be cautioned " to effect rigid economy in 
the said expenditures ". 288 A junta de hacienda in Mexico City on 
December 19, 1693, adopted the recommendations of the fiscal, and au- 
thorized the treasury official at El Parral to deliver to Governor Castillo 
as much as ten thousand pesos for emergency measures. 289 

Meanwhile, plans had been formulated for an expedition to be sent 
into far distant Sonora. In August, 1693, Governor Castillo despatched 
Captain Juan Fernandez de la Fuente from El Parral with instructions 
for him to take a squad of soldiers and make a reconnoissance through 
that province. At the same time Don Manuel de Agramont, captain of 
the presidio of Sinaloa, was instructed to aid De la Fuente with as many 
soldiers as possible, in case the latter might feel the need of them. 290 The 
following month, September, 1693, found Governor Castillo at the pre- 
sidio of San Francisco de Conchos, where he was expediting, although 
convalescing from a serious illness, the organization of Retana's expe- 
dition that was about ready to be sent from that presidio against the 
rebellious Indians on that frontier. 291 

Captain De la Fuente started from El Parral for his presidio at Janos, 
but when he reached Cusiguriachi he was told that the Pimas of Sonora 
were in rebellion. He at once wrote a letter to Governor Castillo in 
which he advised him of this report and assured him " that if a remedy 
were not applied the whole province [of Sonora] was on the verge of 
being lost ". At the same time De la Fuente despatched a courier to re- 

287 Fiscal's opinion, Mexico, Dec. 16, 1693, p. 359, infra. 
***Ibid., pp. 357, 359- 

289 Fiscal's opinion, Madrid, Apr. 1, 1608, p. 427, infra. 

290 Castillo to the viceroy, El Parral, Nov. 23, 1693, p. 353, infra. 

291 Auto of Marin, El Parral, Sept. 14, 1693, pp. 365, 367, infra; auto of General 
Domingo de la Puente, El Parral, Sept. 13, 1693, ibid., p. 369. 



Introduction 69 

quest Don Manuel de Agramont to send him twenty-five soldiers at 
once. 292 

Captain De la Fuente's letter was received at El Parral on September 13 
by General Domingo de la Puente, lieutenant captain-general at El Parral 
during the absence and illness of Governor Castillo at San Francisco 
de Conchos. The latter at once sent orders to Captain De la Fuente at 
Janos to observe the instructions which Governor Castillo had previously 
given to him " for the aid and defense of Sonora ", to leave such a guard 
as he deemed proper at Janos, and " to succor the said province with all 
promptness ". At the same time he called upon " all the present citizens 
and inhabitants " of Sonora to take orders from Captain de la Fuente; 
and, as lieutenant captain-general, he sent " orders on his own behalf to 
the captains of presidios to obey him " and to do as he commanded. 293 

The authority thus assumed and the orders thus issued by General 
de la Puente were to be of no avail. It happened that at that time there 
was an official in El Parral clothed with authority by the viceroy to coun- 
termand De la Puente's orders. This was the alcalde mayor, Don Joseph 
Francisco Marin, who had earlier been sent to Nueva Vizcaya as judge 
of the residencia of ex-Governor Don Juan de Pardinas Villar de Fran- 
cos. In August the viceroy, who desired to restore " the arms of his 
Majesty . .' . to their former standing against the enemies and rebels ", 
had written to Marin that since he was about to assume his duties as 
residencia judge he would receive " no slight information concerning the 
state of those provinces, the condition of their inhabitants, and the char- 
acter of the forces of their frontiers and presidios ". Therefore the 
viceroy had commissioned Marin to inform him of the condition of those 
provinces and of the means which, " in view of the damage that has been 
and is now being experienced ", might be put into practice " for the pur- 
pose of chastising the enemy Indians, establishing the security, peace and 
tranquillity of the inhabitants, and avoiding disagreements among them 
which may prejudice their good government ". 294 

Clothed with such authority, Marin, the day after General De la Puente 
had on his own behalf sent commands to Captain De la Fuente at Janos 
and to other captains, issued an order requiring De la Puente " to abstain 
from sending, despatching, or issuing orders to the captains of presidios " 
under penalty of a fine of 500 pesos. At the same time Captain De la 
Fuente at Janos was advised that after he had repelled the numerous 

292 Castillo to the viceroy, El Parral, Nov. 23, 1693, p. 353, infra; auto of Domingo 
de la Puente, El Parral, Sept. 13, 1693, ibid., p. 369. 

293 Notification given by General Domingo de la Puente, El Parral, Sept 13, 1693, 
P. 365, infra ; auto of Marin, El Parral, Sept. 14, 1693, ibid., pp. 365, 3°7 ', m*o of General 
Domingo de la Puente, El Parral, Sept. 13, 1693, ibid., pp. 369, 37^ 

294 The Count of Galve to Marin, Mexico, Aug. 3, 1693, pp. 385, 387, infra. See also 
auto of Marin, El Parral, Sept. 13, 1693, ibid., pp. 365, 367 ; Valdes to Marin, El Parral, 
Sept. 26, 1693, ibid., p. 379; Marin to the viceroy, El Parral, Sept. 20, 1693, ibid., p. 387; 
decree of the viceroy, Mexico, Sept. 7, 1693, ibid., p. 411. 



70 Introduction 

invasions reported to have occurred on his frontier 295 he might then 
u secure the safety of the province of Sonora ". Also, general orders were 
issued to the other captains not to obey the commands of any lieutenants- 
general " who may not have served or who do not have practice and ex- 
perience in affairs of war ". 2S<J 

Marin justified his action on the ground that the governor of the 
kingdom had once complained to the viceroy that De la Puente was not 
a military man and had had but slight knowledge and experience in mili- 
tary matters, which fact caused resentment among the presidial captains 
who were obliged to receive orders from him. The slight experience of 
General De la Puente, said Marin, was quite evident from the mere fact 
that the latter had instructed Captain De la Fuente, who had only thirty- 
five men under his command, to leave a guard of fifteen men at Janos 
and with the other soldiers, only two of whom had horses, to penetrate 
almost one hundred leagues into the enemy's country for the defense of 
Sonora at a time when " very active war " was in progress in the vicinity 
of his own presidio. To do this would, Marin felt, only embolden the 
enemy with consequent loss to the crown and the Church. For these rea- 
sons, and because he deemed it to be his duty during the illness of Gover- 
nor Castillo " to promote the greater service of his Majesty ", Marin 
countermanded De la Puente's instructions. At the same time he enjoined 
and requested Governor Castillo not to permit De la Puente or any of his 
other lieutenants to give orders to the presidial captains. 297 

In this way and in other ways did Don Joseph Francisco Marin exer- 
cise in a thorough-going fashion his authority as visitor of the presidios 
of Nueva Vizcaya. By the last of September he had actually visited most 
of the presidios and knew " their distances, the manner in which the 
enemy Indians practise their hostilities, and everything else . . . such 
as their natural barbarity, ferocity, and the slight insecurity of the peace 
terms " which they were accustomed to make. 298 

The above orders were issued by Marin at the Real del Parral on 
September 14. Four days later, but apparently before Marin's instruc- 
tions were received, Captain De la Fuente at Janos expressed his inten- 
tion of taking some citizens from his jurisdiction and proceeding as far 
as the Sierra de Chiguicagui. 299 In case he was joined there by twenty- 
five soldiers whom, by authorization of Governor Castillo, he had re- 
quested Manuel de Agramont, captain of the presidio of Sinaloa, to send 
him, it was his intention to go at once on a campaign against the Pimas 
and their allies. Captain De la Fuente felt that this offensive action 

295 p or an account of the atrocities committed in the vicinity of Janos, see De la 
Fuente to Almazan, Janos, Sept. 18, 1693, p. 373, infra. 

296 Auto of Marin, El Parral, Sept. 13, 1693, pp. 367, 369, infra, 
wibid. 

298 Valdes to Marin, Sept. 26, 1693, p. 381, infra. 

299 For the location of this sierra and the character of its Indians, see note 171, p. 468. 



Introduction 71 

would be wise because it was uncertain when General Don Domingo 
Jironza would arrive with his soldiers from New Mexico; even after he 
arrived De la Fuente predicted that there would be further delay because 
he would " come lacking everything and his soldiers will not be able to 
serve to good advantage until the coming year ". 300 

On account of his illness, Governor Castillo at San Francisco de Con- 
chos was not shown Captain De la Fuente's letter, advising of the reported 
Pima rebellion, until September 17. That same day, apparently unaware 
of the action that had been taken at El Parral by the visitor Marin, 
Governor Castillo instructed De la Fuente to advise the inhabitants " to 
maintain themselves with the fifteen soldiers that were there " until De la 
Fuente might arrive in that province. After having sent this cheering 
message, De la Fuente was instructed to leave a guard at Janos and, with 
the other soldiers under his command, together with a citizens' contin- 
gent, to take the field against the Pimas — instructions being left at Janos 
for the soldiers from Sinaloa, upon their arrival at Janos, to join him 
in Sonora. 

Some days after these orders had been issued Governor Castillo was ad- 
vised by Captain De la Fuente that the report of an uprising of the Pimas 
was untrue. About the same time he received equally gratifying infor- 
mation from Don Manuel de Agramont that, despite " the great need 
experienced by all the people " at his presidio, he would send the soldiers 
which De la Fuente requested. This information and the fact that the 
residents of Sonora would co-operate with Captain De la Fuente caused 
Governor Castillo to express confidence to the viceroy late in November 
that De la Fuente would " obtain good results with his squad ". 301 

Proposals for the Defense and Development of Nueva Vizcaya. 

1 693- 1 698. 

1. Marin's inspection of Nueva Vizcaya. About the beginning of 
1693 tne suggestion was made to the viceroy, the Count of Galve, that 
expenses in Nueva Vizcaya might be reduced if the soldiers stationed at 
the presidios that were erected in the year 1686 were formed into a flying 
company, which might repair to whatever section was in need of assis- 
tance and which might, at the same time, serve as a convoy to the travel- 
lers and traders in the kingdom. By so doing it was thought that some 
of the soldiers as well as some of the presidial captains might be dis- 
pensed with. 

On February 20, 1693, soon after this recommendation was made to 
the viceroy, Don Jose Francisco Marin left Mexico City for El Parral 
for the purpose of conducting the residencia of ex-Governor Don Juan 

300 Captain De la Fuente to Don Pedro de Almazan, Janos, Sept. 18, 1693, pp. 371-375, 
infra. 

301 Castillo to the viceroy, El Parral, Nov. 23, 1693, pp. 353, 355, infra. 



12 Introduction 

Isidro de Pardifias Villar de Francos. Because he held him to be " a per- 
son of intelligence ", the viceroy instructed Marin to endeavor " to ascer- 
tain whether it would be best to unite the forces of the presidios and to 
form a flying company which would keep constantly moving, and also 
to ascertain the state of the provinces, the character of the forces of 
their frontiers and presidios, and the means that might be put into effect 
... to chastise the hostiles, to establish the security of peace and quiet 
for the inhabitants, and to avoid the discords that might prejudice their 
good government ". 

In view of his instructions Marin proceeded in a most thorough man- 
ner to get information bearing upon the subject. First, Marin asked for 
the written opinions of twelve of " the most practical and experienced 
persons " at El Parral. 302 In the reports which they made, three of which 
are published hereinafter, 303 all of the men consulted agreed that none 
of the presidios should be abolished, since they were situated " adjacent 
to the hostiles " ; that there should " be no diminution or withdrawal of 
any of the men at the presidios " for the purpose of creating a flying 
squad ; and that it would be well for squads from the presidios " to go 
out in different directions, accompanied by the friendly Indians, to hunt 
for the hostile Indians in their homes and on their rancherias and to 
punish them all at once and to destroy them ". They further stated that 
until such an offensive war was made upon the Indians there would be 
no lasting peace, and it would be unwise to diminish the number of the 
soldiers, for, by doing so, " the kingdom would be in imminent peril of 
destruction ". 304 

Don Agustin Herbante del Camino felt that to reduce the number of 
presidial soldiers would be false economy. He also thought that the sol- 
diers should not be permitted to take the field without being accompanied 
by a number of friendly Indians, and that not less than forty Indians 
should regularly be employed, at the rate of four pesos per month, the 
total cost of which would be approximately the equivalent of the salary 
for the same period for eight soldiers. By this arrangement the presidial 
captains would be relieved of having to go to the Indian pueblos and 
forcibly enlisting auxiliaries when they were needed. 305 

Diego Garcia de Valdes believed that no improvement in the Indian 
situation and no reduction of expenses could be expected unless offensive 
war were waged against the hostiles. He was of the opinion that the sol- 
diers of four presidios should be employed in waging war upon the hos- 
tiles of Nueva Vizcaya and Nueva Galicia, and that twenty-five soldiers 
should be used for convoy purposes. In case this plan were adopted he 

802 Marin to the Count of Galve, El Parral, Sept. 30, 1693, p. 387, infra; fiscal's 
opinion, Madrid, Apr. 1, 1698, ibid., pp. 427, 429. 
303 pp. 375-385, infra. 

804 Fiscal's opinion, Madrid, Apr. 1, 1698, p. 429, infra. 
305 Herbante del Camino to Marin, Sept. 12, 1693, pp. 375, 377, infra. 



/ 



Introduction 73 

anticipated the possible " reduction to pueblos and to Christian instruction 
of the enemy Indians, exhausted by punishment ". 800 

Raphael de Ibarguen's twenty-six years' experience in Nueva Vizcaya 
convinced him that " almost the entire multitude of rebellious Indians " 
had been guilty of treason, and that a flying squad would not suffice to 
keep them quiet except in the district where for the time being it might 
happen to be. He regarded the presidios as necessary, provided the cap- 
tains with their squads made offensive campaigns against the Indians; 
he thought that they should merely be posts to which the soldiers might 
retreat and at which the horses might recuperate. Ibarguen supported 
his opinions by citing various Indian atrocities of recent years. 80r 

After he had requested prominent and experienced men in Nueva 
Vizcaya to render opinions concerning the advisability of suppressing the 
presidios and creating a flying squad of soldiers, Don Joseph Francisco 
Marin continued his investigation on this subject in a thorough-going 
manner. He was reported on September 26 to have actually seen most 
of the presidios and to " know their distances, the manner in which the 
enemy Indians practise their hostilities and . . . their natural barbarity, 
ferocity, and the slight security of the peace terms which they are accus- 
tomed to make ". 308 

After he had completed his investigations of conditions in Nueva 
Vizcaya, Marin made his report to the viceroy on September 30, 1693. 
This report, hereinafter published, 309 is the clearest and most compre- 
hensive account of the geography, natural resources, native races, and 
Spanish civilian and military forces of Nueva Vizcaya in the latter seven- 
teenth century of which the writer has knowledge. Particularly signifi- 
cant for the ethnologist are the recorded names of the Indian tribes that 
occupied the region from Durango to La Junta and New Mexico, and 
those who lived between the Rio Conchos and the Gulf of California. 310 

2. Marin's first recommendations with reference to Nueva Vizcaya. 
Part of Marin's report was devoted to recommendations with reference 
to the military defense and the civil and judicial administration of Nueva 
Vizcaya, in connection with which he urged the desirability of encour- 
aging immigration to that kingdom. 

In Marin's opinion the quickest and, in fact, the necessary way to 
obtain relief from the Indian depredations was to retain the presidios 
of El Pasaje, El Gallo, Cerro Gordo, Conchos, and Janos, and, with the 
fifty soldiers under Don Domingo Jironza that had been granted for the 
defense of Sonora, to erect a sixth one in the latter province. Since the 
hostiles were accustomed to enter the province by way of the valley of 

308 Garcia de Valdes to Marin, Sept. 26, 1693, pp. 377-381, infra. 
307 Ibarguen to Marin, El Parral, Sept. 20, 1693, pp. 381-385, infra. 
™*Ibid., p. 381. 

309 Pp. 387-409, infra. 

810 For Marin's report on these Indian tribes, see pp. 393, 395, infra. 



74 Introduction 

Caaguiona, thirty leagues distant from the Real de San Juan, that of 
Bapispe, and that of Teuricache, Marin stated that the consensus of 
opinion was that " the most essential and important place " in which to 
establish the new presidio was the Real de Nacosari, which was nine 
leagues from the valley of Teuricache. 311 Because the Indians near the 
presidio of Montesclaros were " naturally peaceable ", were then " rooted 
in the faith ", and were " devoted to the cultivation of their farms and 
the raising of cattle " and because the new reinforcements already pro- 
vided for no longer made it necessary to maintain it, Marin recommended 
that the presidio of Montesclaros in Sinaloa be definitely suppressed. 
Moreover, he saw prospects for the ultimate suppression of the presidio 
of Santa Catalina de Tepehuanes, and in time for the reduction of the 
number of soldiers at the other presidios. 312 

The soldiers, distributed as thus recommended, while few in compari- 
son with the number of hostile Indians, would, Marin thought, " if well 
employed at opportune times ", be more than was necessary for the de- 
fense of the kingdom. Indeed, he felt that there were sufficient soldiers 
" not only to chastise and reduce the barbarous nations, but also to con- 
template new conquests should it be feasible to maintain and settle them ". 
In emphasizing his belief that the only way to restrain and reduce the hos- 
tiles was by waging continuous war against them, Marin stated that ex- 
perience showed that the roads and cattle were safe only when the Indians 
were kept " in perpetual uneasiness " and no opportunity was given for 
them to make raids and forays upon the Spaniards. This was true be- 
cause the principal care of the Indians was " to flee from the fury of the 
troops and secure the safety of their rabble of women and children. . . . 
But on the instant that the troops return to their quarters or presidios 
they at once resume their daily abominations ". The success of General 
Retana in reducing the four Chizos nations at San Francisco de Conchos 
was cited as proof of the efficacy of this method. 

In waging offensive war upon the Indians Marin thought that ten or a 
dozen soldiers should be left at each presidio for its defense and as con- 
voys for travellers, and that squads of from forty to fifty soldiers, accom- 
panied by friendly Indians, who proved to be most successful as spies, 
should reconnoitre the sites and locations of the hostiles. When the In- 
dians should be forced to surrender, Marin thought that they should not, 
as theretofore, be allowed to choose the locations and sites where they 
were to live, " which were always apart from the soldiers and presidios 
. . . and from which they committed with impunity, under the security 
of peace, more hostilities than when they were at war ". Instead, he 
recommended that the subjugated Indians should be required to settle in 

311 Marin to the Count of Galve, El Parral, Sept. 30, 1693, pp. 397, 399, infra ; fiscal's 
opinion, Madrid, Apr. 1, 1698, ibid., pp. 431, 433. 

312 Marin to the Count of Galve, El Parral, Sept. 30, 1693, pp. 405, 407, infra. 






Introduction 75 

sight of the presidios, that they should "be compelled to build their 
houses correctly, to raise chickens, and to plant their corn-fields ", so that 
they might acquire an attachment for their settlements and might lose 
their inherent instinct to roam in the mountains. The actions and move- 
ments of the Indians, he thought, should be under the constant observance 
of their protectors. In case robberies and murders occurred the protector 
should ascertain whether any were missing; above all he should maintain 
firm control over the women and children, thereby keeping the Indians 
submissive and obedient. As proof that the hostile Indians might be won 
over from their old habits Marin cited the sedentary life and domesticity 
of the Tepehuanes and Tarahumares. 

Because the Cocoiomes and Tobosos Indians had " failed time without 
number in the obedience which they had promised ", and because they 
were " apostates from the Evangelical law . . . and the most pernicious 
and malevolent among them all ", Marin was of the opinion that " active 
and bloody war, without quarter, should be waged against them ". Until 
these nations might be extirpated and destroyed entirely and their rabble 
reduced, Marin predicted that trouble would not be lacking in the king- 
dom nor considerable expense to the king. 313 

In connection with his recommendations concerning the military forces 
of the kingdom, Marin stated that it was very important that the governor 
should be " competent and experienced, in affairs of war as in political 
matters ". Such a man, Marin thought, might artfully introduce and 
sow discords and distrust among the Indians, thereby affording greater 
security for the Spaniards. With respect to the purchase of the office 
Marin said that it was " essential that the king close the door to the pur- 
chase of such governorships " as that of Nueva Vizcaya, the Philippines, 
and Campeche. In his opinion a " highly educated man with discretion 
and judgment " would overcome lack of military experience, while one 
who bought an office did so solely for mercenary reasons, thereby causing 
" a greater loss to his Majesty than the highest priced offices could possi- 
bly yield to him ". Marin deprecated the fact that governors who bought 
their offices often issued commissions to incompetent men, occasionally 
merchants or mine workers, who had had no military experience what- 
ever. It was not surprising therefore that the professional presidial cap- 
tains resented being obliged to take orders from such men; as a result 
" discords and disturbances " arose. 314 

With reference to the administration of justice Marin stated that be- 
cause there was no lawyer in the territory from Durango to Sonora to 
advise the citizens, who " readily " engaged in lawsuits, each person was 
" a lawyer for himself ", and each one was prone to presume that " jus- 

813 Ibid., pp. 397-403; fiscal's opinion, Madrid, Apr. 1, 1698, pp. 431-435. infra. 
314 Marin to the Count of Galve, El Parral, Sept. 30, 1693, pp. 403-405, infra ; fiscal's 
opinion, Madrid, Apr. 1, 1698, ibid., pp. 435, 437. 



76 Introduction 

tice and right " were on his side. As a result, " for slight and unsubstan- 
tial causes " they were accustomed to appeal to the Audiencia of Guada- 
Iajara, all of which made for inquietude and " no slight injury and dam- 
age to the entire kingdom ". To make these appeals, it was necessary, 
because of the little commerce between Durango and Guadalajara, to 
utilize 'couriers, at " no slight expenditure of money ". For these reasons 
and because " the entire commerce " of Nueva Vizcaya was with Mexico 
City, so that the viceroys could easily obtain information at least every 
two or three months concerning what might be happening and what 
might be worthy of emendation or punishment, Marin stated that it 
would be a great convenience if Nueva Vizcaya, in judicial matters, were 
taken from under the jurisdiction of the Audiencia of Guadalajara and 
placed under that of the Audiencia of Mexico. The chief advantage in 
making the proposed change, however, lay in the fact that the viceroy was 
president of the Audiencia of Mexico ; in addition, as captain-general, in 
the exercise of original military jurisdiction 315 in the territory in which 
the Audiencia of Guadalajara exercised judicial authority, he was kept 
fully advised concerning the military needs of Nueva Vizcaya. Under 
such an arrangement Marin pointed out that the viceroys as presidents 
of the Audiencia of Mexico could utilize to advantage in the sessions of 
the audiencia the information which they might secure as captains-general, 
and would therefore " attend entirely to the restoration of the kingdom 
and to remedying the pernicious damages which result from these law- 
suits ". Finally, Marin pointed out that if the lieutenant appointed for 
El Parral were a lawyer he could, much to the relief of the governor and 
citizens alike, " devote himself to bringing to a conclusion many political 
matters which they present and press before him ". 316 

Such were the recommendations with respect to the military defense 
and the civil and judicial administration of Nueva Vizcaya that were 
made by Marin. A second but admittedly a slower and more deliberate 
way by which Marin thought that Nueva Vizcaya might obtain some re- 
lief from the depredations of the Indians was " to remedy, in part, the 
depopulated condition " of the kingdom. Greater safety on the high- 
ways, and more tranquillity and peace in the province generally, the possi- 
bility of ultimately reducing the number of the presidios, relief from 
mounting military expenses, and a greater income for the king from royal 
fifths were some of the advantages which Marin felt might be realized in 
case more settlers went to Nueva Vizcaya, and in case five or six desig- 
nated sites in the kingdom were settled. 317 

316 For a brief statement concerning the judicial, military, and administrative func- 
tions of the viceroy, see C. W. Hackett, " The West Indies, Castilla del Oro, and New 
Spain, to 1535 ", in vol. I. of this series, pp. 22-24. 

316 Marin to the Count of Galve, El Parral, Sept. 30, 1693, pp. 407, 409, infra. 

817 Ibid., p. 405 ; fiscal's opinion, Madrid, Apr. 1, 1698, p. 437, infra. 



Introduction 77 

3. Marin's modified recommendations of December, 1693, w ^ tn respect 
to Nueva Vizcaya. After he had made the above recommendations in 
writing on September 30, Marin appeared in person before the viceroy 
on December 13, 1693. On this occasion he assured the viceroy that the 
plans previously suggested by him would suffice only to maintain the 
status quo of the kingdom, and would do that only " as long as the aid, 
promptly given ", was continued. With reference to the military forces 
of Nueva Vizcaya proper, Marin reversed his original recommendations, 
which emphasized the necessity for maintaining the presidios, and instead 
emphasized the necessity of encouraging immigration to Nueva Vizcaya 
and of requiring that all settlers on the frontier serve as militiamen, in 
order that the presidial forces might in time be reduced. By encouraging 
immigration to Nueva Vizcaya Marin estimated that the king's profits 
would be increased 180,000 pesos annually. The principal for such a sum, 
reckoned on the basis of five per cent, interest thereon, would amount to 
3,600,000 pesos, and to this amount Marin stated that the king had come 
to be obligated to promote immigration to Nueva Vizcaya. In addition 
to the king's profits, Marin stated that as a result of the population of 
the kingdom being increased, many current expenses would be reduced 
and an increase of commerce would be assured. 

With reference to the presidial soldiers Marin recommended that since 
most of them were married they should be encouraged to settle at the 
presidios where they were stationed, that they should be given lands, and 
that they should be encouraged to cultivate these. Such a method he be- 
lieved would " serve greatly to unify and strengthen the other settle- 
ments ". He declared that the twenty soldiers added that year to the field 
company at El Parral were superfluous and recommended that they be 
withdrawn as soon as General Retana returned to his presidio from his 
campaign to the Rio del Norte. He also believed that five of the fifteen 
soldiers stationed at Durango might be removed, and that the governor 
should be given absolute command over them " without any interference 
by the cabildo ". Finally, Marin made the optimistic prediction that in 
case " events of that year should turn out well, as he expected them to do, 
some of the presidios could be abolished ". 318 

With respect to the civilian settlements Marin recommended that these 
should be composed of from sixty to seventy men. They should be pro- 
vided with harquebuses, ammunition, and horses for use in case of an 
emergency, and " with oxen, plows, plow-shares, and grain for the culti- 
vation of the fields, the lands and farms to be divided among them with 
equality and justice ". Since all the settlers were to be required to serve 
as militiamen, Marin recommended that they be granted " all the pre- 
rogatives, exemptions, and enfranchisements of such, as well as freedom 
from all tributes ". In this way and by requiring the subjugated Indians 

318 Fiscal's opinion, Madrid, Apr. 1, 1698, p. 437, infra. 



78 Introduction 

to settle near the Spanish settlements Marin estimated that the crown 
would save " the sum total of the pay of the captains and soldiers of the 
presidios ", amounting to 84,000 pesos annually, and, in addition, would 
profit from the increased revenue accruing from the alcabala tax. He 
estimated that the latter tax alone should, at the rate of five per cent, on 
gross sales amounting to from 500,000 to 600,000 pesos, yield a return 
of from 20,000 to 30,000 pesos; with the increase of population this tax 
would yield proportionally more. Marin stated that it had been estimated 
that royal assistance for only the settlements of El Parral and those of 
Janos and Sonora would be as much as 800,000 pesos, but that this could 
be afforded in view of the benefits that would result therefrom. 

Finally, in case it should be decided to found the settlements, Marin 
said that it would be a great advantage if the governor might have build- 
ing materials and a supply of maize for planting and maintenance await- 
ing the settlers at the designated sites. After the settlements were founded 
he thought that an alcalde mayor and an efficient captain of war should 
be named to enforce alike military preparedness and the cultivation of 
the land. 

Marin admitted that the execution and permanent success of his plan 
were predicated upon certain essentials. In the first place, it would be 
necessary to have a viceroy with the " zeal and disinterestedness "of the 
Count of Galve; secondly, it would be necessary to find a person to whom 
the viceroy might entrust, for a period of at least five years, the execution 
of the plans ; thirdly, it would be necessary to find someone who, in spite 
of losses in the past, would be willing to underwrite the proposition ; and 
fourthly, it would be necessary to arrange for the transportation of set- 
tlers from Galicia and the Canary Islands to Nueva Vizcaya — the Canary 
Islanders to be conducted by water to the mouth of the Rio del Norte and 
thence transported " in large boats " up that river to Nueva Vizcaya. 

On December 15, two days after Marin had made the above recom- 
mendations, the viceroy submitted to him for his consideration and recom- 
mendations thereon the various proposals that had been made with refer- 
ence to the military re-organization of Sinaloa and Sonora. By way of 
reply Marin recommended that the fifty men in the flying company under 
Don Domingo Jironza should establish their headquarters and supply- 
base at Teuricache. From there, where fifteen soldiers were to be left at 
all times, thirty-five soldiers " should answer the most urgent calls for 
aid "; if necessary, " they should join with the people of Janos for the 
success of any operation that should give a lesson to the Indians ". With 
respect to the presidio of Sinaloa, Marin was of the opinion that it was 
no longer profitable where it was, since there was little danger of an 
uprising on the part of the peaceable and sedentary Sinaloa Indians, and 
because aid might be quickly sent to Sinaloa from Rosario, Teuricache, or 
Janos. " Simply through the consideration that the soldiers would be 



Introduction 79 

missed ", however, Marin recommended that those at the presidio of 
Sinaloa should remain there, but in the capacity of settlers and not as 
soldiers. In this way the king would be relieved of the expense for 
salaries and at the same time sudden outbreaks along the coast would be 
prevented. 

As regards the formation of a company of militia at the Real de los 
Frailes, Marin reiterated his belief that it would be best to withdraw the 
forty-three soldiers from Sinaloa, form more companies of militia, and 
appoint captains for them who would be under the direct command of 
the governor. These companies could repel attacks of Indians, and could 
assist the Jesuits when they were needed. However, they should be granted 
" the exemptions and privileges of military rights and exemptions from 
tributes ". In Marin's opinion, this was the only way by which Sinaloa 
might be made safe and defended and the king " relieved in part of the 
very great expense " to which he had been put in that province. 319 

4. Other recommendations concerning Nueva Vizcaya. Such were 
the comprehensive plans of Marin for the rehabilitation of Nueva Viz- 
caya. In this connection it is interesting to note that a contemporary 
of Marin, Don Jose de Manzaneque, did not concur in Marin's recom- 
mendations. The latter, in an undated memorial to the king, stated that 
as a result of the effective offensive campaigns waged by former gover- 
nors Neira and Pardinas Villar de Francos " the country was somewhat 
secure ". Subsequently, as a result of a pestilence in the year 1693, many 
Indians including some of their chiefs had died. For these reasons Man- 
zaneque was unqualifiedly in favor of reducing the number of the pre- 
sidios and soldiers of Nueva Vizcaya. 320 

On the other hand, the royal officials of Durango, on April 28, 1696, 
advised the king that they had slight hope for the pacification of the In- 
dians, and that it was only possible to realize this by creating a flying 
squad at each presidio, each one to be supplemented by a company of 
twenty-five Indian allies, paid for from the 6000 pesos appropriated as 
a peace and war fund. When the Indians were subjugated the royal offi- 
cials thought that they should be transported to Campeche and placed 
in encomienda, thereby assuring peace for Nueva Vizcaya and at the same 
time cutting down expenses. 321 

5. The recommendations of the royal fiscal to the Council of the Indies 
concerning Nueva Vizcaya, April, 1698. The various recommendations 
made by Marin and other officials with respect to Nueva Vizcaya were 
not to receive prompt consideration from the Council of the Indies. In 
fact, it was not until April 1 and 2, 1698, that the fiscal of the Council 
made a report concerning them to that body. At that time the fiscal, after 

819 Fiscal's opinion, Madrid, Apr. I, 1698, pp. 437-441, 445-449, infra. 

™Ibid., pp. 453, 455- 

821 Fiscal's reply, Madrid, Apr. 2, 1698, p. 459, infra. 



80 Introduction 

having taken into account the various opinions and decisions of viceregal 
officials and governing bodies, and looking " only to the means that 
should be applied as necessary to prevent the constant attacks committed 
by the Indians ", recommended to the Council that the presidios which 
Nueva Vizcaya then had " should be retained with soldiers, supplemented, 
by action of the viceroy, with thirty field soldiers and fifty soldiers of 
the flying company in charge of Captain Don Domingo Jironza ". The 
fifteen soldiers from the field company that were assigned to Durango 
were to be especially charged to scout the country between the Real de 
Arzate and Gamon, and other regions, as necessity might dictate, within 
a radius of eighteen leagues of Durango. 

The fiscal admitted that he had been influenced in his decision to retain 
the presidios by a remembrance of the Pueblo Indian uprising in New 
Mexico in 1680, the origin of which he attributed to the " lack of soldiers 
and presidios to keep the Indians in fear ". In case his recommendation 
met the approval of the Council, the fiscal thought that the governors 
should be impressed with the necessity of having the captains of the 
presidios leave a sufficient number of soldiers as a guard at the presidios 
and to escort travellers, and, with the remaining soldiers, accompanied 
by friendly Indians, should reconnoitre the places frequented by the hos- 
tiles and endeavor to crush them completely. In case the Indians sub- 
mitted, the fiscal approved the plans suggested by Marin for encouraging 
them to become peaceable and sedentary like the Tepehuanes and the 
Tarahumares. Rather than to send the subjugated Indians to Campeche 
to be placed in encomienda, the fiscal thought that it would be better to 
separate altogether the Indian chiefs from their people, and to force the 
people, thus separated from their chiefs, to cultivate their fields; 

Frequent reports, the fiscal thought, should be made by the governors 
to the viceroys concerning full details of the offensive campaigns. This 
would enforce the fulfillment of their duty by soldiers, captains, and the 
governor; in case they defaulted in their duty their pay might " be held 
back for the time that they did not perform " it. 

With reference to the encouragement of immigration through the aid 
of royal funds, the fiscal was of the opinion that the fertility and potential 
wealth of Nueva Vizcaya were sufficiently great to attract settlers " with- 
out its being necessary for any increase to the expenses of the real ha- 
cienda". In particular did the fiscal disapprove of the suggestion that 
" the settlers should constitute their own militiamen and that they and 
building materials should be transported by sea to the mouth of the Rio 
del Norte and thence up that river to Nueva Vizcaya ". The expense of 
this, the fiscal said, would " be greater than the said maestre de campo 
supposes " ; furthermore, since the chief employment of the settlers would 
be to cultivate their farms — " the settlements being far apart and ex- 
posed, and the presidios abandoned " — they would not make good militia- 



Introduction 81 

men. The result would be that they could easily be attacked and destroyed 
and the king at the same time put to even greater expense. 

With regard to the recommendations of Don Jose de Manzaneque that 
the number of presidios and soldiers of Nueva Vizcaya ought to be re- 
duced, the royal fiscal held that this recommendation was nullified by 
Manzaneque's own statement. For, in his desire to discredit Governor 
Castillo and to establish it as a fact that some security had been netted to 
the kingdom during the preceding administration of Pardifias and Neira, 
Manzaneque had failed to take into account the fact that in none of the 
certified copies did " it appear that either of those governors ever went to 
hunt for the Indians during their administrations ". As proof that these 
governors had achieved little stability for Nueva Vizcaya, the fiscal re- 
ferred to the records " concerning the constant robberies and murders 
which Indians committed during the entire year 1692 and part of 1693 
. . . until Governor Don Gabriel del Castillo assumed office ". The fiscal 
even asserted that the memorial alleged to have been written by Man- 
zaneque appeared " on its face to be in the self-same handwriting as that 
which was written by Governor Don Juan Isidro on April 1, 1693 ". 

With reference to the proposal to transfer Nueva Vizcaya in judicial 
affairs from the jurisdiction of the Audiencia of Guadalajara to that of 
the Audiencia of Mexico, the fiscal recommended that representation 
should be made to his Majesty of the many advantages that would result 
from the proposed change. 322 

In a memorial dated April 28, 1696, the royal officials of Durango had 
charged that the miners of Nueva Vizcaya were not being protected; 
that little attention was being paid to augmenting the royal fifths; that 
Governor Castillo and Captain Juan de Retana had even incited the 
Tarahumara Indians to demolish a quicksilver establishment belonging 
to a miner by the name of Don Francisco Gonzalez Ramirez; and that, 
as a result of the destruction of the quicksilver establishment, the king 
had been deprived of more than 6000 pesos in mining fifths, and 
Ramirez had been obliged to apply three times to the Audiencia of Guada- 
lajara for justice. In view of these charges the fiscal recommended to the 
Council of the Indies on April 2, 1698, that Governor Castillo be censured 
for permitting the quicksilver establishment to be destroyed and that the 
entire matter be legally adjusted so as to secure " the greatest increase and 
preservation of the mines ". 323 

The royal officials of Durango in the above-mentioned memorial also 
complained of the heavy expense of being obliged to alternate each year 
from Durango to the Real del Parral for the administration of the royal 
quicksilver when their contracts did not call for them to do more than 

322 Fiscal's opinion, Madrid, Apr. 1, 1698, pp. 451-457, infra; fiscal's reply, Madrid, 
Apr. 2, 1698, ibid., pp. 459, 461. 
823 Ibid., p. 461, infra. 



82 Introduction 

serve at the former place. Accordingly they recommended that an ad- 
ministrator be stationed at El Parral who would be subordinate to them 
and for whom they would be liable. This was disapproved by the royal 
fiscal in a report to the Council of the Indies on April 2, 1698. 324 

In Mexico the viceregal fiscal had opposed Marin's recommendations 
for the erection of a presidio at Teuricache to serve as a base for the 
flying company of General Domingo de Jironza on the ground that the 
erection of such a presidio would be contrary to royal orders. The royal 
fiscal in Madrid, however, recommended to the Council of the Indies in 
1698 that " some fort or castle " should be erected at Teuricache; he also 
approved Marin's recommendations that a small detachment of soldiers 
should be kept there at all times and that the remaining ones should carry 
on constant offensive operations against the hostiles. 

With reference to the removal of the presidio of Sinaloa to the site of 
Los Cedros, or to Gentiles, the royal fiscal left the decision to the judg- 
ment of the Council of the Indies. 325 

824 Fiscal's reply, Madrid, Apr. 2, 1698, pp. 461, 463, infra. 
" 2B Fiscal's opinion, Madrid, Apr. 1, 1698, pp. 455, 457, infra. 



III. 2. DOCUMENTS RELATING TO NUEVA VIZCAYA IN 
THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. 






84 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century 



Al Audiencia de la nueva Galicia que hag a la visit a de la tierra como est a 
ordenado saliendo a ella cada uno de los oydores por su tumo sin 
escusarse por ninguna causa. 0, [Tordesillas, 24 de Julio de 1601.] 

El Rey. Pressidente y oydores de mi Audiencia Real de la ciudad de 
guadalajara de la provincia de la nueva galicia he sido imformado que 
muchos indios del distrito dessa audiencia se an quexado en ella de los 
agravios y vexaciones que reciven y pedido que un oydor saliesse a visitar 
y ver los danos que los ganados les hazen para que se quitasen las estancias 
de los dichos ganados que ay en mucho perjuicio de s % us pueblos porque 
les comen quanto siembran hasta las cubiertas de las casas que son de paja 
y que mueren de los dichos yndios y sus mugeres y hijos guardando sus 
sementeras de los serenos y soles que les da y coxen los fructos sin sazon 
y os consta desto y no se remedia y que aunque algunas partes dessa Pro- 
vincia se avian visitado otras por ser algo distantes fragosas y Remotas 
nunca se han visitado reusando lo los que de Vosotros los oydores os tocan 
las dichas Vissitas y por que no es justo que se de lugar a seme j antes 
ynconvienientes os Mando que hagais la Vissita de la tierra como esta 
ordenado saliendo a ella cada uno de vos los oydores por su turno sin 
escusaros por ninguna causa comengando la dicha vissita por los lugares 
mas cercanos a essa ciudad de guadalajara hasta los que estuieren mas 
distantes y apartados que no se han visitado hasta agora sin que por ningun 
caso se dexe de cumplir Visitandose todo por la mucha necesidad que 
tienen dello y procurando con mucho cuidado que se remedien los excessos 
y agravios que se representa que reciven los yndios y que sean desagra- 
viados y aliviados en todo lo que se pudiere y que no los reciban de los 
officiales que fueren con los Visitadores y sin que los unos ni los otros 
recivan ni tomen nada de los yndios ni de los encomenderos y de lo que 
resultare de las dichas Visitas me avisareis fecha en tordesillas a veynte 
y quatro de Julio de mill y seiscientos y un afios Yo el Rey refrendado 
de Joan de Ybarra sefialada del consejo. 

a A. G. I., 144-1-15. 



Visitation of Nueva Galicia, 1601 85 



To the Audiencia of Nueva Galicia, ordering it to perform the visitation 
of the country as commanded, each of the oidores going out for this 
purpose in his turn and being excused therefrom under no circum- 
stances whatever. [Tordesillas, July 24, 1601.'] 

The King. To the president and oidores of my royal Audiencia of the 
city of Guadalajara 1 in the province of Nueva Galicia: I have been 
informed that many Indians of the district of that audiencia have made 
complaint before it of the injuries and oppression which they suffer, and 
have asked that an oidor should go out to make a visitation and see the 
damages done to them by the herds, so that the cattle ranches may be 
removed. These are detrimental to their towns because the cattle eat up 
everything that they plant, even devouring the straw roofs of the houses. 2 
Furthermore, the Indians, their wives and children, are dying while 
guarding their fields, on account of their sufferings from wind and sun, 
and they [are obliged to] gather their produce while yet unripe [in order 
to save it]. 

It appears that you are aware of this, but it is not remedied, and that, 
although some parts of that province have been visited, others, somewhat 
remote and mountainous, have never been visited at all because your 
oidores, to whom such visitations fall by lot, refuse to perform the 
visitations. 

Wherefore, since it is not just that such things should occur, I com- 
mand you to perform the visitation of the country as it is ordered, each 
of your oidores going out for the purpose in turn, none of you being 
excused for any reason. The visitation is to begin in the places nearest 
to the city of Guadalajara, and pass then to those more remote which 
have not hitherto been visited, none of them whatsoever being omitted, 
as they all have great need of visitation. You shall carefully endeavor 
to remedy the injuries and oppressions from which the Indians claim 
that they suffer, and see that their condition is relieved and ameliorated 
in every way possible; and you shall see that they receive no injury from 
the officers who go with the visitors, and that neither of these take or 
obtain anything from the Indians or from the encomenderos. You will 
report to me whatever may be the result of these visitations. Dated at 
Tordesillas, July 24, 160 1. I the King. Countersigned by Juan de 
Ibarra and signed by the Council. 






86 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century 

A I Virrey de la nueva espana can una Carta del dean de la nueva Galicia 
en que dize lo que convernia que los religiosos de la conpania de Jesus 
se encargasen de la conbersion de ciertos yndios para que ponga en 
ello el rremedio y rrecaudo necessario} \yillalpando, 7 de Febrero 
de i6o2.~\ 

El Rey. Conde de monterey pariente mi Virrey governador y capitan 
general de la nueva espana el dean de la yglesia cathedral de la nueva gali- 
cia me ha escripto la carta cuya copia va con esta en que como por ella 
vereis advierte de lo que convernia que los de la conpania de Jesus se 
encargasen de la conversion de los yndios gentiles que ay en las serranias 
de aquella provincia y se reduxesen por buenos medios y lo que asimesmo 
ymportaria aliviar del servicio de los quatro Reales que pagan los natu- 
rales de la provincia de Culiacan y otras comarcanas donde ay algunos 
pueblos recien poblados, por su pobreza y que se reduxessen a poblaciones 
los yndios de aquella provincia para que se les pudiesen mejor administrar 
los sacramentos y Porque han parecido las cossas que el dicho dean ad- 
vierte de mucha consideracion y en que se deve mirar, os mando que havi- 
endoos enterado muy bien de todo aquello y tornado Relacion del audi- 
encia y otras personas inteligentes y del dicho dean pongais en todo el 
Remedio y buen recaudo que conviniere y me aviseis de lo que oviere 
desproveydo imformandome sob re esto con vuestro parecer fecha en 
Villalpando a siete de hebrero de mill y seiscientos y dos anos Yo el Rey 
refrendada de Joan de Ybarra y sefialada del Consejo. 



A I fiscal de la audiencia de la Nueva Galicia sobre que hagase oficio en 
lo que toca a los casados quienes viven sin sus mugeres y acerca de 
que espanoles no biven en pueblos de indios. c [El Pardo, 20 de 
Noviembre de 1603. ] 

El Rey. Fiscal de mi Real audiencia de la ciudad de guadalaxara de la 
nueva Galicia, en mi consejo de las Yndias se ha entendido que no se 
guardan las ordenes dadas para que los casados vengan a estos Reynos 
a hazer vida maridable con sus mugeres porque luego los sueltan enfiado 
y con cierta pena si no se enbarcan la qual pagando se quedan en su mala 
vida y que destos ay muchos en esa tierra, y porque conviene no dar lugar 
a esto os mando que hagais vuestro oficio con rigor procurando el cum- 
plimiento de las dichas ordenes, y que si Ubiere omision o contravencion, 
en esto en esa audiencia me aviseis luego dello en el dicho mi consejo 
para que provea y mande lo que convenga. 

b A. G. I., 144-1-15. 
C A. G. I., 103-3-1. 



Married Men, 1603 



87 



To the viceroy of New Spain, inclosing a letter from the dean of Nueva 
Galicia saying that it would be desirable that the religions of the 
Company of Jesus should be placed in charge of the conversion of 
certain Indians so that this work may be properly provided for and 
improved. [Villalpando, February 7, 1602.'] 

The King. Count of Monterey, 3 relative, my viceroy, governor, and 
captain-general of New Spain: The dean of the cathedral church of 
Nueva Galicia has written me a letter, a copy of which is herewith in- 
closed, wherein, as you will see, he calls attention to the desirability of 
intrusting the Company of Jesus with the conversion of the pagan In- 
dians, in the mountains of that province, who should be reduced by 
proper methods. He also points out that because of their poverty, it would 
be worth while to remit the " service " of four reals, paid by the natives 
in the province of Culiacan and other regions where there are some re- 
cently converted towns. [He also recommends] that the Indians of that 
province be reduced to settlements for the purpose of better administer- 
ing the sacraments to them. 

Inasmuch as the things which the dean points out are worthy of con- 
sideration and ought to be attended to, I command you, after informing 
yourself thoroughly concerning the entire situation, and after receiving 
a report from the audiencia and other intelligent persons including the 
dean, to take measures to improve and provide suitably for all that is 
needed. Also you will report to me whatever is unprovided for, giving 
me your opinion concerning it. Dated at Villalpando, February 7, 1602. 
I the King. Countersigned by Juan de Ibarra and signed by the 
Council. 



To the fiscal of the Audiencia of Nueva Galicia ordering him to take 
action in regard to married men who live apart from their wives, and 
to see that Spaniards shall not live in Indian towns. [El Par do, 
November 20, 1603.'] 

The King. To the fiscal of my royal audiencia of the city of Guadala- 
jara of Nueva Galicia : It has been learned in my Council of the Indies 
that the orders are not kept which provide that married men shall return 
to these kingdoms [Spain] to renew the marital relations with their 
wives, 4 in that the men free themselves by bail and the payment of a 
certain fine if they do not embark; then, after paying their fines, they 
continue in their evil lives. It has also been reported that there are many 
such men in that country. 

Wherefore, since it is not fitting to allow this, I command you to dis- 
charge your duty rigorously, effecting compliance with the orders given, 
and, if they are neglected or contravened within the territory of your 
audiencia, you will report the fact to me through my Council in order 
that it may issue suitable orders. 



88 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century 

Y porque asimismo se a hentendido que tanpoco se guarda lo proveydo 
acerca de que espafioles no biban en lugares de yndios os mando que en 
lo que a esto toca hagais tanvien vuestro oficio con todo el cuydado posi- 
ble, y que de vos confio por lo mucho que ynporta a mi servicio La obser- 
vancia de las ordenes dadas en esta razon. — Del pardo 20 noviembre 
1603. Yo el Rey. 



[Carta de Francisco de Urdifiola] a su magestad. ^ [Durango, 
31 de Mar so de 1604.] 

Senor: por cartas del Virrey conde de monterey y del marques de 
montesclaros abra entendido vuestra magestad como por aber echo don 
Rodrigo de bibero gobernador y capitan general que fue desta nueba 
vizcaya dexacion de estos cargos fui nombrado para el exergigio dellos 
y por aberse comengado a engender el fuego de la guerra e nuebos yncen- 
dios de los yndios acaxes de la sierra de san andres que no avia quedado 
bien apagado ni aber dado la obediengia los ymbentores de los primeros 
dafios y aber Remanegido entre ellos un yndio pernigioso que embestido 
del demonio con nombre de obispo y llamandose dios traya a todos ynquie- 
tos y gitandoles que se algassen todos y nos matasen bautizandolos y 
casandolos y diziendoles missa y ensefiandoles nueba seta [secta] y ora- 
giones acudi luego al Remedio y en siete meses que andube en las sierras 
entre ellos prendi y castigue al dicho obispo y sus apostoles que con este 
nombre los traya y a los demas ymbentores de las Rebeliones haziendo 
Justigia dellos y bine a ganarles a todos los demas tanto las voluntades o 
fuese de temor que de setenta y tantos puebleguelos y Rancherias que 
avia en la sierra Repartidos em penoles y picachos bine a Redugirlos en 
veinte y quatro asentandolos y congregandolos en tierras lianas y acomo- 
dadas con mucho gusto donde se haze mucho fruto en su conversion y 
dotrina por los Religiosos de la compafiia y se quitaron parte de los sol- 
dados que estaban en el pressidio y se quitaran los demas muy breve en 
todo este sugesso y tiempo no tubo vuestra magestad costa de ginco mill 
pesos e yo le tube de mas de veinte mill que fue poco para lo que yo desseo 
servir a vuestra magestad y lo que me queda y la vida se am de emplear 
en su Real servigio. [Al mar gen dice:~\ Indio heresiarca. 

Por no aber sido vissitada de ningun gobernador de veinte afios a esta 
parte la provingia de ginaloa que es desta gobernagion fui alia donde hize 
las ynformagiones y diligengias que embio a vuestra magestad con esta. 

Gran servigio haze vuestra magestad a dios nuestro senor en aquella 
comberssion de los naturales y por ser muchos los que se continuan en 
aquella tierra y adelante se promete mucho mas lo qual se conseguira 
mandando vuestra magestad continuar y Reforgar los soldados y Re- 
ligiosos que alii se ocupan y aunque parezca que a esto contradizen al- 
gunos por ber que a vuestra magestad no le biene probecho al presente 
dios que tiene cuydado y prometido dara quando fuere servido como 

d A. G. L, 66-6-17. 



Francisco de Urdinola, 1604 89 

And, since it has also been understood that the orders prohibiting 
Spaniards from living in Indian towns 6 are also disobeyed, I command 
you to do your duty in this matter with all possible care. I confide to you 
the observance of the orders herewith issued because they are of great 
importance to my service. Dated at El Pardo, November 20, 1603. I the 
King. 



[Letter of Francisco de Urdinola'} to his Majesty. [Durango, 
March 31, 1604.] 

Sir: By letters from the viceroy, the Count of Monterey, 6 and from 
the Marquis of Montesclaros, 7 your Majesty will have learned that on 
account of the resignation of Don Rodrigo de Vivero, former governor 
and captain-general of this province of Nueva Vizcaya, 8 I have been 
named for the discharge of those duties. 

Inasmuch as renewed warfare and repeated incendiarism began to ap- 
pear among the Acaxees, of the Sierra de San Andres — the warfare 
never having been thoroughly stopped nor complete obedience secured 
from the originators of our first injuries, largely because there remained 
among the Indians a pernicious individual, who, invested by the devil 
with the name of Bishop, and calling himself God, made them all restless 
by inciting them to rise against us and kill us, and who also baptized, 
said mass, married them, and taught them a new creed and prayers — 
I set about immediate improvement, and, during seven months in which 
I traversed the mountains among them, I seized and punished the Bishop, 
his followers who adhered to him under the designation of apostles, and 
the other instigators of rebellion, executing justice upon them. I also 
succeeded in gaining the good will of the other Indians, or perhaps it was 
through fear, to such an extent that I was able to reduce to twenty-four 
the seventy odd villages and rancherias, scattered about among crags and 
peaks in the mountains, and to locate them together on level lands where 
the people are adequately provided for and satisfied, and where much 
success is being obtained in their conversion and religious instruction by 
the members of the Company [of Jesus]. Part of the soldiers who were 
in the presidio have been removed, and the remainder will be taken away 
presently. During all this time, while these things were occurring, your 
Majesty did not incur as much as 5000 pesos' expense, while my expenses 
.were over 20,000 pesos, which was little in comparison to what I should 
like to do in your Majesty's service, for all that I possess and my life 
itself I desire to employ in it. [In the margin it says:} An Indian 
heresiarch. 

Because the province of Sinaloa, part of this governmental unit, had 
not been visited by any governor during the past twenty years, it was in 
that province that I made the investigations and attended to the affairs of 
which I send report to your Majesty herewith. 

Your Majesty is performing a great service to God our Lord in the 
conversions of the natives, and, since they are numerous both in that 



90 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century 

lo hizo en la tierra de los goachichiles donde en la guerra della gas- 
tamos a vuestra magestad gran suma de dinero y luego que tubimos 
la paz se descubrieron las minas de san luis y otras de donde se a sacado 
mucho mas de lo que se gasto y no promete menos aquella tierra de 
ginaloa por aber en ella mucha notigia de minas de plata y lo demas que 
a vuestra magestad constara por las ynformagiones y por no ollarse por 
la poca fuerga de los espafioles y asta agora aber sido todo guerras con 
los naturales y serranos no estan descubiertas. [Al mar gen dice:~] Minas: 

Vuestra magestad se satis faga que toda la nueba espana no tiene tierra 
tan Rica de beneros de plata como estas provincias de la nueba vizcaya y 
por estar a trasmano y en lo ultimo de la nueba espana donde no ay servi- 
gio de yndios mansos y echos al trabajo como en la nueba espana y nueba 
galigia para labrarlas no se saca mas plata que en todas las demas partes 
y a de benir tiempo en que se a de hazer mas quenta de esta tierra que de 
todo lo Restante della porque engierra en si gran Riqueza de plata. 

Y para que a vuestra magestad conste lo que es toda la nueba vizcaya 
y los mineros y vezinos que tiene y de las demas haziendas y entreteni- 
mientos dellos hize las diligengias que embio a vuestra magestad y una 
memoria que saque dellas donde ba todo Recopilado y no pude embiar 
en esta ocassion la descregion de la tierra en buena orden y com puntuali- 
dad con las alturas y distangias de cada lugar por aber salido de la sierra 
agora poco ay no dar lugar el tiempo para que fuera con esta en la flota 
hazerlo e en otra ocassion. 

Visto y entendido Vuestra magestad la pobreza y falta de servigio que 
oy tienen los vezinos desta gobernagion que es grande por cuya causa 
todas las haziendas de minas y las demas son tan cortas y los tratantes 
que se llaman mercaderes de caudal de quinientos pesos y de mill y dos 
o tres y al tono desto los mas y de mandarles pagar vuestra magestad 
alcabala desta miseria le biene muy poco probecho siendo vuestra magestad 
servido les podria hazer merced — que no pagasen por algun tiempo porque 
con gozar de esta merced — y otras que vuestra magestad les haze se 
animen a benir a poblar estas provingias donde ay gran suma de descu- 
brimientos de minas de buena ley que estan descubiertas y no pobladas 
por la pobreza y poca gente que ay en ellas que solo en la comarca de 
san andres y goanegevi ay mas de treinta descubrimientos y en el balle de 
santa barbara y comarca otros ocho y aunque por agora les Relebe vuestra 
magestad desta deuda por ser poca y tierra nueba quando este mas poblada 
e ynteresada con las mercedes que vuestra magestad les haze se Restau- 
rara este menoscabo — vuestra magestad mandara lo que fuere servido. 

[Al mar gen se lee:'] que se consulte que se podria exenptar de pagar 
alcavala por espagio de quinze afios. [Una rubric a.] Minas. 

Con esta embio assimismo un memorial fecho con el cuydado que debo 
al servigio de vuestra magestad tocante a materia de labrar minas y 
menoscabo que biene a los Reales quintos y las causas de ello. Y el Reme- 
dio que me parege se puede tener vuestra magestad lo bera y mandara lo 
que fuere servido. [Al mar gen se lee:~\ Minas. 

En toda esta gobernagion asta goadalaxara y mexico que a qualquiera 
destas partes ay mas de gien legoas no ay un letrado a quien se le pueden 
Remitir la determinagion de las causas de derecho e ynterese de partes por 



Francisco de Urdinola, 1604 91 

land and farther beyond, the prospect is good for added conversions. 
These will be obtained if your Majesty will order the soldiers and relig- 
ious who are there to be continued and reinforced, notwithstanding that 
some persons, seeing that your Majesty is receiving no benefit at present, 
seem to deny this. But God, who has care for this and has promised it, 
will grant it when it pleases him, as he did in the land of the Guachi- 
chiles, 9 where we spent great sums for your Majesty in war with them, 
and where, as soon as peace was secured, the mines of San Luis 10 and 
others were discovered whence much more was obtained than had been 
spent. Nor does that land of Sinaloa promise less, for there are frequent 
reports of silver mines in it as well as other resources which will be appar- 
ent to your Majesty from the reports submitted. Many of the mines are 
not worked, however, because the Spaniards have insufficient forces; 
others, because until now wars have been incessant with the natives and 
the inhabitants of the hills, have not been discovered. [In the margin it 
says:] Mines. 

Your Majesty may rest convinced that in all New Spain there is no 
land so rich in veins of silver as these provinces of Nueva Vizcaya, 
although, because they are remote and in the farthest part of New Spain, 
where the labor of docile Indians, trained to labor, is not obtainable as it is 
in New Spain and Nueva Galicia, no more silver is taken out than in 
other places. But the time will come when this territory will be considered 
more important than all the rest because it is so rich in silver deposits. 

In order that your Majesty might be well informed as to the character 
of Nueva Vizcaya, the miners and settlers which it contains, and the 
farms and other enterprises being operated by them, I made investiga- 
tions, reports of which I sent to your Majesty, together with a memorial 
which I drew up concerning them, wherein all the information is assem- 
bled. I could not at this time, however, send the description of the country, 
with proper arrangement and detail, with the latitudes and distances of 
each place, because I have been down from the mountains only a short 
while, and there has not been sufficient time to send it with this letter by 
the fleet; hence I defer sending it until another time. 

When your Majesty has seen and understood [from my report] the 
poverty and lack of labor from which the settlers to-day in this large gov- 
ernment suffer, as a result of which all the mining camps and other 
enterprises are so meager, and the traders, called mercadeles, have capital 
of only five hundred, or one, two, or three thousand pesos thereabouts 
for the most part, your Majesty will see that to command them to pay 
alcabala " on this poverty will bring your Majesty very little profit. If 
your Majesty would be pleased to grant them the concession of not having 
to pay it for some time, they would be encouraged by this, and by other 
favors which your Majesty concedes to them, to come and settle these 
provinces where there have been numerous discoveries of mines of good 
assay, discovered, but not settled, on account of the poverty and sparse- 
ness of the population. In the district of San Andres and Guanecebi alone 
there are more than thirty discovered mines, and eight others in the 
valley of Santa Barbara and its district. Therefore, if your Majesty 
should, since they are few and the land is new, temporarily relieve them 



92 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century 

lo qual tiene el gobernador destas provincias negessidad de un agessor 
asalariado como le tienen en otras partes del nuebo Reyno e yslas — vuestra 
magestad se sirba de prober pues sera conforme a su cristianisimo pecho 
y gelo y de ello sera muy servido Dios nuestro senor. 

Yo he servido a Vuestra magestad desde mi mogedad en todas las 
ocasiones que se an ofregido en las guerras y pacification de los yndios 
chichimecos destos Reynos con mucha aprobagion de los virreyes y audi- 
encias y generales como constara por los papeles y Relaciones que a vues- 
tra magestad se le a fecho y se aran y boy Cargando en anos y enferme- 
dades y aunque es verdad que mientras me durare la vida no e de faltar 
en lo que pudiere y fuere de probecho. Vuestra magestad se sirba de 
Remunerar mis servigios como ellos merecen haziendome merced a mi 
y a dos hijas que tengo y para Casar como de su poderosa y Christiana 
mano espero guarde nuestro senor la Catolica persona de Vuestra Mages- 
tad de durango p'o e 31 de marco 1604. Francisco de Urdinola. 



Al obispo de la nueva Galicia que pong a remedio en los excesos que se an 
entendido hazen los curas beneficiados y Religiosos que acuden a la 
administration de los sacramentos dexandolos sin pagarles nada no 
embargante que de la Real hazienda se les da lo que an menesterJ 
\Lerma, 29 de Junio de 1605.'] 

El Rey. Reverendo y en christo padre obispo de la ciudad de Guada- 
laxara de la provincia de la nueva galicia del mi consejo e entendido que 
los clerigos curas beneficiados y Religiosos que acuden a la administration 
de los sacramentos de los yndios y naturales de essa provincia no se con- 
tentando con los bastimentos y las demas cosas necessarias conque para 

e It is not clear for what this abbreviation stands. 
1 A. G. I., 144-1-15. 



Clerical Abuses, 1605 93 

of the payment of this tax, later, when the country is settled more and 
has prospered by the favors which your Majesty grants to them, the con- 
cession may be compensated. Your Majesty will order whatever seems 
desirable. 

[In the margin it reads:'] Let there be consultation as to whether they 
can be exempted from paying alcabala for the space of fifteen years. 
[A rubric.'] Mines. 

Herewith I send you also a memorial, drawn with the care suitable to 
your Majesty's service, concerning the matter of working the mines and 
the diminution which has occurred in the royal fifths, with the causes 
thereof, and the remedy which may be applied. Your Majesty will see it 
and order as seems pleasing. 

[In the margin it reads:] Mines. 

In all this government as far as Guadalajara and Mexico, which are 
distant more than one hundred leagues from any of these parts, there is 
no lawyer to whom may be referred the settlement of cases at law or the 
interests of litigants. For these reasons the governor of these provinces 
needs a salaried counsellor such as are had in other parts of the new 
kingdom and in the islands. 12 Your Majesty will please provide one, as 
this will be in conformity with your Christian spirit and zeal and by your 
so doing God our Lord will be well served. 

I have served your Majesty since my youth upon all occasions which 
have offered in the wars and pacification of the Chichimeca Indians of 
these kingdoms, with the pronounced approbation of viceroys, audiencias, 
and generals, as will appear by the documents and narratives which have 
been and will be submitted to your Majesty. Now I am growing old and 
infirm, and, while it is true that as long as my life lasts I shall not fail to 
do what I can to be of service, will not your Majesty be pleased to recom- 
pense my services as they deserve to be, by granting me for myself and 
two marriageable daughters some favor which I expect from the powerful 
and Christian hand of your Majesty. May our Lord keep your Catholic 
person. Durango, March 31, 1604. Francisco de Urdinola. 



To the bishop of Nueva Galicia, directing him to correct the abuses which 
it has been understood that the parish priests, beneficed clergy, and 
regulars commit in the administration of the sacraments, [demand- 
ing from the Indians compensation in services and produce for this] 
and paying them nothing therefor, in spite of the fact that they 
receive from the royal treasury amounts sufficient for their expenses. 
[Lerma, June 29, 1605.] 

The King. Reverend sir and father in Christ, bishop of the city of 
Guadalajara of the province of Nueva Galicia, and member of my Coun- 
cil : I have been informed that the clericals — both parish priests, beneficed 
clergy, and regulars 13 — who administer sacraments to the Indians and 
natives of that province, not contenting themselves with the provisions 
and other necessaries which are provided for their sustenance from 



94 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century 

su sustento se les acude de mi Real hazienda para que no hagan ni se les 
haga ninguna vejacion ni agravio a los pobres naturales y que no obstante 
lo que tengo mandado les apremian a que les den cada dia dos y tres galli- 
nas y maiz y los biernes vigilias y quaresmas pescado y huebos y gacate 
para sus caballos y servicio de yndios e yndias sin pagarles por todo ello 
ninguna cossa en que hay grande exceso y particularmente en algunos de 
los rreligiosos que no son muy compuesto y que aunque lo quieren reme- 
diar los prelados y audiencias no pueden hazerlo rrespecto de que como 
son tan miserables no tienen ni hazen resistencia alguna y que para su 
remedio conbernia, se os ordenase a Vos y a los Comisarios y Provian- 
ciales de las ordenes mandasedes so pena de descomunion y graves penas 
a los dichos Curas beneficiados y religiosos que no tomen cossa alguna a 
los dichos naturales si no es pagandoselas a justos y moderados precios 
y aviendose visto en mi consejo Real de las yndias se acordo que devia 
mandar dar la presente para vos e yo lo tenido por bien y os Ruego y 
encargo que pongais Remedio, y que remedieis esto de manera que cesen 
estos ynconbenientes y los que adelante se podrian seguir pues beis lo 
mucho que conviene avitarlos que demas de que en ello hareis lo que sois 
obligado me terne por servido y de lo que hicieredes me dareis aviso para 
que lo tenga entendido de lerma a veynte y nueve de Junio de mill y seis- 
cientos y cinco anos Yo el Rey Refrendada de Andres de Torealina 
y senalada de los del consejo. 



Respuesta al governador de la nueva Vizcaya en lo tocante a las salinas 
de aquella provincial [San Lorenzo, 5 de Septiembre de i6ii.~] 

El Rey. Francisco de Urdinola . . . governador de la Nueva Vizcaya 
se ha visto Lo que por Un capitulo de Carta Vuestra de 1 5 de abril de 607 
escrivis acerca de la inportancia de la salina que se ha descubierto en essa 
governacion en Veinte y cinco leguas adelante de la provincia de santa 
Barbara y el fruto grande que de ella se podria sacar para mi Real haci- 
enda mas porque mi Voluntad es que sin embargo, Se guarde lo probeido 
Ultimamente acerca de la Livertad de todas las Salinas de essas provincias 
y las demas de las Yndias, os mando que assi lo hagais. Sin contravenir 
en cossa alguna a La cedula que se despacho en esta Raqon avisandome de 
lo que hizieredes para que Lo tenga entendido. San Lorenzo a 3 de Sep- 
tiembre de 161 1. Yo el Rey. 



Servicios hechos a su Magestad Por El Cappitan don Hieronimo Velasquez 
Davila [en Nueva Galicia, 1617'].* 

Don Luis Ponce de leon Cappitan y Cavo de la gente de guera que vino 
y esta de presidio en este de acaponeta y su Jurisdicion y alcalde mayor 

e A. G. I., 103-3-I. h A. G. I., 67-1-4. 



Jeronimo Velasquez Davila, 161J 95 

my royal treasury, in order that they may not oppress or wrong the poor 
natives, have, in spite of my commands, urged the latter to give them 
daily two or three hens and corn, and on Fridays, fast-days, and during 
Lent, fish, and eggs, and hay for their horses, as well as personal services 
from both men and women, without any payment whatsoever for all this. 

The abuse is very great, particularly among certain of the religious, 
who are decidedly immoderate; and, while the prelates and audiencias 
have endeavored to remedy the situation, they are unable to do so because 
the [Indians] are so impoverished that they do not offer any resistance 
whatever. It would seem proper, therefore, in order to effect the needed 
reform, to command you and the commissaries and provincials 14 of the 
orders to issue commands, under pain of excommunication and serious 
penalties, to the parish priests, beneficed clergy, and the religious, not to 
take anything from the natives except upon payment of just and mod- 
erate prices. 

The matter having been considered by my royal Council of the Indies, 
it was agreed that the present order should be sent to you. I have accepted 
the decision, and I therefore command and charge you to effect a reform, 
and to remedy the situation so that these improprieties shall cease and 
shall not recur. You can see how very desirable it is to prevent them, and 
you may be assured that, whatever you do in the matter beyond what is 
your. obligation, I shall consider myself well served thereby. Whatever 
you do you will report to me, in order that I may be informed. From 
Lerma, June 29, 1605. I the King. Countersigned, drawn up by Andres 
de Torealina, and signed by the members of the Council. 



Reply to the governor of Nueva Vizcaya concerning the salt deposits of 
that province. [San Lorenzo, September j, i6ii.~\ 

The King. Francisco de Urdinola . . . governor of Nueva Vizcaya : 
I have considered that which you write in an article of your letter of 
April 15, 1607, concerning the importance of a salt deposit which has 
been discovered in that government twenty-five leagues beyond the prov- 
ince of Santa Barbara, and the great profit which might be derived from 
it for my royal treasury. Nevertheless, since it is my will that recent 
orders shall be obeyed which prescribe the freedom of all the salt deposits 
of those provinces and of the rest of the Indies, I command that you so 
maintain them, not contravening in anywise the cedula despatched for 
that intent. You will advise me of what you may do that I may have due 
understanding thereof. San Lorenzo, September 3, 161 1. I the King. 



Services performed for his Majesty by Captain Don Jeronimo Velasquez 
Davila [in Nueva Galicia. i6if\. 

I, Don Luis Ponce de Leon, captain and leader of the soldiers who came 
here and are serving in this presidio of Acaponeta 15 and its jurisdiction, 
alcalde mayor for his Majesty in this province and land, certify that 



96 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century 

Por su Magestad en esta provincia e tierra Certiffico que el Capitan 
Hieronimo Velasquez davila Vino a este Presidio de socoro Con Una 
compania de veinte soldados espanoles bien armados Por horden del sefior 
don Alonso Perez Merchan governador etc., en este Reyno Presidente de 
la real audiencia de guadalaxara por la necesidad que abia en esta dicha 
f rontera del dicho socoro por averme dado asalto en ella ochocientos gan- 
dules de la nacion Tepeguanes y otras que a las suyas se abian agregado y 
tenido conmigo batalla canpal y con muerte de algunos dellos Retirandose 
a la sierra Para Reforcados Bolverme segundo asalto y conseguir el 
Efecto de sus malos deseos Los quales Se le Reprimieron con la dicha 
Venida del dicho capitan y su conpania que como tan gran soldado Vino 
buscando el peligro deceoso de Encontrar al dicho Enemigo Por las 
Faldas de la sierra donde se an retirado y Vviendo que no bolvia a darnos 
Las cinco batallas prometidas se hordeno de Yrles a buscar y se les dio 
Un albacp En el qual Son algunos muertos y heridos que fueron Se 
cogieron cinco bibos de la nacion tepeguana que en su Persona y con su 
Parecer Justicie En este dicho Presidio y En todo esto y lo que mas se a 
ofrecido del servicio de su Magestad En todos los cassos de guera que 
aqui subcedieron durante su asistencia acudio con muy gran Valor y con 
muy particular cuidado Hordenando diciplinando y animando En todas 
dichas ocasiones A los susodichos sus Soldados Los quales Cumpliendo 
con Las hordenes E instrucciones que para ello traya pasado todo Lo 
susodicho me los Entrego para que esten de asistencia en este dicho pre- 
sidio porque con las confesiones que con tormento de ganucha se dieron 
a los dichos cinco yndios que fueron presos declararon que pasadas Las 
aguas nos bolvieran a dar segundo asalto y Por estar Nonbrado Por capi- 
tan a guera En la ciudad de guadalaxara Cumpliendo con las ynstruciones 
me Entrego La dicha compania Segun dicho es Cuya venida y averla 
traydo y echo Lo demas Rescevido En ocasion de tanta necesidad a sido 
Un muy Particular Servicio a su Magestad y es merito de toda la merced 
que se le hiziere. 1 



Probanga de Miguel de Barrasa Resident e en las Yndias de nueba Espafia 
en la Villa de Durango: De los servicios que a echo a su Magestad 
en los Reynos de Vigcaya y GaliciaJ [1618.'] 

Senor: Miguel de Barrasa residente en las Yndias de nueba espafia en 
la Villa de Durango sita en el Reyno de la nueba Vizcaya : Dice quel a 
servido a Vuestra Magestad en las dichas Indias desde el afio de 84 siendo 
de edad de Veinte afios Particularmente en la guerra contra los Yndios 

■ F. R. B., Aug. 28, 1914. 

1 A. G. I., 67-1-4. [Como titulo lleva:] Al Presidente de yndias. Sefior. Miguel de 
Barrasa Residente en las Yndias de Nueba espafia en el Reyno de la Nueba Vizcaya en 
La villa de Durango. Pide el Corregimiento de santa barbara en la nueba Vizcaya y 
caso que no se tome resolncion informe del util, y sus servicios Virrey y Audiencia 
de Mexico. 



Miguel de Barrasa, 1618 97 

Captain Jeronimo Velasquez Davila 18 came to this presidio with a relief 
company of twenty well-armed Spanish soldiers, by order of Don Alonzo 
Perez Merchan, 17 governor of this kingdom, and president of the royal 
Audiencia of Guadalajara. He was sent because of the need of a relief 
party on this frontier, inasmuch as I had here been attacked by eight hun- 
dred vagabonds of the Tepeguanes nation and others who had joined 
them. They had given me battle in the open field, but, upon the death of 
a few of them, they had retired to the sierra in order that, reinforced, they 
might attack me a second time and achieve the purpose of their evil de- 
sires. They were, however, prevented by the coming of the captain and 
his company; he, great soldier that he was, came in search of danger, 
desiring to meet the enemy upon the slopes of the sierra whither they had 
retired. Seeing that they did not come back to offer us the five battles 
which they had promised, orders were given to go in search of them, and 
they were surprised at dawn by an attack in which some were killed, some 
were wounded but escaped, and five of the Tepehuanes nation were taken 
alive. The latter, upon the judgment and advice of the captain, I executed. 
In this presidio, in all the foregoing fighting, and in all other situations 
of war requiring service to his Majesty which arose during his presence 
here, the captain acted with great valor, and marked carefulness. He 
commanded, disciplined, and encouraged his soldiers in all these situa- 
tions, and then, when the orders and instructions for the observance of 
which they came had been fulfilled, he turned them over to me, that they 
might remain in service in this presidio. This was because the five Indians 
who had been captured had declared, in confessions made under torture 
by the ganucha, that when the rainy season should have passed they 
would come again to attack us. He, therefore, having been named war 
captain in the city of Guadalajara, in compliance with his instructions, 
turned over to me the company, as has been said. His coming, his having 
brought the company, and his having done all the other things which he 
did upon an occasion of such necessity, has been of particular service to 
his Majesty, and is worthy of any favor which may be conceded to him. 



Proof by Miguel de Barrasa, a resident of the villa of Durango, New 
Spain, in the Indies, of services which he has performed for his 
Majesty in the kingdoms of Vizcaya and Galicia* [1618.] 

Sir: Miguel de Barrasa, a resident of the villa of Durango, situated in 
the kingdom of Nueva Vizcaya, New Spain, in the Indies, says that he 
has served your Majesty in the Indies since the year 1584, at which time 
he was twenty years old. He served, specifically, in the war against the 
Guachichiles Indians of Nueva Galicia, with his arms, servants, and 

* [The title is:] To the president of the Indies : Sir: Miguel de Barrasa, a resident of 
the villa of Durango, in the kingdom of Nueva Vizcaya, New Spain, in the Indies, prays 
to be granted the corregimicnto 18 of Santa Barbara, Nueva Vizcaya ; and, in case no 
decision is reached requests that the viceroy and the Audiencia of Mexico make a report 
concerning his utility and his services. 



98 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century 

Guachichiles de la nueba Galicia Haciendo guarda con sus armas criados 
y caballos a todos los pasageros y a los que con carretas y recuas metian 
Vastimentos y Vituallas a las minas de Vuestra Magestad en el Masapil y 
saltillo cuyos caminos heran offendidos de los salteadores yndios allandose 
en todas las ocasiones con mucho travajo y riesgo de su vida y todo a 
costa de su hacienda sin llebar a Vuestra Magestad salario ni acostamiento 
alguno. Y en la guerra quando se algaron Los Yndios Conchos, que 
residen en las comarcas de Sancta Barvara, Donde asistio a su costa en 
todas Las ocasiones, particularmente aviendole cometido el Governador 
y Capitan Alonso diaz el ir a hazer gente Para el castigo dellos a la Ala- 
guna y Meszquitales donde estaban Revelados Los dichos yndios y al- 
gadas Las Rancherias, el dicho Miguel de Barrasa con sus soldados tu- 
bieron Batallas de mucho riesgo con ellos y los redujo a la paz sacando 
dellos mucha cantidad con los quales se hizo guerra a los de la dicha Pro- 
vincia de Santa Barvara y prosiguiendo La guerra y castigo de los Dichos 
indios fue hasta Las comarcas de Nuebo Mexico, haciendo guerra a todos 
los Revelados hasta Reducirlos al servicio de Vuestra Magestad En cuyas 
ocasiones recivio muchas y muy grandes heridas y una que se le ue en el 
Rostro sobre el carrillo derecho y en la guerra que se higo al casique Ati- 
buliaga y a los Yndios de su nacion questaban retirados en un penol fuerte 
hasziendo guerra a los espafioles de la dicha provincia fue uno de los 
primeros que lo ganaron con gran riesgo de su vida de que resulto quedar 
La dicha Provincia quieta y los Yndios della asentados y de Paz en que 
se hizo gran servicio a Vuestra Magestad y sin costa alguna de su Real 
acienda. Y en la guerra quando se alc^aron los Yndios de las salinas de 
Machete y Posso ediondo Donde yendo el Capitan Alonso Hernandes 
con numero de soldados nombro al dicho Miguel de barrasa por su cau- 
dillo y como tal servicio a Vuestra Magestad a su costa todo el tiempo 
que duro La dicha guerra hasta dejar Los yndios asentados y de paz, y a 
ayudado juntamente a hacer muchos descubrimientos de Minas en par- 
ticular las de Sancto Andres Topia y las de los Papudos y las de Guana- 
cevi en que a sido Vuestra Magestad muy bien servido y crecido sus 
Reales quintos y aumentadas sus poblaciones como consta Por sus papeles. 

En consideracion de lo qual y de los grandes cervicios que hizo Her- 
nando trexo carvajal governador que fue destas provincias sobredichas, 
suegro del suplicante y de los de sus antepasados ansi en las yndias como 
en otras partes como es publico y notorio A Vuestra Magestad Pide y 
suplica se sirba de mandar nombrar al dicho miguel de Barrassa Por cor- 
regidor de la dicha Provincia de Sancta Barvara con nombre de Protector 
de ellas y de sus Naturales como de Protector de las Minas de Guanacevi 
San Juan de yndele Santhiago de Mapini Minas de guancame que son 
las Reales de aquella Vereda. 

Advirtiendo a Vuestra Magestad que importa a su Real servicio con- 
servacion y augmento de los Naturales el que se reduQgan Las cinco Al- 
cardias en que esta Repartida La dicha Provincia, a correjimiento que se 
intitule della Porque cada uno de los alcaldes con nombre de Protector y 
poder de alcalde se bale del trabajo de aquellos pobres Yndios Para sus 
granjerias a titulo de Protectores Sin tratar del augmento de Vuestra 
Magestad y poblacion de sus tierras Llebando cada Uno trecientos pesos 



Miguel de Barrasa, 1618 99 

horses, as a guard for all the travellers and all those who transported 
supplies and food by wagon or packtrain to your Majesty's mines in 
Mazapil 10 and Saltillo. The roads over which this traffic passed were 
infested by Indian highway robbers, and this suppliant, though continu- 
ously undergoing great hardships and risk to his life, served entirely at 
the cost of his own estate, receiving from your Majesty neither salary 
nor payment of expenses whatsoever. In the war at the time of the revolt 
of the Conchos Indians, who dwell in the vicinity of Santa Barbara, he 
served upon all occasions entirely at his own cost. 

Specifically, when Governor and Captain Alonzo Diaz 20 had charged 
him to go and enlist men for the punishment of the Indians at La Laguna 
and at Mezquitales, where they were in rebellion and where the rancherias 
were devastated, Miguel de Barrasa and his soldiers fought dangerous 
battles with them, reduced them to peace, and obtained from them a large 
number of men with the assistance of whom they made war upon the 
Indians of the province of Santa Barbara. In the pursuit of this war and 
in the punishment of these Indians, he went as far as the confines of New 
Mexico, warring upon all the rebels until they were subjected to your 
Majesty's service. On these occasions he received many serious wounds, 
one of which is visible upon his right cheek. In the war waged against 
the cacique, Atibuliaga, and the Indians of his nation who had retired to 
a strong position on a cliff whence they waged war upon the Spaniards 
of that province, Barrasa was, at great risk to his life, one of the first of 
those who scaled the cliff. As a result of the fight there, that province 
was pacified and the Indians in it peaceably took up fixed abodes. This 
was a great service to your Majesty, and it cost your royal treasury 
nothing. 

In the war when the Indians of Las Salinas de Machete and Pozo 
Hediondo revolted, Captain Alonzo Hernandez, going thither with a 
number of soldiers, named Miguel de Barrasa as their leader; in that 
capacity he served your Majesty at his own expense throughout the war 
until the Indians were settled peaceably in fixed abodes. He has also 
assisted in numerous discoveries of mines, particularly those of San 
Andres, Topia, Los Papudos, and Guanacebi. By these discoveries your 
Majesty has been well served, your royal fifths 21 have been increased, 
and your settlements made more numerous, as appears from Barrasa's 
papers. 

In consideration of all the foregoing, and of the great services rendered 
by Hernando Trexo Carbajal, 22 former governor of these provinces and 
father-in-law of the applicant, and in consideration of the publicly and 
widely known services of his forbears both in the Indies and elsewhere, 
Miguel de Barrasa begs and supplicates that your Majesty will be pleased 
to order that he be named corregidor 23 of the province of Santa Barbara 
with the title of Protector of the provinces and of the natives thereof, 
and also Protector of the mines of Guanacebi, San Juan de Indehe 
[Inde], Santiago de Mapimi, and the Mines of Cuencame, which are the 
camps along that trail. 

He calls the attention of your Majesty to the fact that it is of impor- 
tance to your royal service and the preservation and welfare of the natives 
8 



100 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century 

de salario de su Real aver. Todas Las quales Reduziendolas a correji- 
miento Dios y Vuestra Magestad seran muy bien servidos y el sueldo que 
son mil y quinientos pessos Puede ser La tercera parte menos o lo que 
Vuestra Magestad se sirviere y la tierra se poblara y aumentara La 
hacienda de Vuestra Magestad como se a visto en otras Provincias que 
se a echo Lo proprio que ademas del Real servicio de Vuestra Magestad 
a que el suplicante atiende y a de atender toda su Vida Recivira Particular 
merced y Resplandecera La clemencia de Vuestra Magestad Premiando 
Los muchos servicios que a echo y los de su suegro y los de sus antepas- 
sados, etc. 

(y en caso que no se tome Resolucion pide y suplica a Vuestra Magestad 
se sirva que imforme del util y sus servicios el Virrey y audiencia de 
mexico.) k 



Relation breve y succinta de los sucesos que ha tenido la guerra de los 
Tepehuanes de la governacion de la Nueva Vizcaya desde 15 de 
Noviembre de 16 16 hasta 16 de Mayo de 1618. 1 

Ano y medio ha que empecp esta guerra y es fuerqa que la que tubo 
tan rigorosos y pensados prinqipios, no aya de tener tan facil el dexo. 
Movieronse estos Yndios Tepehuanes a mudar religion por instinto y 
persuacion del Demonio y assi levantaron Ydolo, y se governaban por 
hechizeros, y para establecer mejor su nueva eleccion, no obstante que 
ellos son en mucha cantidad y corren muchas leguas, de la Nueva espafia, 
por mayor seguridad trataron desde luego de convocar todas las otras na- 
ciones de la Governacion, y fueron tan astutos, y manosos en hazer este 
movimiento que apenas ha quedado en toda la governacion (que tiene de 
distrito mas de 250 leguas a lo largo y casi otras tantas de trabesia) quien 
no aya entrado en el dicho al^amiento. 

Luego que sucedio se hizieron informaciones del caso y por ellas consto 
aver tres, o quatro anos, que andaban amasando, lo que despues execu- 
taron el afio de 1616 a los 15 de Noviembre, y fue su primer artificio 
querer dar a un mismo tiempo en todos Los puertos y pueblos de la Gov- 
ernacion y si Dios Nuestro Sefior no les atajara este designio con la 
golosina de robar cantidad de ropa y mercancia, con que se encontraron 

k F. R. B., Sevilla, July 31, 1914, 
1A. G. L, 66-6-17. 



The Tepehuanes, 1616-1618 101 

that the five alcaldias 24 into which the province is divided should be 
combined into one corregimiento to be called by the name of the province. 
For each one of the alcaldes, with the designation of protector of the 
Indians and possessing the power of an alcalde, takes advantage, by vir- 
tue of his title of protector, of the labor of those poor Indians for his 
own traffic, at the same time neglecting the prosperity of your Majesty 
and the settlement of your land, notwithstanding each of them receives 
a salary of three hundred pesos from the royal treasury. If all these 
alcaldias were to be reduced to one carregimiento, God and your Majesty 
would be well served. The salary, which now amounts to 1500 pesos, 
might be reduced by one-third or whatever amount your Majesty might 
please; the land would be settled, and your Majesty's treasury would be 
increased, as has been the case in other provinces where the change pro- 
posed has been made. If your Majesty will reward the many services 
which the applicant has performed, those of his father-in-law and his 
forebears, he will receive, in addition to the pleasure of serving your 
Majesty as he does and will do throughout his life, an especial favor 
whereby the clemency of your Majesty will be resplendent. 

(In case no action is taken, the suppliant asks and beseeches your 
Majesty to ask the viceroy and Audiencia of Mexico to submit a report 
concerning his usefulness and his services.) 



A brief and succinct account of the events of the war with the Tepehuanes, 
government of Nueva Vizcaya, from November 15, 1616, to May 16, 
1618. 

It is now a year and a half since this war began, and it is perforce true 
that since it had such severe and deliberate beginnings it will not be easy 
to conclude. These Tepehuanes were induced to apostatize through in- 
stinct and the persuasion of the devil. They set up an idol; they were 
governed by wizards ; and, in order better to establish their new project, 
although they are numerous and extend over many leagues of New Spain, 
they at once attempted, for greater security, to convoke all the other 
nations of that jurisdiction. They were so astute and clever in this move- 
ment that there scarcely remains in the entire government (which is 
almost 250 leagues long and nearly as wide) anyone who has not taken 
part in the uprising. 

As soon as this occurred investigations were made of the situation, 
from which it appeared that for three or four years they had been formu- 
lating revolutionary plans, which afterwards they put into execution on 
November 15, 1616. 25 Their first scheme was to attack all the ports and 
towns of the government at the same time, and if God our Lord had not 
distracted them from this design by the prospect of stealing a quantity 
of clothing and merchandise which they came upon on the road to Topia, 
which served to give warning of the day set, there is no doubt but that the 
damage would have been irreparable. Indeed on various occasions and 



102 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century 

camino de Topia, y fue parte para prevenir el dia senalado, no ay duda 
sino que hubiera sido el dano irreparable, con todo eso, aunque en varios 
tiempos y dias executaron muchas muertes, robos, y quemas de pueblos 
y por seis o siete meses se sustentaron en campafia acometiendo a todas 
partes, hasta que el Virrey de Nueva Espana pudo embiar socorro suffi- 
ciente de algunos capitanes y soldados, que ayudaron a los de aca, y se ha 
militado contra ellos. 

El Governador Don Gaspar de Albear luego que fue sabidor de tan 
gran movimiento sabiendo por informacion, que dello se hizo, que el 
principal intento de las Tepehuanes era destruyr la dicha villa de Guadiana 
cabecera de la Governacion, y para esto estaban unidos y concertados los 
Pueblos de Tepehuanes circumvezinos a la dicha villa ; dio tra^a en como 
fuessen prevenidos, ganandoles el lance. Para lo qual disimulando la 
traca y con achaque de fortifkar las casas Reales, hizo llamar a los 
Tepehuanes mas principals dellos, y antes que se declarassen, Lunes 
21 de Noviembre 1616 considerando la gravedad del caso, llamo al factor 
Rafael de Gascue, el dia antes nombrado por maestre de campo y lugar- 
teniente de capitan General, para que como el mas experimentado con 
mucha mafia prendiesse los Governadores, los Caciques, y principales de 
los Yndios lo qual hizo con mucha destreqa y fueron 75, los mas belicosos, 
y todos confessaron ser verdad que el martes siguiente 22 de Noviembre 
avian de dar y asolar a Guadiana. La prission se acabo de hazer como 
a las seys de la tarde y los mas estaban en las casas Reales, unos en cepos, 
otros atados, y unos pocos en la carcel. Este dia como a las nueve de la 
noche se toco un arma muy viva en Guadiana (Lugar de cien vezinos 
espanoles) el alboroto fue terrible, por que entraron diziendo los que 
venian de f uera ; entraban mas de dos mil Yndios de arco y flecha ; Los 
pocos espanoles que avia se previnieron y mataron casi todos los presos, 
que no quedaron vivos sino cjnco o seys, que se ahorcaron otro dia sigui- 
ente Martes a la hora que avian de executar su maldad: Murieron al- 
gunos como christianos confessando el rebelion general. Un Cacique 
llamado Don Marcos de los principales movedores del al<;amiento de nin- 
guna manera se quiso confesar y se arrojo el mismo de la horca. 
Pusieronse todos por los caminos y los demas Yndios se perdieron de 
animo y consejo y se huyeron todos a la Sierra. Con esto se remedio 
algo el peligro que amenagaba a Guadiana y pudo el Governador salir a 
campear, como lo hizo con el mayor numero de gente que pudo Juntar, 
aunque mal armados, Porque el ocio de la paz avia puesto en olvido las 
armas. Salio en 19 de Diciembre del dicho ano dexando ahorcado antes 
una espia que se cogio en 27 de Noviembre el qual venia a reconocer la 
Villa y ver el estado que tenia para acometerla (otro dia por la manana 
28) un esquadron de ochocientos Yndios a pie y catorce de a caballo, de 
que venia por capitan un Yndio llamado Pablo y se avian emboscado en 
el xaral, puesto oculto dos leguas de Guadiana con la muerte de su espia 
se deshizo su intento. 

En 20 del, dicho, antes de amanecer llego el Governador a la estancia de 
la sauceda sin ser visto ni sentido de los Yndios enemigos, en la estancia 
que esta 9 leguas de Guadiana, estaba recogida mucha gente y fue acome- 
tida muchas vezes obstinadamente de los enemigos y a 21 creyendo no 



The Tcpehnanes, 1616-1618 103 

days they committed many murders and robberies and burned villages; 
for six or seven months they kept the field, attacking in all directions, 
until finally the viceroy of New Spain 26 was able to send sufficient assis- 
tance in the form of some captains and soldiers who aided those who were 
here. As a result the war has gone against them. 

The governor, Don Gaspar de Albear, 27 as soon as he heard of so great 
a movement, learning by investigations which were made that the chief 
purpose of the Tepehuanes was to destroy the villa of Guadiana, capital 
of the jurisdiction, for which purpose the Tepehuane villages round about 
Guadiana were united and agreed, adopted a plan to forestall them, and 
thereby gained an advantage over them. In order to do this he concealed 
his design, and under pretext of fortifying the government buildings, had 
the principal Tepehuanes called together before they should declare the 
revolt. On Monday, November 21, 1616, in consideration of the serious- 
ness of the situation, he called upon the factor, Rafael de Gascue, ap- 
pointed on the preceding day maestre de campo and lieutenant-captain- 
general — he being the most experienced person available — to seize craftily 
the governors, caciques, and principal men of the Indians. This he did 
very cleverly, securing seventy-five of the most warlike ones, all of whom 
confessed that it was true that on the following Tuesday, November 22, 
they were to attack and destroy Guadiana. These Indians were appre- 
hended at about six o'clock in the afternoon. Most of them were [placed] 
in the government buildings, some in stocks, others bound, while a few 
were [placed] in the jail. 

About nine o'clock that evening a very loud alarm was sounded in 
Guadiana, a town of about one hundred Spanish settlers. The confusion 
was terrible, for those who came in from the outside said that more than 
2000 Indians with bows and arrows were coming. The few Spaniards 
who were there took the forewarning and killed nearly all the prisoners, 
only five or six being left alive, and these were hanged the next day, 
Tuesday, at the hour appointed for their uprising. Some of them died 
as Christians, confessing the projected general uprising. One chief named 
Don Marcos, one of the principal leaders of the revolt, would by no means 
make a confession, and voluntarily sprang from the gallows. Their bodies 
were placed upon all the roads, and the remaining Indians lost courage 
and counsel, and fled to the mountains. 

By this means the danger which threatened Guadiana was relieved 
somewhat, and the governor was enabled to take the field, which he did, 
with the largest number of men he could muster ; these were poorly armed, 
because the idleness of peace had resulted in neglect of the weapons. He 
set out on December 19 of the same year, having first hung a spy who 
was caught on November 27, as he was coming to reconnoitre the villa 
and ascertain its condition in order that a troop of 800 Indians on foot 
and fourteen mounted, led by an Indian named Pablo, might attack it on 
the morning of the next day, the twenty-eighth. These Indians were in 
ambush at El Jaral, a secret rendezvous two leagues from Guadiana. 
However, upon the death of their spy they gave up the plan. 

On the twentieth of the same month, before dawn, the governor reached 
the cstancia of La Sauceda without being seen or his presence being 



104 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century 

avia entrado en ella el Governador, venian a asolarla 800 Tepehuanes, 
viendolos asomar nuestra gente y creyendo que eran pocos salieron al- 
gunos dellos sin orden ni concierto, y los Yndios cautelosamente se 
fueron retirando a la sierra, adonde metieron a los espafioles y tenian el 
grueso de su gente emboscada Peleose sin traca por lo dicho y los nuestros 
corrieron mucho riesgo, mataron un espanol llamado Herrera que se 
llevaron los Yndios sin poderlo remediar, y no se hecho menos hasta que 
falto y fueron heridos otros siete u ocho espafioles y los nuestros mataron 
14 gandules sin muchos heridos, con que se desaparecieron por entonces 
los Tepehuanes. 

Venian de todas partes malas nuevas de muertes, robos, e incendios, 
y en particular de Guanacebi el Real de minas mas importante deste 
Reyno de la Nueva Vizcaya que cae en el rifion de la Tepehuana, donde 
estaban los vezinos de aquel pueblo en grande riesgo, por la multitud de 
Yndios que con diabolicos asaltos les acometian muchas vezes pedian 
socorro con grande prissa, avisando que solos doce o trece dias se podian 
sustentar, por no tener vituallas, ni municiones de guerra. Entro el Gov- 
ernador en consejo con los Capitanes y soldados mas experimentados. 
Todos fueron de parecer embiasse socorro ; mas que en ninguna manera 
convenia le llevasse el governador por el grande riesgo que corria su per- 
sona y gente Porque si le sucedia mal, como era evidencia por la poca 
gente que tenia, perdiendose el Governador Y soldados, se perderia el 
Reyno, mas considerando el Governador que si no yba el en persona, no 
hubiera quien llevara el Socorro, que era gran compasion que pereciessen 
100 almas que estaban en Guanacebi en tan gran riesgo ; resolviosse yr el 
proprio y dexaron de yr con el personas que hasta entonces avian tenido 
alguna opinion, dando muy leves disculpas para no yr de do se saco, que 
los que fueron fue por ver yr al Governador. 

Salio de la Sauceda para yr a socorrer a san Juan del Rio, a las minas 
delndehe, y a las de Guanacebi a 30 de Diziembre. Llego a san Juan a 
las nueve de la noche, el mismo dia, y dexo ocho soldados de guarnicion 
deste Pueblo salio a primero de Henero de 617 y llego a las minas de 
Indehe a 7 do recogio vituallas y ganados que llevar y las arinas que le 
truxo el Alcalde mayor de Santa Barbara con socorro de 100 Yndios 
Conchos. 

Partio a 12 y llego a 15 a Guanacebi con el socorro de armas y muni- 
ciones, rompiendo por medio de los enemigos, y hallo todo el pueblo 
recogido en la Yglessia y otras quatro casas del rededor y en el ultimo 
trance por que ya los enemigos avian quemado todo el lugar y los ingenios 
de sacar plata el sustento les avia ya faltado y comian los perros y gatos. 
Consololos el Governador a todos alabando su constancia y les dio 300 
quintales de arina que les trahia, 600 Bacas Y 400 fanegas de maiz. 
Y dexandoles presidio de 25 soldados, polvora y municiones, partio la 
via de un pueblo llamado San Ygnacio, por otro nombre el <^ape cinco 
Leguas de Guanacebi, partido de los Religiosos de la compania de Jesus, 
domingo 22 de Henero. Hallo quemada la Yglessia y casa, y desamparado 
todo el pueblo, y quatro Religiosos de la compania flechados y muertos 
y con ellos otras cien personas. Dioseles entierro. De aqui tomo la buelta 



The Tepehuanes, 1616-1618 105 

known by the enemy. At this estancia, which is nine leagues from Gua- 
diana, many people were gathered and these were many times attacked 
furiously by the enemy. On the twenty-first, 800 Tepehuanes, believing 
that the governor had not reached the estancia, came to pillage it. Our 
men on seeing them and thinking that they were few, went out to meet 
them without order or plan. The Indians for their part cautiously retired 
toward the mountains, where, having the bulk of their number in ambush, 
they attacked the Spaniards. As a result the fighting was without system 
and our men were subjected to considerable risk. A Spaniard named 
Herrera was killed ; he was carried off by the Indians, there being no help 
for it, since he was not missed until some time after he was gone. Seven 
or eight other Spaniards were wounded. Our men killed fourteen of the 
vagabonds but did not wound many. With this, the Tepehuanes for the 
time being disappeared. 

Bad news of murders, robberies, and incendiarisms came from all sides, 
especially from Guanacebi, the most important mining camp in the king- 
dom of Nueva Vizcaya, and situated in the centre of the Tepehuane 
country. There the citizens of that town were in great danger from the 
horde of Indians, who diabolically attacked them many times. These citi- 
zens asked for the most prompt assistance, announcing that they could 
hold out for only twelve or thirteen days, since they had no food or muni- 
tions of war. Whereupon the governor held a council of war with the 
captains and the most experienced soldiers, all of whom were of the 
opinion that help should be sent, but that under no circumstance should 
the governor take it to them on account of the risk he personally and his 
people would run; for, if he should have misfortune, as was likely on 
account of the few men which he had, and the governor and his soldiers 
should be lost, the kingdom itself would be lost. But the governor, real- 
izing that if he did not go in person there would be no one to take the 
assistance, and that it was a great pity that one hundred persons in Guana- 
cebi, in such great danger, should perish, resolved, quite properly, to go 
himself. And some persons, who until then had held an opposite opinion 
and who had given weak excuses for not going, no longer opposed accom- 
panying him. It therefore turned out that those who went did so because 
they saw that the governor was going. 

He set out from La Sauceda on December 30 to go to succor San Juan 
del Rio, the mines of Indehe [Inde?], and those of Guanacebi. He arrived 
at San Juan at nine o'clock on the night of the same day. Leaving eight 
soldiers to garrison this town, he set out on January 1, 161 7, and arrived 
at the mines of Indehe [Inde?] on January 7. There he collected victuals 
and cattle to take along, and flour which the alcalde mayor of Santa Bar- 
bara, with the help of 100 Conchos Indians, brought to him. 

He set out [from the mines of Indehe] on the twelfth and reached 
Guanacebi on the fifteenth with the arms and ammunition. Cutting his 
way through the midst of the enemy he found all of the people assembled 
in the church and in four adjacent houses in the last stage of resistance, 
for the enemy had already burned all the place and the equipment for 
taking out silver. Their provisions had failed, and they were eating the 
dogs and cats. The governor comforted them all, praising them for their 



106 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century 

de Santa Catalina, de Santiago Papasquaro y otros Pueblos, donde hallo 
otros quatro Religiosos de la compafiia muertos, un fraile de San Fran- 
cisco y atras avian dexado otro de santo Domingo y Junto con ellos otros 
muchos cuerpos de difuntos que pasarian de 160, en estos caminos tubo 
varios encuentros con diferentes Yndios. 

Junto a Santa Catalina en 12 de Hebrero le salieron a acometer al Gov- 
ernador y su gente gran suma de Tepehuanes. No se pudo saber al cierto 
que tantos serian, mas vinieron acometiendo, creyendo ser los nuestros los 
vezinos de Guanacebi, que despoblaban y yban huyendo. Luego salieron 
desta duda en ver el brio con que los nuestros acometieron, aunque pocos, 
que no eran mas de 30 soldados. Mataron 13 gandules y se cogio uno 
vino llamado Andres Lopez, el qual dixo donde estaba parte de la gente 
del enemigo retirada y hecha fuerte, que era un lugar llamado Tenerapa, 
Huyeron los Yndios por las Serranias muy aproposito para estos Lances. 
Este dia camino y llego al Pueblo de Atotonilco, como a las nueve de la 
noche y llamo a consejo a los capitanes y les dixo como ya sabian por el 
dicho del Yndio Andres, como estaba el enemigo fortificado en Tenerapa, 
y que seria bien caminar aquella noche y darles albazo antes que tubiesen 
nueva de su venida. Todos dixeron que no era posible caminar aquella 
noche dies leguas que avia de alii a Tenerapa, y las sierras dificultosas de 
andar y que demas de aver peleado la gente aquel dia, avian caminado seis 
leguas y quando esto no fuera y estubieran descansados no avia noche 
para caminar dies leguas para que eran por lo menos menester doce horas 
de tiempo. A estas dificultades afiadieron otras muchas y no embargante 
todo esto se resolvio el Governador a que se caminasse luego tomando 
antes algun refresco y assi partio aquel dia caminando sobre seis leguas 
otras dies de prolixo y aspero camino no podian las cabalgaduras dar paso 
de media noche abaxo y los Yndios amigos yban floxos cansados y con 
poco haliento, a todos los animo el Governador hasta la mafiana, mas de 
un hora salido el sol que se puso a vista de Tenerapa lugar fuerte por el 
sitio y dificultoso de caminar por el f ueron sentidos de un Yndio, que toco 
arma y hubose de acometer y los nuestros lo hizieron con tan buen brio 
que espanoles y Yndios amigos no parecia aver caminado media legua. 
Duro la batalla como una hora hasta que los enemigos huyeron ; mataronse 
60 Tepehuanes y fue la presa entre mugeres y muchachos de 220 per- 
sonas que se truxeron en Collera en 4 de Marqo a Guadiana. 

Quedo en este interim a cargo del Teniente de General Rafael de 
Gascue el govierno de las cosas de guerra deste Reyno y la defensa de 
Guadiana, que la defendio muy bien; quatro o cinco dias salido el Gover- 
nador della consideraron los Tepehuanes quedaba muy solo en el lugar, 
por aver salido de el, con casi toda la gente, hizieron una Junta de 200 
Yndios dellos numero que les parecio sufficiente para ganar el pueblo y 
asolarlo y se venian con gran secreto a meter en un lugar llamado el Tunal 
una legua de esta villa. Tubo aviso dello el Teniente de General y no 
quiso aguardarlos en poblado, y embio en su busca al Capitan Gongalo 
Martin de Soria con 15 companeros con el orden que avia de guardar, 
caminaron media noche rodeando quatro leguas por cogerles las espaldas 
y al amanecer les acometieron con brio a 60 Yndios que venian delante 



The Tepehuanes, 1616-1618 107 

endurance, and gave them 300 quintals of flour which he had brought 
them, 600 cows, and 400 fanegas of corn. Leaving them a presidio with 
twenty-five soldiers, powder, and munitions, he set out on Sunday, 
January 22, for a town named San Ignacio, otherwise known as El Zape, 
five leagues from Guanacebi and in the district assigned to the religious 
of the Company of Jesus. He found the church and [parish] house 
burnt, the town deserted, four religious of the Company [of Jesus] shot 
with arrows and dead, and one hundred other persons with them, whom 
he buried. From here he returned by way of Santa Catalina, Santiago 
Papasquiaro, and other towns, where he found dead four other religious 
of the Company [of Jesus], one Franciscan friar, and another friar of 
the Dominican order whom he had left behind; in addition many other 
corpses numbering over 160 were found. On these roads he had frequent 
encounters with various Indians. 

Near Santa Catalina on February 12 there came out to attack the gov- 
ernor and his men a great number of Tepehuanes. It was not possible to 
know for certain how many there were, but they advanced to attack, 
thinking that our men were the settlers of Guanacebi who were deserting 
the town and fleeing. They were quickly disillusioned when they saw 
the spirit with which our men — although few, there being not more than 
thirty soldiers — made the attack. Our men killed thirteen of the vaga- 
bonds and captured one alive named Andres Lopez, who told where part 
of the enemy forces were concealed in a stronghold, at a place named 
Tenerapa. The Indians fled through the hills, which gave admirable 
opportunity for flight. 

This day the governor marched and reached the town of Atotonilco at 
about nine o'clock at night. Here he called a council of the captains and 
told them, as they already knew from the above-mentioned Indian, Andres, 
that the enemy was fortified in Tenerapa, and that it would be well to 
march that night and surprise them at dawn before they should have news 
of his coming. All said that it was not possible that night to march the ten 
leagues from that point to Tenerapa, over mountains difficult to traverse, 
and that in addition to having fought the Indians that day they had 
marched six leagues, and that if this had not been the case and they had 
been rested, the night would not be long enough to march ten leagues, 
which would require at least twelve hours. To all these difficulties they 
added many others, but in spite of them all the governor decided to set 
out at once after some light refreshment. He therefore set forth the same 
day, going in addition to the six leagues another ten, over intricate, 
rough roads, on which the pack animals could make no headway after 
midnight, and the Indian allies moved slowly, being tired and having 
little spirit. But the governor encouraged them all until morning, when, 
about an hour after sunrise, they caught sight of Tenerapa, which is in a 
very strong natural location. The road to it being difficult, they were 
detected upon it by an Indian who sounded the alarm, so that it was 
necessary to make the attack at once. This our forces did with such spirit 
that it was as though the Spaniards and Indian allies alike had not 
travelled half a league. The battle lasted about an hour before the enemy 



108 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century 

descubriendo y reconociendo. De los primeros pelotazos cayeron dos 
capitanejos, que los venian sargenteando, con que les dio tanto miedo que 
todos volvieron huyendo, perniquebrandose muchos que se despenaron. 
Truxeron las manos derechas a Guadiana y fueron bien recibidas, por 
averse con esto librado del riesgo que la amena^aba. 

A 4 de Marco, como esta dicho, llego la presa a Guadiana y otro dia a 
5 del dicho puso su Real como una legua distante en un parage que llaman 
de Pacheco. Sentencio la presa y repartiola. Aqui dio orden de lo que 
los otros capitanes avian de hazer en las demas partes de la governacion, 
donde se avian declarado los algados. Ordeno al capitan Bartolome 
Xuarez, Capitan del presidio de San Hipolito, en los Xiximes, que saliesse 
a Campana y tomasse la via de los Pueblos Tepehuanes que caen al 
poniente de Guadiana, salio luego en cumplimiento desta orden y tubo 
algunas buenas suertes contra los Tepehuanes, matando y prendiendo can- 
tidad dellos, y dexando castigados algunos de los Pueblos de los xiximes 
por averse al^ado y confederado con ellos. 

Embio orden al capitan de Cinaloa Domingo Martinez de Urdaide, 
que dista de Guadiana 150 leguas, para que dexando puesto buen recaudo 
en aquellas Provincias saliesse a tomar el rostro a los Tepehuanes, cuya 
serrania se esta mirando con Cinaloa por la parte del Poniente, empeco 
a poner en efecto esta orden el dicho Capitan y fue tan conocida la tur- 
bacion de los Yndios de Cinaloa particularmente de los Pueblos vezinos 
a Tepehuanes, que hubo de tomar acuerdo en contrario y quedarse aguar- 
dar aquello que esta a su cargo. Todavia hizo Justicia el dicho Capitan 
de mas de 60 cabegas, y aunque muchos de aquellos Yndios se han decla- 
rado y acometido a nuestros pueblos, ha sido con poco dano, por hallarnos 
prevenidos. 

En este tiempo avia saltado el fuego en algunos Pueblos del mar del 
Sur pertenecientes al govierno de la audiencia de Guadalaxara y tenido 
aviso y demanda de la dicha audiencia, en que se le pedia al Governador 
socorro, no se quiso fiar de otro que de si mismo, y assi aprestandose por 
Mar<;o de 617 para esta Jornada con razonable numero de soldados espa- 
iioles y algunos Yndios amigos, partio a 22 del dicho mes, encaminose 
primeramente a Chiametla por quietar de camino aquella Provincia donde 
tambien se avian alcado muchos Pueblos fue menester poner mucha dili- 
gencia para buscarlos principalmente a los Yndios que llaman del Rincon 
de Zamora por ayudarles mucho la f ragosidad de la tierra y ser necessario 
baxar casi a gatas parte del camino y parte descolgandose con sogas sin 
poder entrar bestias, ni aun hombres del todo armados : al fin aunque con 
trabajo grande recabo el Governador la pacificacion de aquellas gentes. 
Desde alii fue a los Pueblos de la Galicia y socorrio el presidio de Acapo- 
neta que.le avian quemado el lugar y ahuyento a los enemigos de modo 
que en virtud desta Jornada se asseguro aquella tierra y el effecto lo ha 
mostrado, pues despues aca no ha avido rumor de enemigos y la audiencia 
de Guadalaxara hizo por ello muy grandes gracias al Governador y volvio 
de chiametla a Guadiana de ai a cinco meses largos. Tambien el factor 
Rafael de Gascue no se descuido en solicitar el socorro que se pedia al 
Virrey de la Nueva Espana, antes fue en persona a la ciudad de Mexico, 



The Tepehaanes, 1616-1618 109 

fled. Sixty Tepehuanes were killed, and the prisoners, including women 
and boys, numbered 220 persons. These were taken, chained together, to 
Guadiana on March 4. 

Meanwhile, the affairs of war of the kingdom and the defense of 
Guadiana remained in charge of the lieutenant-general, Rafael de Gascue, 
who defended the place very well. Four or five days after the governor 
had left Guadiana the Tepehuanes considered that the lieutenant-general 
was practically alone in the place because the governor had gone away 
with almost all the men. They therefore convoked some 200 Indians, a 
number which they thought would be sufficient to take the place and 
destroy it. So they came with great secrecy to a place called El Tunal, 
about a league from this villa. The lieutenant-general heard of this and 
not wishing to await them in the settlement, sent in search of them 
Captain Gonzalo Martin de Soria with fifteen companions, with the orders 
which they were to follow. They marched half the night, going around 
four leagues in order to come upon them from behind, and at dawn 
attacked with spirit some sixty Indians who were going in advance, recon- 
noitring. At the first shots two of their captains who were leading them 
fell, which filled the others with so much fear that they turned about and 
fled, many of them breaking their legs as they fell down the rocks. Their 
right hands were brought to Guadiana, where the soldiers were very well 
received, since the victory had relieved the town from the danger which 
threatened it. 

On March 4, as has been said, the prisoners arrived at Guadiana, and 
on the next day, the fifth, their camp was placed about a league distant 
at a place which they call Pacheco. The prisoners were sentenced and 
apportioned. Here orders were given concerning what the other captains 
had to do in the other parts of the government, where revolts had been 
declared. Captain Bartolome Juarez, captain of the presidio of San 
Hipolito, among the Xiximes, was ordered to go on a campaign by way 
of the Tepehuane towns to the west of Guadiana. He set out at once in 
compliance with this order, and had some successful encounters with the 
Tepehuanes, killing and capturing a number of them, and punishing some 
of the towns of the Xiximes for having revolted and confederated them- 
selves with the Tepehuanes. 

An order was sent to Diego Martinez de Urdaide, 28 the captain of Sina- 
loa, 150 leagues from Guadiana, to leave a strong detachment in those 
provinces and go out to meet the Tepehuanes whose mountain range over- 
looks Sinaloa on the west. The said captain began to put this order into 
effect, but the disturbance of the Indians of Sinaloa was so evident, par- 
ticularly among the towns neighboring upon the Tepehuanes, that he had 
to take contrary counsel and await developments in the territory which 
was under his charge. Still, this captain executed justice on more than 
sixty persons, and although many of those Indians have declared war and 
attacked our towns, the damage has been slight, because we were well 
forewarned. 

During this time the fire of revolt had sprung up in some of the towns 
along the South Sea belonging to the government of the Audiencia of 
Guadalajara. 29 Being advised of this, and requested by the audiencia to 



110 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century 

y trato que se conduxessen algunas companias Porque la gente que luego 
embio el virrey desde Zacatecas y San Luis no era bastante ni con ellas 
se podia seguir todo lo que estaba algado. Llego el sobredicho socorro, 
que f ue de tres companias pagadas por ocho meses, de que vino por cavo 
y comissario dellas el dicho fator Teniente de General en 22 de Setiembre 
a Guadiana, do ya el Governador le esperaba y le distribuyo a los tres 
capitanes y a los demas que avia por donde mas convino. 

En esta sagon ya los enemigos, que hasta alii campeaban libremente se 
yban retirando y se vino a entender que estaban repartidas y avnados m 
en seis congregaciones o Juntas distantes muchas leguas unas de otras de 
modo que venian a abragar toda la governacion, mezclados los Tepehuanes 
con otras muchas naciones. 

Al Capitan Bartolome Xuarez se le ordeno que tomasse a su cargo la 
conquista del Mesquital y Guagamota y sus aliados, ha seis meses que 
trabaxa en ella y ha tenido tres o quatro guagabaras con los Yndios 
naturales de alii, en que le fue bien matando algunos. y ahorco doge dia 
de Nuestra Sefiora de diciembre de 161 7. Aunque la ultima nueva que 
del se tubo fue pidiendo socorro por decir que cargaban muchos enemigos ; 
con todo se sabe que el Cacique mas principal, que se dize el Nayarita 
Gentil trataba de amistad y que esto estaba En buen puento y que sera 
parte que sus vezinos se vengan a componer. 

Los Capitanes Hontiveros, Castaneda, y Aguirre an seguido la derrota 
de Santa Barbara, assimismo con buen suceso, de muerte y prision de mu- 
chos, y reduccion de algunos Pueblos, que tenian pervertidos los Tepe- 
huanes y al presente han entrado al Valle que llaman de San Pablo, donde 
se sabe que se an retirado muchos. 

El Capitan Montafio se ha encaminado la via de Guanaiebi n acia la 
quebrada que llaman del Diablo y a Tecuchiapa, donde mucha parte de 
los principales culpados se han acogido ; no dexara de hazer buena hazi- 
enda, porque en otras dos o tres occasiones ha tenido buena fortuna con 
los enemigos. 

El Capitan Mosquera ha tenido contra los Yndios que llaman Salineros 
y contra otras dos naciones Conchos Tobosos y Nofioques, ha hecho dos 
buenas presas en ellos, Justiciando algunos y reduciendo a otros. 

El Governador assistio tres o quatro meses en la cabegera de su govierno 
que es Guadiana disponiendo las cosas de la guerra en la forma dicha y 
porque uno de los mas belicosos Capitanes de los Tepehuanes llamado 
Gogojito despues de haver hecho muchos asaltos y grandes estragos en 
los Ganados de la tierra, se avia puesto en cobro 40 leguas de Guadiana, 
y se tenia por cierto que desde alii yba munendo nuevos tratos para re- 
volver a su tiempo, dio traga que los Capitanes Soria y Tomas Garcia 
despues de algunas buenas suertes que avian tenido por aca, reconociessen 
los puertos, cumplieron con esta orden y llegados que fueron al parage, 
donde el dicho Gogojito y su gente se avian empenolado, y haziendo su 
quenta despues de aver tanteado el negocio hallaron que seria necessaria 
mas fuerga para poder surtir algun efecto con aquella gente, que la que 

111 This is obviously a miscopy for " armados ". 
D Evidently a miscopy for " Guanacebi ". 






The Tepehuanes, 1616-1618 111 

furnish help, the governor declined to place confidence in anyone save 
himself; therefore, making preparations during March, 1617, for this 
journey with a fair number of Spanish soldiers and some Indian allies, 
he set out on the twenty-second of the same month. He first went to 
Chiametla so to pacify that province on the way, for in it there had also 
been many towns which had revolted. It was necessary to exercise great 
diligence in finding the Indians, particularly those of the place called 
El Rincon de Zamora, because the natives were favored greatly by the 
roughness of the land, it being necessary to go down almost on all fours 
over part of the road, in places even using ropes to let themselves down 
into places where the animals could not enter, nor even men completely 
armed. Finally, although with great labor, the governor accomplished the 
pacification of those people. From there he went to the towns of [Nueva] 
Galicia, and gave assistance to the presidio of Acaponeta, where the In- 
dians had burned the village, and drove the enemy away. As a result of 
this journey, the peace of that land was assured, as has been demon- 
strated, for since that time there has been no rumor of enemies. The 
Audiencia of Guadalajara thanked the governor profusely for this, and 
he returned from Chiametla to Guadiana, whence he had gone some five 
months before. Neither did the factor, Rafael de Gascue, neglect to urge 
the aid which was asked for from the viceroy of New Spain; on the con- 
trary he went in person to the city of Mexico and arranged to have some 
companies brought, for the men whom the viceroy finally sent from 
Zacatecas and San Luis were not sufficient for the pursuit of the entire 
forces of the insurgents. This assistance, consisting of three companies, 
paid for eight months, their leader and commissary being the factor and 
lieutenant of the general, on September 22 reached Guadiana, where the 
governor was already awaiting it. The governor distributed the three 
captains and the rest of the men where they would serve the best purpose. 

At this time the enemy, who until now had been campaigning exten- 
sively, began to retire. It was learned that they had separated into six 
armed congregations or groups, many leagues distant each from the other, 
so that they had come to embrace the entire government, the Tepehuanes 
having mingled with many other nations. 

Captain Bartolome Juarez was ordered to take charge of the conquest 
of the Mesquital, the Guazamota, and their allies. He has been engaged 
in this task for six months, and has had three or four brushes with the 
natives of those parts in which he was successful, killing a few. On the 
day of Our Lady['s Conception] in December, i6i7, 30a he hanged twelve 
of them. Although the latest news of him was a plea for help, saying that 
the enemy was pressing him seriously, nevertheless it is known that the 
principal cacique, called the Nayarit Gentile, was treating for friendship 
which was by way of being achieved, and that he was a person with whom 
his neighbors would be likely to act in concert. 

Captains Ontiveros, Castaneda, and Aguirre have worked toward 
Santa Barbara, also with success, killing and imprisoning many, and re- 
ducing some towns which had been perverted by the Tepehuanes, who 
have now entered the valley called San Pablo, whither it is known that 
manv of them have retired. 



112 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century 

llevaban y assi solo pudieron matar quatro o cinco de los enemigos y aver 
a las manos un negrillo que se avia ydo a ellos. Con este dieron la buelta 
a Guadiana y el Governador se vio obligado a tomar esta Jornada por 
suya y saliendo a ella por principio de Febrero de este afio de 618 dentro 
de 15 dias de su salida caminando ya en cercanias de aquel parage de 
noche y emboscandose de dia vino a caer el Tepehuan Gogojito en sus 
manos, y pago con la muerte tantos desafueros como avia hecho. Con el 
murieron algunos otros y dos primos suyos. Y el golpe de su gente que 
estaba empenolada algo distante de alii, se pudo poner en fuga. Siguio 
el Governador el alcance y aunque f ue sin effecto quanto a los Tepehuanes 
desta parcialidad; pero fue lo muy copioso y en caso de mucha consid- 
eracion, Porque movidos con la muerte de Gogojito Los Xiximes y Aca- 
gees y otros Pueblos de naciones diferentes, que caian en aquella comarca, 
se vinieron a rendir al Governador y assi : dexo asentados de paz a los 
xiximes algados y a los otros pueblos que los favorecian, con lo qual ha 
recebido toda la governacion muy grande alegria y esperanza que lo demas 
se ha de facilitar en adelante. No llevo el Governador y su gente basti- 
mento para mas de 25 dias, y aviendo tardado mas de 70 paso grande 
hambre y penuria el campo, que mas de 40 dias no se comio sino carne 
de caballos y de mulas. Baxo por las valles de Papasquiaro, Guatimape, 
Terame, hechando quatro esquadras de gente por diferentes partes an 
corrido la tierra y hecho algunas presas de importancia en particular 
Junto a un puesto llamado Sombrerete, do se ahorcaron 6 Tepehuanes 
viejos. y otros de menos edad Se truxeron presos en el Valle de San Julian 
se mataron cinco Yndios de Coneto, que avian muerto dos negros Pastores 
poco avia Junto a San Juan del Rio. 

De oy mas pretende el Governador presidiar la tierra y asegurar los 
caminos con escoltas, y que anden dos companias para lo que fuere menes- 
ter y con esto ahorrar de gasto a su Magestad y acomodar las cosas en 
forma conveniente. 

Despues aca an venido de paz quatro o cinco Pueblos y un Yndio 
Llamado Rafael movido de la muerte de Gogojito y particularmente por 
aver visto el grande estrago que un animal del talle de Un tigre avia hecho 
de algunos meses aca en un pueblo vezino a Guadiana, pidiendo miseri- 
cordia con un cristo en las manos fue bien recebido, y ha offrecido yr a 
traher de paz algunos otros de los alqados dexando en rehenes a su muger 
y hijos. Fue y truxo algunos Caciques de diferentes pueblos y offrecen 
asentarse de paz. 

Este es el discurso que ha llevado La guerra y el estado que al presente 
tiene hasta 16 de Mayo de 161 8. 



The Tepehuanes, 1616-1618 113 

Captain Montafio took the road toward Guanacebi, in the direction of 
the pass called El Diablo, and toward Tecuchiapa, in which place many 
of the principal offenders have taken refuge. He will not fail to do a 
good job, because he has on two or three other occasions had good for- 
tune with the enemy. 

Captain Mosquera has operated against the Indians called Salineros 
and two other nations, the Conchos Tobosos and the Nofioques. He has 
effected two important captures among them, executing justice upon some 
and reducing others. 

The governor remained three or four months at the seat of his govern- 
ment, Guadiana, arranging the affairs of the war in the manner described. 
But inasmuch as one of the most warlike captains of the Tepehuanes, 
Gogojito 81 by name, after committing many assaults and making great 
ravages on the herds of the country, had gone into hiding forty leagues 
from Guadiana, and inasmuch as it was considered certain that he was 
there conducting negotiations to return when he thought wise, the gover- 
nor planned that Captains Soria and Tomas Garcia, after some successful 
actions in which they had engaged near here, should reconnoitre the 
passes. They complied with the order, and when they reached the place 
where Gogojito and his people had ensconced themselves among the rocks, 
they judged, after having made a reconnaissance and compared notes, 
that it would be necessary to have a larger force than what they had 
before they could obtain any success against the Indians. They were, 
then, able to kill only four or five of the enemy and to catch a little negro 
who had gone with them. They therefore returned to Guadiana, where- 
upon the governor was forced to take this task upon himself. 

Setting out upon this task early in February of this year, 16 18, by 
marching at night after he had, reached the vicinity of his destination and 
going into ambush during the daytime, he brought it about within fifteen 
days after his departure that the Tepehuan Gogojito fell into his hands, 
and atoned with his death for all the outrages which he had committed. 
With him died some others, among them two of his cousins. His people, 
who were fortified among the rocks at a little distance from there, were 
able to take refuge in flight. The governor pursued them, although with- 
out effect as far as this body of Tepehuanes was concerned. Yet his labor 
was very fruitful and of considerable importance, for, influenced by the 
death of Gogojito, the Xiximes, Acaxees, and other towns belonging to 
various nations living within that district, came to surrender to the gov- 
ernor. Thus he left the Xiximes who had revolted, at peace, as well as 
some other towns which had favored them. The entire government has 
been made very joyful by all this, and by the hope that the remaining 
situation will be easily adjusted in the future. The governor and his men 
carried provisions for only twenty-five days, hence, having been out more 
than seventy days, they suffered from great hunger and hardships, as they 
had nothing to eat for forty days besides horse and mule flesh. He came 
down by way of the valleys of Papasquiaro, Guatimape, and Terame, 
dividing his troops into four parts, which have examined the country and 
made some captures of importance. In particular, near a place called Som- 
brerete, they hanged six old Tepehuanes; others of less age they took 



114 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century 



Provision Real Y Condacta de capitan de Ynfanteria de La ciudad de 
Guadalaxara al Cappitan Geronimo Velasqnesz davilas. [162 1.] 

Don felipe Por la gracia de Dios Rey de Castilla de Leon, etc. . . . 
Por quanto en el libro sexto De la rrecopilacion Titulo sexto ley primera 
Capitulo primero y diez En la segunda parte della tengo mandado que 
en todos los lugares que tubieren mas de cien vecinos se haga alarde dos 
beces en el ano y en la dicha ley se da el horden forma y manera que en 
esto sea de guardar sobre la dicha rracpn, la qual vista por el dicho Don 
Pedro de Otalora mi governador del mi nuevo Reyno de la Galicia y 
presidente de mi Real audiencia que en el rreside y atento a aber tenido 
algunas nuebas da aber alteraciones entre los yndios de la mi nueva Bis- 
caya y que esta Ciudad de Guadalaxara este con la prebencion necesaria 
por el Cuydado que se puede tener de los yndios chichimecos que cerca 
della rresiden y para conservacion de la paz y que este la dicha Ciudad con 
prebencion assi para su guardia y custodia como para socorrer las partes 
que siendo necesario hubieren menester socorro Como cabeca del dicho 
mi nuebo Reyno De la galicia En conformidad de las dichas Leyes y que 
Conbendra hacer alarde y rresena de la gente y armas que en la dicha 
ciudad hay Se acordo ser necesario nonbrar un cappitan debajo de cuya 

A. G. L, 67-1-4. [On the outer page is the following:] Geronimo Velaszquez davila, 
Cappitan de ynfanteria Espafiola, Veszino de la ciudad de guadalaxara en la nueba 
espafia. So. Juan Ruisz de Contreras. 

Alonso Rer. Carbebal, Supplica A Vuestra magestad Le mande dar Una su Real 
cedula de Recomendacion, para que el Virrey, y demas ministros de Justicia, y de guerra, 
que oy son, y adelante fueren, le ocupen, en los Cargos, que merece, guardandole los 
honores, para lo qual ynterpone, servicios de diez y ocho anos, de Cappitan de ynfanteria 
espafiola, ayudante de Sargento mayor, Alcalde mayor, Corregidor, y actualmente Lo es 
Alcalde ordinario, y Cappitan, de la ciudad de Guadalaxara, etc. 



Jeronimo Velasquez Ddvila, 1621 115 

prisoners. In the valley of San Julian they killed five Indians of Coneto 
who a short time previously had killed two negro shepherds near San 
Juan del Rio. 

From this time the governor expects to hold the territory by presidios 
and to protect the roads by escorts, two companies being kept in service 
for whatever may be necessary. By this means he will save expense to 
his Majesty and accommodate affairs in the most convenient manner. 

Recently four or five towns have come asking peace. One Indian named 
Rafael, moved by the death of Gogojito, and especially by having seen 
the great damage done by an animal of the size of a tiger some months 
ago in a town near Guadiana, came pleading for mercy with a crucifix 
in his hands. He was well received, and offered to go and bring back in 
peace some of the insurgents, leaving as hostages his wife and sons. He 
went, and brought back some chiefs of various towns, who offer to settle 
down peacefully. 

This is the course which the war had run, and the state in which it is 
at present, May 16, 16 18. 



Royal writ and commission to Captain Jeronimo Velasquez Ddvila as 
captain of infantry of the city of Guadalajara* [1621.'] 

Don Felipe, 32 by the grace of God king of Castile and Leon, . . . 
Inasmuch as in the Recopilacion* 3 book 6, title 6, law 1, chapters 1 and 10, 
second part, I have ordered that in all the places having more than one 
hundred residents a muster shall be made twice a year, and in the said law 
is given the order, form, and manner that is to be observed in the said 
registration, this being borne in mind by the licentiate Don Pedro de 
Otalora, 34 my governor of my new kingdom of Galicia, and president of 
my audiencia which has its seat there, in view of having had news of 
disturbances among the Indians of my Nueva Vizcaya, and in order that 
this city of Guadalajara may have the necessary means for the precau- 
tion that may be taken against the Chichimecos Indians who live near 
there, and for the preservation of peace, and that the said city may be 
prepared not only for its own guard and care, but also to succor the places 
which in case of necessity have need of help from it as the capital of 
my said new kingdom of Galicia, in conformity with the said laws, and 
because it was desirable to have a muster and review of the people and 
arms in the said city, it was agreed that it was necessary to appoint a 

* [On the outer page is the following:] Jeronimo Velasquez Davila, captain of Spanish 
infantry and resident of the City of Guadalajara, in New Spain. Secretary (?) Juan Ruiz 
de Contreras. 

Alonso Rer. (?) Carbebal begs your Majesty to order that he be given your royal 
decree of recommendation that the viceroy, and the other ministers of justice and war, 
who are now and in the future may be [in office], shall appoint him to the offices that he 
deserves, securing to him the honors, for which he presents the services of eighteen years, 
as captain of Spanish infantry, adjutant sargento mayor, alcalde mayor, corregidor, and 
the service that he is now giving as alcalde ordinario and captain of the city of Guadalajara. 

9 



116 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century 

bandera se alisten todos los Vecinos y moradores estantes y abitantes En 
la dicha ciudad de Guadalaxara y para acudir a todo que conbenga a mi 
Real servicio y que esta sea persona pratica y de Ciencia y experiencia en 
las cosas de Guerra y por que en la de bos El Cappitan Geronimo Belas- 
quesz de Abila mi alcalde hordinario de la dicha ciudad Concurren las 
partes y calidades que se rrequieren para el dicho efeto ya que abeis sido 
tal mi Cappitan Otra besz en la ocasion de el algamiento de los yndios 
Tepehuares p por el ano passado de mill y seiscientos y diez y siete por 
nonbramiento que en bos higo El doctor alonso peresz Merchan mi Presi- 
dente y Gobernador de el dicho ni nuevo Reyno de la Galicia En cuyo 
conformidad lo Usastis En la dicha Ciudad de Guadalaxara y atendiendo 
asimismo lo que me abeis servido En diferentes ocasiones Como fue en 
el asalto de las fortalesas de el maluco Para cuya enpresa Venistes de 
mis Reynos de Castilla con el maese de Campo Joan de esquibel y acabada 
esta ocasion donde Como dicho es os hallastes Con licencia que tubistes 
de mi gobernador don Pedro de Acufia y mi Real Audiencia que esta Y 
rreside en las dichas yslas philipinas bolbistes a mis Reynos de la nueva 
Espana Donde fuystes probeydo Por sargento de Una Conpania que se 
arbolo para la habana y despues bolbistes a las dichas yslas filipinas Por 
sargento de el cappitan Don diego de miranda y llegado a la ciudad de 
manila serbistes en las ocasiones que se ofrecieron yendo de socorro se- 
gunda bez Por alferez de el capitan Alonso de Palma Almirante de la 
Armada y dicho socorro y tercera bez a las dichas yslas bolbistes de so- 
corro con el gobernador don Juan de silba donde me serbistes en lo que 
os fue ordenado y benistes Por ayudante de sargento mayor de las navios 
que el dicho mi governador Don Joan de silba despacho para la dicha 
nueba espana El ano de mill y seiscientos y once y fuystes probeydo Por 
me alcalde mayor de las minas del Macapil y Cappitan de ynfanteria En 
el presidio de acaponeta y asimismo fuystes probeydo Por mi alcalde 
mayor de la ciudad y probincia de Conpostela Donde estando me sir- 
biendo por horden y comision que para ello el dicho mi presidente y 
gobernador os enbio fuistes a el socorro y abio de Una navio que benia 
de las dichas yslas filipinas El ano pasado de mill y seiscientos y Veinte 
y llego derrotada a el puerto de Tinto que es de donde Con vuestra ynte- 
ligencia Cuydado y solicitud salio y paso a el puerto de acapulco para 
donde venia dirigida y despues de esto Ultimamente por otra Comision 
que el dicho mi presidente y gobernador os dio Fuystes por mi Justicia 
mayor de las minas y Reales de hostotipaque llebandola asimesmo de 
Juez de rresidencia para tomarla a Don gregorio Belasquez de mediano q 
que acababa de ser mi alcalde mayor en aquellas minas de todo lo qual 
distes buena y loable quenta como es notorio y esperando que lo Con- 
tinuareis y llebareis adelante el dicho mi presidente y Gobernador acordo 
que os debia de proveer a nombrar Como por la presente os probeo Elixo 
y nombro por tal capitan para el dicho efeto En la dicha ciudad de Guada- 
laxara para que como tal Useis y exergais El dicho oficio en todos los 
casos y cosas a el pertenecientes Arbolando Bandera y Haciendo tocar 

p Obviously a miscopy for " Tepehuanes ". 
i This is probably a miscopy for " medrano ". 



Jeronimo Velasquez Ddvila, 1621 117 

captain under whose banner all the citizens, residents, settlers, and inhabi- 
tants in the said city of Guadalajara might enlist to take part in all that 
conduces to my royal service, and that he should be a practised person of 
knowledge and experience in military affairs. 

And since, in your person, Captain Jeronimo Velasquez de Avila, 35 my 
alcalde ordinario of the said city, are united the parts and qualifications 
that are required for the said purpose, you having already been my captain 
once before on the occasion of the uprising of the Tepehuanes Indians " 
in the previous year of 16 17 through the appointment given you by 
Doctor Alonso Perez Merchan, 37 my president and governor of the said 
new kingdom of Galicia, in accordance with which you practised it in the 
said city of Guadalajara, and, bearing in mind also how you have served 
me on different occasions, as for instance in the assault on the fortresses 
of El Maluco, 38 for which undertaking you came from my kingdoms of 
Castile with the maese de campo, Juan de Esquibel, and this having 
finished this work, in which, as has been said, you were engaged under 
license from my governor Don Pedro de Acufia 39 and my royal audien- 
cia, which has its seat in the said Philippine Islands, you returned to my 
kingdoms of New Spain, where you were appointed sergeant of a com- 
pany which was raised for Havana. Afterwards you returned to the 
said Philippine Islands as sergeant for Captain Don Diego de Miranda, 
and, having arrived at the city of Manila, you served on the occasions 
that came up, going on a relief expedition a second time as alferez for 
Captain Alonso de Palma, admiral of the fleet and of the said relief. And 
a third time you returned to the said islands on relief with Governor 
Don Juan de Silva, 40 where you served me in whatever you were ordered 
to do. You returned as adjutant sargento mayor of the ships which my 
said governor, Don Juan de Silva, despatched to the said New Spain 
in the year 161 1 ; you were appointed by me alcalde mayor of the mines 
of Mazapil and captain of infantry at the presidio of Acaponeta; 41 and 
you were also appointed by me alcalde mayor of the city and province of 
Compostela, 42 where, while you were serving me by the order and com- 
mission which my said governor and president sent you for, you went 
to the aid and relief of a ship which was coming from the said Philippine 
Islands in the past year, 1620, and was driven into the port of Tinto, 
from where, through your knowledge, care, and solicitude, she came out 
and proceeded to the port of Acapulco, to which she was bound. After 
this, finally, by another commission which my said president and gover- 
nor gave you, you went as my chief justice of the mines and camps of 
Hostotipaque, carrying also a commission as juez de residencia in order 
to conduct the residencia of Don Gregorio Velasquez de Medrano, who 
was just finishing his term as my alcalde mayor in those mines. In all of 
the above you gave good and praiseworthy account, as is well known. 
Hoping, therefore, that you will continue it in the future, my said presi- 
dent and governor resolved that measures ought to be taken to name you, 
as by these presents I do appoint, select, and name you, to the said cap- 
taincy, for the said purpose, in the said city of Guadalajara, so that, as 
such, you may use and exercise the said office in all the cases and affairs 



118 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century 

caxa y Pifano y nombrando los oficiales que os pertenescan nombrar todo 
bien y Cumplidamente Sin que os falte cosa alguna que para lo poder 
exercer y usar os doy poder y facultad En forma qual de derecho se rre- 
quiere y mando que todas las personas de la dicha ciudad de Guadalaxara 
Vecinos y moradores estantes y abitantes en ella os ayan y tengan Por tal 
Capitan y acudan a Vuestros llamamientos hordenes listas y mandami- 
entos y os guarden y hagan guardar todas las gracias Exenciones, Preemi- 
nencias y libertades que por la rrazon de el dicho officio os deben ser 
guardadas bien y cumplidamente fecho en la ciudad de Guadalaxara a 
diesz y siete dias del mes de abril de mil y seiscientos y Veinte y Un afios. 

El Licenciado Don Pedro de Otalora. 

E yo franzisco de cerbantes escribano de camara y gobernacion de 
la Real audiencia del nuevo Reyno de la Galicia Por el Rey nuestro Sefior 
La fice escribir Por mandado de su presidente y gobernador Registrada 
El Bachiller Franzisco Costilla y Espinosa chanciller/ 



Papeles del Almirante Matheo de Vesga. 9 [Gobernador y capitan general 
de la provincia de Nueva Vizcaya. 14 de Deciembre de 1620 hasta 
ip de Mayo de 162 2. ] 

En la Villa de Durango en Veintte y ocho dias del mes de Abril de mill 
y seyscienttos Y Veyntte y dos afios El Senor Almirantte mattheo de 
Besga Governador Y Cappitan General deste Reyno Y Provincias de la 
nueba Vizcaya Chiamettla Copala Y sinaloa Y sus Provincias Por su 
Magestad dixo que para que Conste a Su Magestad Y Senores Presidentte 

Y oydores deste Real Consejo de las Yndias el estado En que al presentte 
esta este Govierno Y sus Provincias en lo tocantte a la quiettud y paz de 
los Yndios della mandava y mando que yo el presente Escrivano de testi- 
monio en rrelacion de las Pases que ante ssu senoria an echo los naturales 
desta Governacion Y Confirmaciones dellas para que visto por su mages- 
tad Y Senores de sus Reales Consejos provea y mande lo que mas con- 
venga a Aser . . . Servicio Y asi lo Proveyo Y firmo matheo de Vesga 
ante mi Luis Arrias de la Puentte escrivano de su magestad y 
Governacion. 

En cumplimientto de lo qual Yo el dicho Luis Arias de la Puentte 
escrivano de su magestad Y mayor de Governacion Justicia Y Guerra en 
este Reyno y Provincias de la nueba Vizcaya por el rrey nuestro Senor 
doi f e y Verdadero Testimonio a su magestad del Rey don Phelipe quartto 
nuestro Senor que Dios guarde muchos afios Y a los Senores Presidenttes 

Y oidores de sus Reales Consejos de las Yndias Como El Senor Almi- 
rantte mattheo de Vesga Governador Y Capitan General deste Reyno y 
sus Provincias aviendo tornado Possecion del dicho Govierno y estando 
Governando antte su Senoria Y ante mi Como tal escrivano se an fecho 
las Pases Y Confirmaciones dellas en la manera siguientte. 

r F. R. B., Sevilla, Aug. 6, 1914. 
8 A. G. I., 67-1-4. 



Mateo de Vesga, 1620-162 2 119 

pertaining to it, raising a banner, causing a drum and fife to be played, 
and naming the officials that it is your obligation to name, all full and 
complete, with nothing lacking to you. I give you power and authority, 
in required legal form, to do this, and I order that all persons in the said 
city of Guadalajara, citizens, residents, settlers, and inhabitants of it, 
shall have and hold you as such captain and shall answer to your calls, 
orders, musters, and commands, and shall secure to you and cause to be 
secured to you, all the grants, exemptions, preferences, and privileges that 
by reason of the said office ought to be fully and completely secured to 
you. Done at the city of Guadalajara, April 17, 162 1. 

The licenciate Don Pedro de Otalora. 

I, Francisco de Cervantes, clerk of the chamber and government of 
the royal audiencia of the new kingdom of Galicia for our lord the king, 
caused this to be written, by order of its president and governor. In- 
spected by the bachelor Francisco Costilla y Espinosa, chancellor. 



Papers of Admiral Mateo de Vesga, [governor and cap tain- general of 
the province of Nueva Vizcaya. December 14, 1620, to May ig, 
162 2. ,] 

In the town of Durango, on the twenty-eighth day of the month of 
April, 1622, the senor admiral, Mateo de Vesga, 43 governor and captain- 
general of this kingdom and the provinces of Nueva Vizcaya, Chiametla, 
Copala, 44 and Sinaloa, and their provinces, declared, for his Majesty, that 
in order to make clear to his Majesty and to the president and oidores 
of the royal Council of the Indies the present state of this government 
and its provinces in the matter of the tranquillity and peace of its Indians, 
he ordered and commanded that I, the present clerk, should give a sworn 
statement concerning the peace pacts, and their confirmations, that were 
made before his lordship by the natives of this government, so that, when 
this is evident to his Majesty, and the members of his royal councils, he 
may provide and order whatever may be fitting [for the royal] service. 
Thus did Mateo de Vesga order; and he signed the order before me, 
Luis Arias de la Puente, clerk of his Majesty and of government. 

In fulfillment of this, I, the said Luis Arias de la Puente, clerk of his 
Majesty and chief clerk of government, justice, and war in this kingdom 
and [these] provinces of Nueva Vizcaya for our lord the king, make oath 
and give true testimony to his Majesty, King Don Felipe IV., 45 our lord — 
whom may God preserve for many years — and to the senores presidents 
and oidores of his royal Council of the Indies, that after the senor ad- 
miral, Mateo de Vesga, governor and captain-general of this kingdom 
and of its provinces, had taken possession of the said governorship, and 
while he was governing, the said peace pacts and their confirmations were 
made before his lordship and before me as clerk, in the following manner : 

It seems that in the town of Durango, on the fourteenth day of the 
month of December, 1620, an Indian appeared before the said governor 



120 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century 

En la Villa de durango en Cattorze dias del mes de diziembre de mill y 
seiscienttos y Veintte anos Parese que antte el dicho Senor Governador 
y Capitan General parecio un yndio que mediante Juan Rodrigues Espejo 
Ynterprette deste Jusgado en lengua mexicana Y Castellana e un yndio 
fabian natural del Pueblo de Santtiago que save la lengua tepeguana 
Declararon llamose francisco onatte Capitan de los naturales del parttido 
de San Pablo El qual Confirmo las pases que tenia asentadas Con ottros 
Yndios sus Conpaneros y su senoria le Confirmo el tittulo que tenia de 
tal Capitan Y le rrescivio en pas los quales Promettieron de la guardar Y 
Cunplir segun La tienen asenttada. 

Y en la dicha Villa de durango en dies y nuebe de diziembre del dicho 
afio pareszieron don Juan torillo Governador del pueblo del zapo Y don 
lorenzo Casique del Y don francisco Guanacivi fiscal Y don pedro Gover- 
nador del Potrero y otros dies Yndios que con ellos Vinieron Y antte el 
dicho Senor Governador Y Cappitan General mediantte el dicho Juan 
rrodriguez espejo ynterprette Confirmaron las Pases que ttienen asentta- 
das por si y sus Sugetos y del partido de Santiago Y santta Cattalina Y 
su senoria los rrecibio en ella como los demas de suso. 

Y asimismo parece que en esta Villa en beintte y dos dias del mes de 
diziembre del dicho ano ante el dicho Governador y Cappitan General por 
Juan Picagua yndio alcalde del Pueblo del Tunal ynterprete en lengua 
tepeguana y mexicana Y el dicho Juan Rodriguez Espejo don Alonso 
Casique de los Pueblos de las Milpillas Grandes y Francisco alcalde diego 
y simon Yndios de las dichas Millpillas Confirmando las pases que tenian 
asenttadas y su senoria los rrescivio en ellas. 

Y en la dicha Villa de durango en Veynte y nuebe dias del dicho mes 
de disziembre del dicho afio ante el dicho Senor Governador y Cappitan 
General mediante los dichos Juan Picagua y Juan rrodriguez espejo Yn- 
terprettes don Juan yndio Casique del pueblo de ayupa Con seis Yndios 
sus sugettos asenttaron y confirmaron las pases que tenian asenttadas Y 
el dicho Governador Y cappitan General les rrecivio en el despues de lo 
qual en la dicha Villa en el dicho dia Veinte y nuebe de diziembre de mill 
y seiscienttos Y Veintte anos ante el dicho Senor Governador y Capitan 
General mediantte el dicho Juan rrodriguez espejo Yntterprette don mi- 
guel Casique del Pueblo de las lajas con otros quatro Yndios sus sugetos 
Confirmaron. 

Y en este dicho dia el dicho Senor Governador y Capitan General 
mediantte el dicho Yntterprete recivio de pas a don Juan Panttoja Casique 
del Pueblo de Casaria Y sus Parcialidades Con dies yndios sus sugetos 
las quales Confirmaron las que tenian dadas Y las dieron de nuebo y 
asimismo parese que en esta dicha villa en dies y siete dias del mes de 
enero del ano de mill y seiscienttos Y Veintte y uno El dicho Senor Gov- 
ernador Y Capitan General mediantte francisco de los Reyes interprette 
rrecivio de pas a don francisco Casique del pueblo de cocorotame Con 
tres Yndios que dixeron no estar bautizados los quales Confirmaron las 
pases que tenian asenttadas Y las dieron de nuebo. 

Y estando las cosas en este estado Parese que en Veintte E nuebe dias 
del dicho mes de Enero del dicho ano el dicho Senor Governador Y Capi- 



Mateo de Vesga, 1620-1622 121 

and captain-general. Juan Rodriguez Espejo, interpreter of this court 
in the Mexican and Castilian languages, and an Indian, named Fabian. 
native of the pueblo of Santiago, who knows the Tepeguane language, 
declared that he called himself Francisco Onate, captain of the natives of 
the district of San Pablo. He confirmed the peace pacts which he, with 
the other Indians, his companions, had made. His lordship confirmed him 
in the title which he held as said captain and acknowledged his acceptance 
of the peace. They promised to keep and fulfill that to which they have 
assented. 

In the said town of Durango, on the nineteenth of December, of the 
said year, appeared Don Juan Torillo, governor of the pueblo of El Zape; 
Don Lorenzo, its cacique; Don Francisco Guanacivi, fiscal; and Don 
Pedro, governor of El Potrero, and ten other Indians who came with 
them. Before the said senor governor and captain-general, through the 
said Juan Rodriguez Espejo, interpreter, they confirmed the peace pacts 
which they had made, both for themselves, and for their subjects of the 
district of Santiago and Santa Catalina. His lordship acknowledged their 
acceptance of the peace as well as the others above-mentioned. 

It also appears that in this town, on the twenty-second day of the month 
of December, of the said year, before the said governor and captain- 
general, through Juan Picagua — Indian alcalde of the pueblo of El Tunal, 
and interpreter of the Tepeguane and Mexican languages — and the said 
Juan Rodriguez Espejo, Don Alonso, cacique of the pueblos of Las 
Milpillas Grandes, Francisco, alcalde, and Diego and Simon, Indians of 
the said Millpillas, confirmed the peace pacts which they had made. His 
lordship acknowledged their acceptance of them. 

In the said town of Durango, on the twenty-ninth day of the said 
month of December of the said year, before the said senor governor and 
captain-general, through the said Juan Picagua and Juan Rodriguez 
Espejo, interpreters, Don Juan, Indian cacique of the pueblo of Ayupa, 
with six of his Indian subjects, affirmed and confirmed the peace pacts 
which they had made, and the said governor and captain-general acknowl- 
edged their acceptance of them. Afterwards, in the said town, on the 
said twenty-ninth day of December of the year 1620, before the said 
senor governor and captain-general, through the said Juan Rodriguez 
Espejo, interpreter, Don Miguel, cacique of the pueblo of Las Lajas, with 
four of his Indian subjects, confirmed [the peace pacts]. 

And on this said day, the said senor governor and captain-general, 
through the said interpreter, acknowledged the acceptance of the peace by 
Don Juan Pantoja, cacique of the pueblo of Casaria, and his allies, with 
ten of his Indian subjects. They confirmed the peace pacts which they 
had made and renewed them. It also appears that in this said town, on 
the seventeenth day of the month of January, of the year 1621, the said 
senor governor and captain-general, through Francisco de los Reyes, 
interpreter, acknowledged the acceptance of the peace by Don Francisco, 
cacique of the pueblo of Cocorotame, with three Indians who said they 
had not been baptized. They confirmed the peace pacts which they had 
made and renewed them. 



122 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century 

tan General rrecivio Cartta que Parese averle Ynviado el Padre niculas 
de Aranda de la Conpania de Jesus por la qual y por ottras Ccierttas Yn- 
formaciones que parese rrescivio el dicho Senor Governador y Capitan 
General de Padres de la Compania de Jesus Y de la orden de San Fran- 
cisco Y de las Justicias de las minas de Yndio * y Guanacivi Y Valle de 
San barttolome Provincia de Santta Barbora supo como los yndios tepe- 
guanes del Valle de San Pablo Y San Ygnacio con algunos Yndios tarau- 
mares se avian alzado Y Revelado Y dado en algunas estancias de la 
dicha Provincia de Santta barbora Y muertto algunos espafioles E yndios 
amigos echo rrobos E ynzendios en rragon de lo qual y para rremedio 
dello Con mucha brevedad envio de socorro algunos Capitanes Y soldados 
espafioles Y avistando el dicho alzamiento Y dafio que los dichos Revela- 
dos aszian formo excerrcitto de capitanes y soldados espafioles E Yndios 
amigos que havian de soldados Y Con el salio Personalmentte desta dicha 
Villa en siguimientto de los dichos Revelados asta el valle de san Pablo 
donde asentto el dicho su campo hallandole disiertto Sin jentte Y partte 
de la Yglesia del dicho Valle Y algunos Jacales quemados Y teniendo no- 
ticia que los dichos Yndios revelados se havian metido la tierra dentro 
en la de los Taraumares y luego ottro dia de como llegue u su ssenoria al 
dicho valle que fue en treyntta e uno de margo despacho al capitan fran- 
cisco montafio de la Cueba maese de campo Con algunos capitanes E 
partte del dicho su exercitto de los soldados Espafioles y ducienttos Yndios 
amigos en busca de los dichos rrevelados Con ynstrucion de lo que avian 
de asser y parese que en dies y ocho dias del mes de abril del dicho afio 
el dicho maese de Campo bolvio Con los dichos sus Soldados e yndios 
amigos al dicho Valle de san Pablo trayendo consigo honze yndios de 
nacion taraumar Y entre ellos a don Juan Code que mediantte don Juan 
de Olvios Principal de nacion Concha Ynterprette Jurado en lengua Cas- 
tellana Concha y mexicana Y anbrosio Yndio Concho Ynterprette en 
lengua taraumar dixo ser Rey de toda la nacion taraumar en cantidad de 
quatro mil Yndios y rreconoselle por su rey y Senor los quales Y otros 
dos Casiques llamados Don Pablo y don Francisco Casiques de rran- 
cherias e de los dichos Taraumares Parese que asentaron Pases Con el 
dicho maese de campo en la dicha entrada que Yzo en la tierra dellos Y 
la confirmaron y asentaron de nuebo ante el dicho senor governador y 
Capitan General prometiendo en ellas ayudar a los Espafioles Contra los 
Yndios tepeguanes Revelados Y que guardaran Y se conserbaran en las 
dichas pases Que no las quebrantaran en manera alguna y su ssenoria los 
rrecivio en ella Y por Constar que los dichos Revelados estaban metidos 
mui la tierra adentro de los dichos taraumares Y mas adelante Y no 
poderse seguir rreformo los dichos Yndios amigos mandandoles Pagar 
el tiempo que avian servido y por evitar muchos gastos y que la tierra se 
aseguro Salio Con su excercito Y Campo de espafioles y Con ellos Vino 
al Valle de San bartolome Provincia de Santa barbora donde repartido 
algunos Capitanes Y Soldados dandoles Ynstruccion donde avian de 
acudir Y orden de lo que avian de hazer y con el demas campo que quedo 

1 This is evidently a miscopy for " Ynde ". 
u Evidently a miscopy for " llego ". 



Mateo de Vesga, 1620-1622 123 

While things were in this state, it appears that on the twenty-ninth day 
of the said month of January, of the said year, the said sefior governor 
and captain-general received a letter which Father Nicolas de Aranda, 
of the Company of Jesus, seems to have sent to him. Through it, and 
through certain other information which it appears the said sefior gover- 
nor and captain-general received from padres of the Company of Jesus 
and of the Order of Saint Francis, and from the justices of the mines of 
Inde, Guanacebi, and Valle de San Bartolome, in the province of Santa 
Barbara, he learned that the Tepeguanes Indians of the valley of San 
Pablo y San Ygnacio, with some Taraumares Indians, had risen in re- 
bellion, had fallen upon some farms of the said province of Santa Bar- 
bara, had killed some Spaniards and friendly Indians, and had committed 
robbery and arson. In consequence of this and to remedy it as soon as 
possible he sent, as aid, some captains and Spanish soldiers. And noting 
the said uprising and the damage which the said Indians were doing, he 
formed an army of captains and Spanish soldiers and such friendly 
Indian soldiers as there were, and with it he went out in person from 
this town in pursuit of the said rebels as far as the valley of San Pablo, 
where he pitched camp, finding it deserted, without people, and part of 
the church of the said valley and some huts burned. 

Hearing that the said rebellious Indians had gone inland to the country 
of the Taraumares, immediately, on the next day after his lordship ar- 
rived at the said valley, which was on the thirty-first of March, he des- 
patched Captain Francisco Montano de la Cueba, maese de campo, with 
some captains, and a part of the said army of Spanish soldiers, and two 
hundred friendly Indians in search of the said rebels, with instructions 
as to what they were to do. 

It appears that on the eighteenth day of the month of April, of the 
said year, the said maese de campo returned with the said soldiers and 
friendly Indians to the said valley of San Pablo, bringing with him eleven 
Indians of the Taraumare nation, among them Don Juan Code, who, 
through Don Juan de Olvios-, chief of the Concha nation and sworn in- 
terpreter in the Castilian, Concha, and Mexican languages, and Ambrosio, 
a Concho Indian and interpreter in the Taraumare language, declared that 
he was king of all the Taraumare nation, numbering 4000 Indians, and 
that it recognized him as its king and lord. These and two other caciques, 
named Don Pablo and Don Francisco, caciques of rancherias and of the 
said Taraumares, made peace pacts, it seems, with the said maese de 
campo on the said expedition that he made into their land. This they 
confirmed and renewed before the said sefior governor and captain- 
general, promising at the time to aid the Spaniards against the Tepeguane 
rebels, and that they would keep and preserve the said peace pacts and not 
break them in any manner. And his lordship acknowledged their accep- 
tance of the peace. As it was apparent that the said rebels were far within 
the country of the said Taraumares and even further, and that it was 
not possible to follow them, he discharged the said friendly Indians, order- 
ing them to be paid for the time that they had served. In order to avoid 
great expense and because the country had been made safe, he set out 
with his army and camp of Spaniards and with them advanced to the 



124: Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century 

Vino Visitando su ssefioria los Pueblos y Rancherias de los yndios tepe- 
guanes que estavan de pas en esta Gobernacion Y Con ellos Confirmo las 
pases que tenian asentadas Y a rrecivir de nuebo en ellas como consta 
de los asienttos que en rracpn dello se hizieron que son las siguienttes. 

Paresze que en el pueblo del zape jurisdicion de las minas de Guanacevi 
en trese de mayo del dicho ano de mill y seiscientos Y Veinte y uno el 
dicho Sefior Governador y Cappitan General Visitto el dicho pueblo E 
yso Junttar a ttodos los Yndios E yndias del y con ellos confirmo las 
pases que tenian dadas y asientto de nuebo los quales Promettieron de las 
Guardar y cumplir y no las Quebrantaran en manera alguna despues de 
lo qual aviendo llegado El dicho Sefior Governador Y Capitan general 
al pueblo de Sanctta Catalina en trese dias del dicho mes del dicho ano 
Salieron a rrecivir al dicho Sefior Governador don lucas Yndio principal 

Y Governador del dicho pueblo Con los yndios e yndias del los quales le 
llebaron a la Yglesia del y estando Junttos en ella confirmaron las pases 
que tenian asenttadas Y de nuebo las asenttaban e promettieron de las 
guardar y cumplir. 

Despues de lo qual Parese que en dies y siette dias del mes de mayo del 
dicho aiio llego el dicho Sefior Governador Y capitan general al pueblo de 
Sanctiago Papasquiarron le ssalieron a rrecivir en buena horden Los 
Yndios e Yndias del Chicos y Grandes e los hizo Junttar en la Yglesia del 
dicho Pueblo donde confirmaron las pases que tenian asenttadas y de 
nuebo las asentaron promettiendo de las guardar y Cumplir. 

En el pueblo de Capinamaiz Juridicion del Valle de San Juan del rrio 
en beintte dias del dicho mes de mayo aviendo llegado su ssefioria del 
dicho Sefior Governador Y Capitan General al dicho Pueblo hizo Junttar 
todos los Yndios e yndias del Y su Governador don baltazar Y don fran- 
cisco su alcalde donde asimismo estaban Y se Juntaron Don Juan Gover- 
nador del pueblo de las millpillas Y don tomas del Pueblo de la zauzeda 

Y miguel su alcalde Y baltasar Governador del pueblo de Canattan Con 
los Yndios de los dichos Pueblos Y estando todos los dichos Yndios 
Junttos Y congregados a la puertta de la Yglesia del dicho Pueblo de 
Capinamaiz asentaron de nuebo y confirmaron las pases que tenian dadas 
y Prometieron de las guardar y cumplir. 

Despues de lo qual Parese que en esta Villa [de Durango] En Veintte 
y siete de mayo del dicho ano ante el dicho sefior Governador y Capitan 
General paresieron Cinco Yndios El uno llamado Jacobo de nacion tobosa 

Y el otro llamado Cristoval Yndio Principal de la dicha nacion hi jo de 
don jusepe Governador Y Casique de la dicha nacion tobosa los quales 
mediantte lengua de frai alonso de oliba de la horden de sefior San fran- 
cisco dixeron que ellos y los Yndios Nonoties Achaclame y Xipocale avian 
bajado de pas al pueblo de atotonilco a senttar las pases en nonbre de 
ttodos los demas y que avian de bajar a la siega del Valle de San bar- 
tolome y que avian Venido a dar quentta de lo susodicho al dicho Sefior 
Governador y Capitan General Y Visto por su ssefioria los rrecivio de pas 
en nonbre de su magestad Y mando dar mandamientto de amparo para la 
justicia del dicho Valle les hiziezen buen tratamientto y pagasen lo que 
trabajasen. 



Mateo de Vesga, 162 0-1622 125 

valley of San Bartolome, province of Santa Barbara, where he divided 
off some of the captains and soldiers, giving them instructions as to where 
they were to go and orders as to what they were to do. With those that 
remained his lordship advanced to visit the pueblos and rancherias of the 
Tepeguanes Indians, who were at peace in this government, and to ac- 
knowledge anew their acceptance of the peace pacts. He confirmed with 
them the peace pacts which they had made. All of this appears from the 
memoranda that were set down in regard to it, which are as follows : 

It appears that in the pueblo of El Zape, jurisdiction of the mines of 
Guanacebi, on the thirteenth of May, of the said year of 1621, the said 
senor governor and captain-general visited the said pueblo and caused all 
the Indians, men and women, to assemble and with them he confirmed the 
peace pacts which they had made and renewed them. They promised to 
keep and fulfill them and not break them in any manner. Afterwards, 
the said senor governor and captain-general having arrived at the pueblo 
of Santa Catalina, on the thirteenth day of the said month of the said 
year, Don Lucas, Indian chief and governor of the said pueblo, with the 
Indian men and women, came out to meet the said senor governor and 
took him to the village church. Being all assembled there, they confirmed 
the peace pacts which they had made, affirmed them anew, and promised 
to keep and fulfill them. 

After this it appears that on the seventeenth day of May, of the said 
year, the said senor governor and captain-general arrived at the town of 
Santiago Papasquiaro. The Indian men and women, children and adults, 
went out in good order to receive him, and he caused them to assemble 
at the church of the said pueblo, where they confirmed the peace pacts 
which they had made and they affirmed them anew, promising to keep 
and fulfill them. 

At the pueblo of Capinamaiz, jurisdiction of the valley of San Juan 
del Rio, on the twentieth day of the said month of May, his lordship, the 
said governor and captain-general, having arrived at the said pueblo, 
caused to assemble all the Indian men and women in it and their governor, 
Don Baltasar, and Don Francisco, their alcalde. There, present also, and 
assembled, were Don Juan, governor of the pueblo of Las Milpillas; 
Don Tomas, of the town of La Sauceda, and Miguel, its alcalde; and 
Baltasar, governor of the pueblo of Canatan; together with the Indians 
of the said pueblos. All of the said Indians having assembled at the door 
of the church of the said pueblo of Capinamaiz, they renewed and con- 
firmed the peace pacts which they had made, and promised to keep and 
fulfill them. 

After this, it appears that in this town [of Durango] on the twenty- 
seventh of May of the said year, before the said senor governor and 
captain-general, there appeared five Indians, one named Jacobo, of the 
Toboso nation, and another called Cristobal, Indian chief of the said 
nation, and son of Don Jusepe, governor and cacique of the said Toboso 
nation, who, through the language of Fray Alonso de Oliba, of the Order 
of Saint Francis, declared that they and the Nonoties, Achaclame, and 
Xipocale Indians had come down in friendship to the pueblo of Ato- 
tonilco to arrange the peace pacts in the name of all the others ; that they 



126 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century 

Y parese que despues de lo susodicho en esta Villa [de Durango] en 
dies y seis dias del mes de henero de mill y seiscientos y Veintte y dos 
anos antte el dicho Senor Governador y Cappitan General parecio Un 
yndio llamado don Juan negritto Casique y Governador de los tepeguanes 
que llaman los negrittos que estan rrancheados en los terminos de las 
minas de mapemi Y dixo que por si e los demas de sus parcialidades dava 
la pas Y obediencia a su magestad y a su ssefioria en su nonbre la qual 
dava por aver savido Con quantta Prestega y Puntualidad acudia a las 
sierras Y otras parttes a rremediar las rrevelliones Y delittos que los 
Yndios an echo asi por su persona Como con Capitanes que a ynviado Y 
Visto por su ssefioria los rrecivio en ella en nonbre de su magestad y 
promettio el dicho Yndio de la guardar y cumplir y no la quebranttar en 
manera alguna. 

Despues de lo sussodicho parece que en esta villa [de Durango] en 
seis de marco deste presentte ano ante el dicho Senor Governador y Capi- 
tan General Paresio Un Yndio llamado el xixicutta de la nacion Tepe- 
guana Y mediantte mattheo Canelas Ynterprette dixo ser Yndio belicoso 

Y uno de los Capitanes y Cavesa de los tepeguanes rrebelados Contra la 
Real Corona Y dixo que el Como tal Capitan y Cavesa dellos a quatro 
anos questa rretirado En la zierra Y que no a osado bajarse de temor Por 
ser de las cavesas de los dichos Yndios asta que el senor Governador 
quando vino de la Jornada que Yqo contra los revelados Y asentto las 
pases con los taraumares Le ynvio a llamar de pas Y enviandole bandera 

Y Promesa de le perdonar con los que con el se bajasen Con lo qual se 
consolo mucho Porque arrenpenttido de lo echo estaba aguardando Seme- 
jantte ocasion y luego que rrecivio la dicha Vandera Con la dicha Pro- 
mesa bajo de la zierra con quattro yndios Y Viene a presencia de su 
ssefioria de pas Y pidio Y ssuplico le rrecibiesse en ella en nombre de su 
magestad que promete de la Guardar e cumplir Y de baxar los demas 
yndios que estan rretirados de su parzialidad y estan debaxo de la obedi- 
encia de su magestad Como antes lo estaban Guardando las hordenes Y 
lo que su ssefioria les mandare Y Visto por su ssefioria los rrecivio de pas 

Y rremittio los delittos que avian echo. 

Despues de lo qual parese que en esta villa [de Durango] en onze de 
abril del dicho ano de mill y seiscienttos y Veintte y dos anos ante el dicho 
Senor Governador y cappitan General parecio Un yndio llamado Cocani 
Governador y casique del Pueblo de guaricame de los Yndios de la nacion 
Umes Y con el Vinieron Cantidad de Veintte yndios de la dicha nacion 

Y dixo Venir de su tierra solamentte confirmar las pases que tiene dadas 
pidio en ellas fuese rrecivido Y su ssefioria le rrecivio al dicho Gover- 
nador e yndios sus Sugettos en las dichas pases Y les confirmo en ellas. 

En la dicha Villa de durango en Veintte y ocho de abrill del dicho 
ano ante el dicho Senor governador Y capitan General parecio otro yndio 
llamado Christoval hi jo de don pedro Casique del Pueblo de San Fran- 
cisco del Mesquittal Y alcalde del pueblo nuebo llamado San francisco de 
ocatan el qual truxo consigo ocho yndios sus sugetos el qual mediantte 
Ynterprete dixo que ellos por averse Revelado en el alzamientto General 
pasado por miedo y temor no v se les hiziese algun castigo asta aora no 

v Obviously a mistake for " que ". 



Mateo de Vesga, 162 0-1622 127 

had to come to gather the crops in the valley of San Bartolome; and 
that they had come to give account of the aforesaid to the said senor 
governor and captain-general. In view of this, his lordship, in the name 
of his Majesty, acknowledged their acceptance of the peace, and ordered 
that a writ of protection should be given to the court of justice of the 
said valley in order to insure them good treatment, and pay for their work. 

And it appears that after the aforesaid, in this town [of Durango] 
on the sixteenth day of the month of January, 1622, before the said senor 
governor and captain-general, there appeared an Indian named Don 
Juan, negrito cacique, and governor of the Tepeguanes — they call negritos 
those who are settled in the vicinity of the mines of Mapimi — and he 
said that for himself, and the rest of his allies, he was making peace and 
submitting to his Majesty and to his lordship, in his name. He was doing 
this because he had learned with what swiftness and promptness he [the 
governor] hurried to the sierras and other places to suppress the rebel- 
lions and crimes which the Indians had committed against his own per- 
son, as well as against the captains whom he had sent. In view of this, 
his lordship, in the name of his Majesty, acknowledged their acceptance 
of the peace, and the said Indian promised to keep and fulfill it and not 
to break it in any manner. 

After the aforesaid, it appears that in this town [of Durango] on the 
sixth of March, of the present year, before the said senor governor and 
captain-general, there appeared an Indian named El Xixicutta, of the 
Tepehuane nation. And through Mateo Canelas, interpreter, he said that 
he was a warlike Indian and one of the captains and chiefs of the Tepe- 
huanes who was in rebellion against the royal crown. And he said that he, 
being captain and chief, had retired four years ago into the sierra, and 
that he had not dared, through fear, to come down — because he was one 
of the chiefs of the said Indians — until the senor governor, when he came 
on the expedition which he made against the rebels and made peace pacts 
with the Taraumares, sent to summon him in friendship, sending him a 
banner and a promise to pardon him, and those who should come down 
with him. With this he was greatly consoled, for, repentant of what he 
had done, he was awaiting such an occasion, and as soon as he received 
the said banner with the said promise, he came down from the sierra with 
four Indians, and comes into the presence of his lordship in friendship. 
He begged and prayed, in the name of his Majesty, that his acceptance 
of the peace should be acknowledged. He promises to keep and fulfill it; 
[and says] that the other Indians who had separated from their band 
would come down; that they are under the obedience of his Majesty as 
they were formerly; and that they were obeying the orders and com- 
mands of his lordship and whatever he might order. In view of this his 
lordship acknowledged their acceptance of the peace and pardoned them 
of the crimes that they had committed. 

After this, it appears that in this town [of Durango], on the eleventh 
of April, of the said year of 1622, before the said senor governor and 
captain-general, there appeared an Indian named Cocani, governor and 
cacique of the pueblo of Guaricame, of the Indians of the Umes nation. 
With him came as many as twenty Indians of the said nation. He said 



128 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century 

se atrevido a bajar de la sierra Y confiados de su ssenoria que como tan 
christiano les a de faborecer y anparar Se an bajado y poblado el pueblo 
nuebo llamado san francisco de ocatan Con sesentta Yndios E yndias 
Chicos y Grandes y Vienen antte su ssenoria a dar la paz Y obediencia a 
su magestad a quien suplican los rreciva en ella perdonandoles el delitto y 
Culpa que an Cometido que el por si Y en nonbre de sus sugettos promette 
de la Guardar Cumplir y no la quebranttar en manera alguna Y su ssenoria 
de misercordia en nonbre de su magestad les perdonaba y rrecivia Y les 
yso saver que si la Guardaren los anparara y Defendera de sus enemigos 

Y si la quebrantaren los castigara a fuego y sangre los quales dixeron 
que elle guardaran cumpliran como tienen dicho. 

Despues de lo qual Parece que se le rremittio a el dicho Seiior Gover- 
nador y Capitan General unos autos originales que parecen averse echo 
Por el capitan francisco de Castro alcalde mayor de las minas de Guana- 
cevi Por los quales consta que en las dichas minas y otras de fuera del se 
avian ynformado de que don Pedro y don lorenzo Yndios casiques de los 
pueblos del zape Y potrero falttaban de aquella Jurisdicion y se entendia 
se avian ydo a ver Con el Capitan Mattheo Canelas mestizo y Corrido 
bos de que los yndios de aquellas provincias andan en ttatoles w Con animo 
de lebantarse Contra la real corona Y elexir por su Rey y Cavesa al dicho 
matteo Canelas Y que por su facilidad se puede creer qualquier cosa 
dellos para rremedio de lo qual Parece hiso junta de algunos Capitanes 

Y personas haspertas x en seme j antes Casos por dezir estar zerca de aquella 
jurisdicion El yndio ofiate rrevelado Y alzado muchos dias avia Con 
ttodos los Yndios de su parcialidad Y en la dicha Juntta parece decretto 
que en el dicho Real se biviesse con ttoda Prevencion y cuidado por la 
poca satis facion que se tiene de los yndios Tepeguanes Y que se Yziesen 
las delijencias Pusibles para la llamar de paz al Yndio ofiate y los de su 
parcialidad por convenir asi al servicio de dios nuestro seiior y de su 
magestad y que se le diese en su nonbre la paz y parece que con dos yndios 
llamados Geronimo y bartolome del pueblo de san Simon les ynviaron al 
dicho ofiate una bandera de tafetan encarnado en medio della una Ymajen 
de nuestra sefiora del rrosario a la zerrania que llaman del Carnu y donde 
avia noticia estaba al qual dixesen que el dicho alcalde mayor le llamaba 
de paz Y que le dava seguro que si benia a su presencia le Perdonaria 
todos los delitos que avia cometido asta el dicho dia Y se Capitularia la 
paz como Conbeniese al servicio de dios nuestro sefior y de su magestad 
y parece que en las dichas minas en Veintte y siette dias del dicho mes de 
abrill ante el dicho alcalde mayor pareziesron los dichos dos yndios con el 
dicho don francisco ofiate con la dicha Vandera que le avian entregado Y 
con don pedro Casique del dicho Pueblo de san simon Y en las casas la 
morada del dicho alcalde mayor con el dicho don francisco ofiate Y dos 
hijos que consigo traia Llamados el uno don Juseppe ofiate Y el otro don 
Juan ofiatte en presencia del padre frai miguel Gutierrez de la orden de 
san Augustin Cura y bicario del dicho rreal Y el Padre Juan de sanguesa 

w Tatole is a Mexican word for agreement or conspiracy. — C. W. H. 
x Obviously an old or corrupt form for " expertas ". 
r Or " Carme ".— F. R. B. 



Mateo de Vesga, 162 0-1622 129 

that he came from his country solely to confirm the peace pacts which he 
had made, and asked that his acceptance of them should be acknowledged. 
And his lordship acknowledged the acceptance by said governor and his 
Indian subjects of the said peace pacts and confirmed them in them. 

In the said town of Durango, on the twenty-eighth of April of the said 
year, before the said governor and captain general, appeared another 
Indian named Cristobal, son of Don Pedro, cacique of the pueblo of San 
Francisco del Mesquital, and alcalde of the new pueblo called San Fran- 
cisco de Ocatan. He brought with him eight of his Indian subjects. 
Through an interpreter he said that they, having rebelled in the past gen- 
eral uprising, through fear that some punishment might be inflicted upon 
them, had not dared up to now to come down from the sierra, but, trust- 
ing that his lordship, as a Christian, would favor and protect them, they 
had come down and settled the new pueblo called San Francisco de Oca- 
tan, with sixty Indians — children and adults — and now they come before 
his lordship to make peace with and give obedience to his Majesty, whom 
they begged to acknowledge their acceptance of the peace, and pardon 
them for the crime and fault that they had committed. And he [Cristobal] , 
for himself and in the name of his subjects, promised to keep and fulfill 
the peace and not break it in any manner. In pity, his lordship pardoned 
them, in the name of his Majesty, and received them, and gave them to 
understand that if they would keep it, he would protect and defend them 
against their enemies, but if they broke it he would punish them with fire 
and blood. They said they would keep and fulfill it, as they have said. 

After this it appears that there were transmitted to the said senor 
governor and captain-general some original antos, which appear to have 
been made by Captain Francisco de Castro, alcalde mayor of the mines 
of Guanacebi, from which it is evident that at the said mines and others 
outside of it news had been had that Don Pedro and Don Lorenzo, 
caciques of the pueblos of El Zape and Potrero, had disappeared from 
that district, and it was understood that they had gone to meet Captain 
Mateo Canelas, half-breed, and there was a rumor that the Indians of 
those provinces were getting up a conspiracy with the object of rebelling 
against the royal crown and electing for their king and chief the said 
Mateo Canelas, and that, since they are easily influenced, anything may be 
believed of them. To remedy this a junta was called of some captains 
and persons experienced in such affairs. As it was said that the Indian 
Onate, who had been in revolt for many days with all the Indians of his 
band, was near that district, in the said junta a decree was issued that 
every precaution should be taken in the said camp, because of the slight 
confidence that was felt among the Tepeguanes Indians, and that all 
possible efforts should be taken to induce the Indian Onate and those of 
his band to make peace, as the service of our Lord God and his Majesty 
requires, and that peace should be offered him in his name. 

It appears that they sent to the said Onate, by two Indians named 
Jeronimo and Bartolome, of the pueblo of San Simon, a banner of crim- 
son taffeta silk, bearing in the centre a picture of Our Lady of the Rosary. 
[This was sent] to the mountain range called El Carnu, where notice 
was had that he was. They were to tell him that the said alcalde mayor 



130 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century 

rrector del pueblo del zape Y el padre martin larios de la Compania de 
Jesus Y el Capitan Gonzalo marttin diputtado Y otros capitanes El dicho 
don francisco Ofiate Aviendo fecha rrelacion diziendo El estava apesa- 
rado y arrapenttido de los delittos Comettidos Contra la real Corona a 
quien rreconocia Por Su Rey Y Senor Viene a ofrecer Y dar por si E por 
los Yndios de su Parcialidad perdonandole lbs Yerros Comettidos en la 
qual El dicho alcalde mayor le rrecivio perdonandole los delittos que 
avian Comettido Y con el asenttaron zierttas condiciones que el dicho don 
francisco Ofiate Consinttio Como ttodo ello Consta por los dichos auttos 
originates que estan en la causa que de oficio se sigue contra el dicho 
Mattheo Canelas y asimismo Parese que en Cinco dias del mes de no- 
biembre del afio passado de mill y seiscienttos y veintte y uno El Senor 
Almirantte matheo de vesga Governador y capitan General deste Reyno 
por auttos pronuncio dixo que el dicho dia llego a esta villa Un ynclio 
llamado don matteo Y principal de nacion concha Con ottros yndios con 
carttas del capitan Christobal Sanchez Tinientte de Justicia mayor y 
Capitan a Guerra de la dicha provincia Y de los Vezinos del Valle de 
San Bartolome de la dicha provincia Y con una ynformacion por do z 
consto que avia ynviado la Justicia de la dicha provincia a don Alonso 
yndio Casique de la dicha Provincia de la dicha nacion Concha la tierra 
adentro a llamar Yndios Conchos para que fuesen a trabajar las labores 
y haziendas del dicho valle como lo acostumbran cada ano y que aviendo 
entrado llamado y junttado algunos yndios Y quiriendo bolverse a el 
dicho Valle los que asi avia junttado se alzaron y rrevelaron flecharon E 
yrieron al dicho Don Alonso Casique y le yzieron dies eridas de manera 
que estubo en rriesgo de perder la Vida y los dichos Vezinos del dicho 
valle se ofrecieron por sus carttas a entrar al Castigo de los delinquenttes 
Personalmentte sin sueldo de su magestad con que de la Real hazienda se 
les diese un barril de Polbora Y un cajon de erraje mular Y Caballar y se 
les pague el rlette de una rrecua en que llevar bastimenttos para los Yndios 
amigos que entraren al dicho Castigo o bajarlos Y senttarlos de paz Y 
visto por su ssenoria Considerando quanto Ynporta la brevedad de que 
se entre a la pricion Y Castigo de los delinquenttes Y asenttarlos de paz 
porque si se dilatase estos se aunaran Y Juntaran Con otros Yndios asi 
de su nacion Como de otras Y Podria rresultar algun alzamiento que 
causase mui Gran dano a este Reyno Y mui grande Costa a la Real 
Hazienda Y su ssenoria enbiase a su Excelencia del Senor Virrey a dar 
quentta dello antes de poner en effeto en enviar orden para el dicho Cas- 
tigo Y pacificacion Polbera Y lo demas que se pide en el Ynterin que se 
va a la ciudad de mexico Y Viene della por estar Cientto Y cinquentta 
leguas desta Villa con la dilacion Podra suseder el dicho alzamiento Y 
para que se escusase y ubiese el acierto que Conviene al servicio de dios 
nuestro senor y de su magestad bien y quietud de la dicha provincia dijo 
Convenia se Yziese Juntta en la qual f uese don Juan de Zerbanttes Casaos 
Caballero del orden de san francisco Y Contador mayor del tribunal de 
quentas de la ciudad de mexico Y Juez Vizittador desta Real Caxa Y el 
capitan Pedro de Carbajal tinientte de Governador en este reyno Y El 

z A contracted form of " donde ". 



Mateo de Vesga, 1620-1622 131 

was offering them friendship and gave him assurance that if he would 
come into his presence and submit to peace, as the service of our Lord 
God and his Majesty required, he would pardon him for all the crimes 
that he had committed up to the said day. It appears that at the said 
mines, on the twenty-seventh day of the said month of April, before the 
said alcalde mayor, the said two Indians appeared with the said Don 
Francisco Ofiate, with the said banner that they had delivered to him. 
With Don Pedro, cacique of the said pueblo of San Simon, at Las Casas, 
the place of residence of the said alcalde mayor, the said two Indians 
appeared with the said Don Francisco Ofiate and two of his sons that he 
brought with him, one named Jusepe Ofiate and the other Don Juan 
Ofiate. In the presence of the father, Fray Miguel Gutierrez, of the Order 
of St. Augustine, curate and vicar of the said camp, and Father Juan de 
Sanguesa, rector of the pueblo of El Zape, and Father Martin Larios, of 
the Company of Jesus, and Captain Gonzalo Martin, deputy, and other 
captains, the said Don Francisco Ofiate, having made a statement saying 
that he was troubled and repentant for his crimes committed against the 
royal crown, which he recognized as his king and lord, and that he comes 
to offer and make [peace] for himself and the Indians of his band if 
their errors should be pardoned, the said alcalde mayor acknowledged 
his acceptance of peace and pardoned the crimes that they had committed. 
In addition certain conditions were set down to which the said Don Fran- 
cisco Ofiate consented. All of this appears in the original autos of the 
case, which is being officially prosecuted against the said Mateo Canelas. 

It also appears that on the fifth day of the month of November, of the 
past year of 1621, the senor admiral, Mateo de Vesga, governor and 
captain-general of this kingdom, in autos that he issued, declared that 
on the said day there arrived at this town an Indian named Don Mateo, 
chief of the Concha nation, with other Indians, bringing letters from 
Captain Cristobal Sanchez, deputy chief justice and captain of war of 
the said province and of the residents of the valley of San Bartolome of 
the said province, with a report from which it is evident that the justice 
of the said province had sent Don Alonso, Indian cacique of the said 
province of the said Concha nation, to the interior country to summon 
the Conchos Indians to come to work in the fields and farms of the said 
valley, as they were in the habit of doing every year, but that after he 
had entered and having called and assembled some Indians and wishing 
to return to the said valley, those whom he had thus assembled rose up 
and rebelled and shot arrows at the said Don Alonso, the cacique, and 
wounded him in ten places, so that he was in danger of losing his life. 

The said residents of the said valley offered in their letters to go in 
person and punish the offenders without any pay from his Majesty, 
except that from the royal exchequer there should be given them a barrel 
of powder, a box of irons for shoeing mules and horses, and the expense 
of a pack-train to carry provisions for the friendly Indians who should go 
on the said punitive expedition to punish them or bring down the offenders 
and establish them in peace. In view of this, his lordship, considering 
how important it was to lose no time in the capture and punishment of 
10 



132 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century 

tesorero Juan de Ybarra Y el factor Y Beedor Raphael de Gascue Jueces 
oficiales de la dicha Real Caja para que como esperimenttados en seme- 
janttes Cosas de Guerra Cada uno diese su pareser de lo que mas Con- 
viniese y parese que en seis dias del dicho mes de noviembre del dicho 
ano se junttaron los de suso declarados Con el Senor Governador y Capi- 
tan General en un aposentto de las Casas Reales desta villa y aviendoles 
dado a entender cosa de suso rreferido y ley do el dicho autto de un 
aquerdo y conformidad dixeron que eran de parescer que su sseiioria del 
Senor Governador Cometa a Un Vezino de la dicha provincia Soldado Y 
de Ynepiriencia la dicha entrada en busca y castigo de los dichos Yndios 
delinquentes Castigue y asientte de pas los demas Yndios Pues los dichos 
Vezinos se ofrecen a entrar sin sueldo de su magestad y que su entrada 
fuese con brevedad anttes que agan Junttas y alzamienttos advirtiendo al 
Capitan que hiziere la dicha entrada no se aga dafio a las mugeres e mu- 
chachos porque demas de que se ara Castigo de los delinquentes se 
siguiran dello muchos effetos del servicio de su magestad y que se les 
diese y sacase del Real almacen y se enbiase al tan capitan Un Barril de 
polbora para la dicha entrada Y que de los dichos seis mill pesos que 
estan sittuados Para gastos de pas y Guerra en cada un aiio en este Reyno 
se conprase un cajon de erraje Caballar y mular y se ynviasse para la 
dicha entrada Y que se paguase El flette de una rrecua de treinta mulas 
por tiempo de dos meses o menos si menos tiempo durare la Jornada para 
llebar los bastimentos y que el dicho flete se pagase de los seis mill pesos 
y esta ayuda de costa se las diese a las personas que entraren a la dicha 
Jornada por quentta de su magestad. 

Y parese que en ocho dias del dicho mes de noviembre se le entrego 
a el alferez diego de Villar Vezino desta villa Un barril de Polbora que 
con el barril peso Siete arrobas E trece libras Y un cajon con siete dozenas 
de erraje las tres Caballar de a beintte y quatro erraduras cada dozena Y 
las quatro asnales de a quarenta y ocho erraduras por dozena Y mill y 
ochocienttos Clabos de errar y asimismo rrecivio la Comision e ynstru- 
cion que en rragon dello su ssenoria dio al Cappitan Christoval Sanchez 
tinientte de alcalde mayor de la dicha Provincia Para azer la dicha en- 
trada Y todo se lo entregase a el dicho alferez diego de Villar Al dicho 
Capitan Christoval Sanchez de que Yzo rrecivo en forma y Consta por 
testimonio auttentico que en el valle de San Barttolome de la dicha Pro- 
vincia en beynte y dos del dicho mes de noviembre Como el dicho Chris- 
toval Sanchez rrecivio del dicho diego de Villar el dicho barril de polbora 
Y el dicho cajon de errajes despues de lo qual Parese que usando de la 
dicha comision el dicho Christoval Sanchez Y aviendose publicado se 
alistaron Cantidad de Soldados espanoles despues de lo qual parese que 
estando el dicho capitan Christoval Sanchez Con los dichos soldados bajo 
del pueblo de San Francisco en Veintte y cinco dias de diziembre del 
dicho ano de mill y seiscienttos Y Veintte y uno una legua el rrio aba jo 
Yendo en prosecucion de la dicha entrada se le juntaron e ofrecieron de 
yr con el a ella y servir de soldados en la dicha entrada asta ochentta y 
cinco Yndios Casiques Governadores y Capitanes E yndios sus sugettos 

a Probably a miscopy for " entregose ". 



Mateo de Vesga, 1620-1622 133 

the delinquents and establish them in peace, for if it should be delayed 
they would join with other nations, not only of their own nation but also 
of others, and an uprising might result that would cause great damage to 
this kingdom and very great expense to the royal exchequer, and consider- 
ing that [if] his lordship should send to give an account to his excellency, 
the senor viceroy, before putting in effect an order for the said punish- 
ment and pacification and the powder and the rest that is asked for, in 
the interval that it would take to go to the city of Mexico and return 
from it, as it is one hundred and fifty leagues from this town, with this 
delay the said uprising might occur, in order that this might be avoided 
and success made, as is necessary for the service of our Lord God, and 
of his Majesty, in securing the peace and quiet of the said province, he 
declared that it was necessary to call a junta, to be made up of Don Juan 
de Cervantes Casaos, knight of the Order of Saint Francis, chief accoun- 
tant of the tribunal of accounts of the city of Mexico, and the judge 
inspector of this royal treasury, Captain Pedro de Carbajal, lieutenant 
governor in this kingdom, the treasurer, Juan de Ibarra, and the factor 
and veedor, Raphael de Gascue, officials of the said royal treasury, so that, 
as persons experienced in such matters of war, each one could give his 
opinion of what it would be best to do. 

It appears th'at on the sixth day of the month of November, of the said 
year, the above mentioned met with the senor governor and captain- 
general in a room of the governmental buildings of this town. After 
they had learned of the matter above stated and had read the said auto, 
they unanimously declared that they were of the opinion that his lord- 
ship, the senor governor, should assign to a resident of this province, an 
experienced soldier, the said expedition that was to seek out and punish 
the said delinquent Indians, and punish and force the rest of the Indians to 
make peace. Since the said resident offered to go without any salary from 
his Majesty, his expedition should be made quickly, before they could get 
together and rebel, and the captain who should make the said expedition 
should be warned not to do any harm to the women and children. For, 
besides securing the punishment of the delinquents there would follow 
from it many good results for the service of his Majesty. [They were 
also of the opinion] that a barrel of powder should be taken from the 
royal storehouse and sent to the said captain for the said expedition ; that 
from the 6000 pesos which are annually assigned to the peace and war 
budget in this kingdom, a box of irons for shoeing horses and mules 
should be bought and sent for the said expedition; that the expense 
should be paid for a pack-train of thirty mules for the period of two 
months, or less, if the expedition should last a shorter time, in order to 
carry the provisions ; that the said expense should be paid from the said 
6000 pesos ; and that this assistance should be given to the persons who 
might enlist in the said expedition, for the account of his Majesty. 

It appears that on the eighth day of the said month of November there 
was delivered to the alferez, Diego de Villar, resident of this town, a 
barrel of powder, which, with the barrel, weighed seven arrobas and 
three pounds, and a box with seven dozen irons — three dozen of them 
to be used for shoeing horses at the rate of twenty-four shoes for each 



134 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century 

de nacion concha con los quales y dichos espanoles parese averse echo la 
dicha entrada Contra los dichos revelados el dicho capitan Christoval 
Sanchez y con ellos parece tubo algunos rrincuentros prendio y Castigo 
algunos Culpados Y Yco pases con los demas yndios de las parzialidades 
de los dichos revelados. 

Y en esta dicha Villa de Durango en dies y seis dias del mes de abril 
deste presentte afio de mill y seiscienttos y Veintte y dos El dicho capitan 
Christoval Sanchez Truxo a presencia de su ssenoria los auttos originales 
que en rragon de la dicha entrada y castigo avia echo y entrego dies presas 
que dixo aver sacado de la dicha entrada las cinco yndias ya mugeres de 
mas de Veintte a treintte anos las quatro Y una Yndezuela de seis anos 
Y un Yndio Grande llamado sevastian Y tres yndezuelos de quatro a seis 
anos que por ttodos son las dichas dies piesas Las quales Vistos los auttos 
por el dicho Governador y Capitan General declaro por esclabas Y que 
de ellas sediese a su magestad lo que le pertenece de su rreal quintto en- 
tregandose a los oficiales Reales de su Real hazienda Y caja desta villa 
que senalo el dicho Yndio Gandul llamado Sebastian y un Yndezuelo de 
los pequenos Y mando que las ocho piesas Restantes se Vendiesen en 
publica almoneda y se rrematasen en las personas que mas por ellas diese 
a luego pagar que los pesos de oro que montaren aplico la tercia parte 
dellos para los gastos de las honrras que en esta Villa se an de azer de su 
magestad que esta en el cielo y la otra tercia parte se le diese al dicho 
capitan Christoval sanchez para ayuda a la costa que a tenido en traer las 
dichas dies Piesas que rrepparttiese Entre si Y sus Conpaneros E yndios 
amigos que an venido a esta Villa Y la otra tercia parte Para los gastos de 
los estrados desta audiencia de Governacion Y costos desta Causa. 

Y parese que en dies y siette dias del dicho mes de abrill en presencia 
del dicho Senor Governador Y Capitan General Se entregaron al Tesorero 
Juan de Ibarra Y facttor Y Veedor Raphael de Gascue Juezes oficiales 
desta real hazienda E caxa desta villa El dicho Yndios Gandul llamado 
Sebastian que por su aspecto Parecio ser de dies y ocho anos Y un Ynde- 
zuelo de edad de cinco a seis anos que dixeron no ser christiano Y parece 
que las dichas ocho piesas restantes Se Vendieron en presencia del Senor 
Governador y Capitan General en los dichos dies y siete dias del dicho 
mes de abrill a diferentes personas que montaron Trecientos Pesos de 
oro comun el precio en que se rremataron despues de lo qual en dies e 
nuebe dias del mes de abrill del dicho afio el dicho Senor Governador y 
Capitan General por autto que pronuncio y por causas que a ello le 
movieron que esplico en el dicho autto aplico los dichos trecienttos pesos 
del Precio de las dichas ocho piesas para los gastos de las dichas onrras 
de su magestad que esta en el cielo segun de que todo lo susodicho Y otras 
Cosas mas largamente Consta Y paresce por los auttos originales que en 
rragon de todo lo susodicho sea b f echo que en mi poder quedan a que me 
Refiero Y Por Mandado del dicho Senor Governador Y Capitan General 
di El Presentte que es ffecho en esta Villa de durango en diez y nueve del 
mes de mayo de mill y seiscienttos y Veintte y dos anos Siendo testigos 

b Obviously a miscopy for " se an ". 



Mateo de Vesga, 1620-1622 135 

dozen irons, and the other four dozen irons to be used to shoe other ani- 
mals at the rate of forty-eight shoes for each dozen irons, and eight 
hundred nails for shoeing. At the same time he received the commission, 
and the instructions which, in view of it, his lordship gave to Captain 
Cristobal Sanchez, deputy alcalde mayor of the said province, to make 
the said expedition. All of this the said alferez Diego de Villar delivered 
to the said captain Cristobal Sanchez, for which he gave a receipt in the 
proper form. 

It is evident from authentic testimony that in the valley of San Bar- 
tolome, of the said province, on the twenty-second of the said month of 
November, the said Cristobal Sanchez received from the said Diego de 
Villar the said barrel of powder and the said box of irons. After this, 
it appears that the said Cristobal Sanchez, in the exercise of the said com- 
mission and after it had been proclaimed, enlisted a number of Spanish 
soldiers. Afterwards it appears that the said Captain Cristobal San- 
chez, with the said soldiers, on the twenty-fifth day of December, of 
the said year of 1621, went from the town of San Francisco, one league 
down the river, in prosecution of the said expedition. As many as eighty- 
five Indians, caciques, governors, captains, and their subjects of the Con- 
cha nation, joined him and offered to go with him on the expedition and 
to serve as soldiers. With them and the said Spaniards the said Captain 
Cristobal Sanchez appears to have made the said expedition against the 
said rebels, with whom it appears that he had several encounters, took 
and punished some of the guilty ones, and made peace with the rest of the 
Indian allies of the said rebels. 

In this said town of Durango, on the sixteenth day of the month of 
April, of this present year of 1622, the said Captain Cristobal Sanchez 
brought into the presence of his lordship the original autos which he had 
made in connection with the said expedition and punishment, and he de- 
livered ten prisoners that he said he had taken on the said expedition, five 
of them women already grown, four being from twenty to thirty years 
of age, and one little girl of six, a large Indian named Sebastian, and 
three little boys from four to six years old, making all together the said 
ten persons. These, after the autos had been examined by the said gov- 
ernor and captain-general, he declared to be slaves, and that from them 
he would set aside for his Majesty what belonged to him as his royal 
fifth, delivering it to the royal officials of the real hacienda and treasury 
of this town; he designated for this purpose the said Indian brave named 
Sebastian and one of the little boys. He ordered that the remaining eight 
should be sold at public auction to the persons that would pay the most for 
them at once, and that a third part of the gold that should be received for 
them should be applied to the expenses of the honors that would have to 
be given in this town [to the memory] of his Majesty who is in Heaven; 
another third should be given to the said Captain Cristobal Sanchez to 
aid him in the expenses that he had in bringing the said ten persons, this 
to be divided between himself, his companions, and the friendly Indians 
who have come to this town ; and the remaining third part to be applied 
to the expenses of this audiencia of government and the cost in this case. 



136 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century 

el alferez diego de Villar Y Geronimo de bayamonte vezino y estantes en 
esta villa Va enmendado a su rreal/m/to/Vea. c 

Fecho y Sacado fue este tratado del testimonio original que en mi poder 
queda y en los auttos en el Conthenidos y Va cierto y Verdadero Y se 
corregio y Concerto en la Villa de durango en diez y nueve dias del mes 
de mayo de mill y seiscientos y Veinte y dos afios siendo todo a lo Ver 
corregir Y Concertar los dichos alferez diego de Villar Y Geronimo de 
bayamonte Vezino y estante en esta Villa. d [Firmas.] 



Del legajo de papeles tocantes a asuntos de los Indios revelados en nueva 
Vizcaya. Governador Mateo de Vesga* [Mayo de 1624.] 

En la villa de durango en cinco dias del mes de marzo de mill y seys- 
cientos y beynte y quatro afios ante su ssefioria el sefior almirante matheo 
de besga governador y capitan general parescio un yndio . . . que dijo 
llamarse don balthasar y ser casique y Governador de los yndios del 
pueblo de ticonazo de los yndios cristianos del y que al presente rreside 
en el cerro gordo con sus yndios Cristianos por horden mando de su 
senoria y assimismo Trujo Consigo otro yndio de nacion tepeguan que 
mediantte el dicho ynterprete y del dicho don balthasar que abla la lengua 
tepeguana el qual mostro a su ssefioria un pufiado de maiz y dijo que abia 

c Reference is to the emendations made in the original copy of the document. 
d F. R. B., Sevilla, Aug. 15, 191 4- 
• A. G. I., 67-1-4. 



Mateo de Vesga, 1624 137 

It appears that on the seventeenth day of the said month of April, in 
the presence of the said senor governor and captain-general, there were 
delivered to the treasurer, Juan de Ibarra, and the factor and overseer, 
Raphael de Gascue, official judges of this real hacienda and treasury of 
this town, the said Indian buck called Sebastian, who seemed from his 
appearance to be eighteen years old, and a boy from five to six years old, 
who they said was not a Christian. It appears that the eight remaining 
slaves were sold in the presence of the senor governor and captain-general, 
on the said seventeenth day of the said month of April, to different per- 
sons, and that the price for which they were auctioned amounted to three 
hundred pesos in common gold. 

Afterwards, on the nineteenth day of the month of April, of the said 
year, the said senor governor and captain-general, by an auto which he 
issued, and for reasons that moved him to do so, which he explained in 
the said auto, applied the said three hundred pesos — the price of the said 
eight slaves — to the expenses of the said honors to his Majesty 4T who is 
in Heaven. All of the aforesaid and other things are evident and appear 
more at length in the original autos, which, in connection with the above, 
have been made; these, to which I refer, remain in my possession. By 
order of the said governor and captain-general I issued the present writ- 
ing, which is done in this town of Durango on the nineteenth day of the 
month of May, 1622, the witnesses being the alferez, Diego de Villar, 
and Jeronimo de Bayamonte, citizen and resident of this town. The 
document has the following emendations : "asu real/m/to/Vea." 

This copy was made and drawn from the original testimony which is 
in my possession and in the autos contained therein. It is true and ac- 
curate, and was corrected and verified in the town of Durango, on the 
nineteenth day of May, 1622, the said alferez, Diego de Villar, and 
Jeronimo de Bayamonte, citizen and resident of this town, being wit- 
nesses of the correction and verification. [Signatures."] 



From the bundle of papers touching upon the affairs of the rebellious 
Indians of Nueva Vizcaya. Governor Mateo de Vesga. [May, 
1624.] 

In the town of Durango, on the fifth day of the month of March, 1624, 
before his lordship, the senor admiral, Mateo de Vesga, governor and 
captain-general, there appeared an Indian . . . who said that he was 
named Don Baltasar, and that he was the cacique and governor of the 
Christian Indians of the pueblo of Ticonazo, and that at present he resides 
in the Cerro Gordo with his Christian Indians by order and command 
of his lordship. He also brought with him another Indian of the Tepe- 
guane nation, who, through the said interpreter and the said Don Bal- 
tasar, who speaks the Tepeguane language, showed his lordship a handful 
of maize, and said that there had come down in friendship as many uncon- 
verted Indians as there were grains of corn — men and women totalling 
eighty-five. He had settled them in the said Cerro Gordo; [they were] 



138 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century 

bajado de paz tantos yndios Gentiles Como abia maises hombres y mu- 
geres que abia ochenta y sinco Los quales tiene poblados en el dicho cerro 
gordo quietos y pacificos y con Mucho gusto y parte dellos bautizados y 
que el dicho don balthasar aviendo tenido noticia de un yndio llamado 
Juan de nacion tepeguan natural del pueblo del zape que andaba con otros 
quatro yndios alzado y salteando por los caminos y que asi apresso el y 
el dicho Don Agustin y sus pilguanes f a el dicho yndio Juan a el qual 
haorco en el parage que llaman del Canutillo Para exemplo de los demas 
yndios no se atreviesen a seme j antes Cassos Con que la tierra e yndios 
poblados estan sogegados y Contentos de todo Lo qual biene a dar quenta 
a su sseiioria Como La da a quien piden y suplican anparo en el dicho 
pueblo donde biben llamado sancta maria del serro gordo biban y residan 
y asimismo se les de alguna Ropa para su bestir pues son buenos Yndios 
y fieles Y acudiran como Acuden a el servicio de su magestad y a prender 
Los salteadores que obiere y bisto por su ssefioria Les dio Lizencia para 
que estubiesen y residiesen en el dicho pueblo y mando asistan en el 
Resciviendo como recivio de paz a el dicho don agustin y sus sugetos y 
Les mando La conserben que su sseiioria Les amparara y defendera de 
sus enemigos y aviendoselo dado a entender por el dicho ynterpete dijeron 
que ellos mantendran la dicha paz y estaran sugetos a la paz y obediencia 
de su magestad Y Cumpliran lo que su sseiioria les manda atento a lo 
qual y que los dichos don Baltasar y don Agustin traen consigo otros qua- 
tro yndios pirguanes g mandava Y mando que domingo de herniva mer- 
cader y bezino desta villa persona En quien estan rematados Los precios 
de la ropa que su ssefioria Manda dar a semejantes yndios que a los pre- 
cios que se le remato de al dicho don Baltasar cacique y governador siete 
a baras de pafio comun un sombrero entre fino un guipil caretero Unas 
naguas enteras una frezadilla conga y a el dicho don agustin otras siete 
baras de paiio un sombrero entrefino un guipil Caretero Unas naguas en- 
teras una frezadilla a don lucas uno de los dichos quatro yndios sinco 
baras y media de paiio comun un sombrero Entrefino siete baras de sayal 
una frezadilla y a Sebastian otro de los dichos yndios tres baras y media 
de pafio Comun siete baras de sayal Un sombrero Entrefino unas naguas 
enteras a diego otro yndio de los sussodichos tres baras y media de pafio 
Comun un sombrero Entrefino siete baras de sayal Un guipil caretero para 
su muger Y una frezadilla a Juan yndio de los que bajaron de paz sinco 
baras de pafio comun siete de sayal una frezadilla un sombrero Entrefino 
y asimismo dara A todos quatro achas de cortar madera y quatro machetes 
y dos nobillos para que lleven a el dicho su pueblo y Repartan Entre los 
yndios del para que coman y mas se haga pago de siete pesos Y quatro 
Tomines que les dio por mandado de su senoria Con que an comido y ban 
comiendo los dichos Yndios que dandoselos con un treslado autorizado 
deste asiento y rescivo del dicho Juan Rodriguez espejo ynterprete susso- 
dicho atento no traen persona que por ellos pueda recivir la dicha ropa de 
como Recivieron los dichos yndios La dicha ropa que los pessos de oro 
que montare su seiioria se les mandara pagar de los seis mill pesos que 

f Probably a misspelling for " pilguanejo ", a word used in Mexico for "servant". 



Mateo de Vesga, 1624 139 

quiet and peaceful and very content and part of them were baptized. The 
said Don Baltasar having had information that an Indian named Juan 
of the Tepeguane nation, native of the pueblo of El Zape, was wandering 
about with four other Indians in revolt and committing robberies on the 
roads, he and the said Don Agustin and his servants took the said Indian 
Juan prisoner and hanged him at the place called El Canutillo, as an 
example to the other Indians not to venture to do such things. As a 
result the country and Indians settled there have become quiet and con- 
tented. Of all this he comes to give, as he does give, account to his lord- 
ship from whom they ask for and crave asylum in the said pueblo where 
they live, called Santa Maria del Cerro Gordo, in order that they may 
live and reside [there] , and also to ask that some clothing be given to them 
with which to dress themselves, for they are good and faithful Indians, 
and will assist, as they are now assisting, in the service of his Majesty 
and in arresting any highwaymen that there may be. In view of this his 
lordship gave them license to remain and live in the said pueblo and 
ordered that they should assist therein, acknowledging, as he did acknowl- 
edge, the acceptance by the said Don Agustin and his subjects of the 
peace. He ordered them to keep it and [stated] that his lordship would 
protect and defend them from their enemies. Having been made to un- 
derstand this through the said interpreter, they declared that they would 
maintain the said peace, and that they would submit to the peace and to 
the obedience of his Majesty and that they would fulfill whatever his 
lordship ordered them. In view of this, and because the said Don Bal- 
tasar and Don Agustin were bringing with them four other Indian ser- 
vants, he ordered that Domingo de Herniva — merchant and resident of 
this town and the person who bought at auction the right to fix the price 
on clothing which his lordship ordered should be given to Indians in such 
cases — should, at the prices that were fixed for him by his contract, give 
to the said Don Baltasar, cacique and governor, seven varas of common 
cloth, one middling fine hat, one carter's huipil, 48 some long petticoats, 
and a conga blanket ; to the said Don Agustin, another seven varas of 
cloth, one middling fine hat, one carter's huipil, some long petticoats, and 
one blanket; to Don Lucas, one of the said four Indians, five and one half 
varas of common cloth, one middling fine hat, seven varas of serge, and 
one blanket; to Sebastian, another of the said Indians, three and one half 
varas of common cloth, seven varas of serge, one middling fine hat, and 
some long petticoats; to Diego, another of the aforesaid Indians, three 
and one-half varas of common cloth, one middling fine hat, seven varas 
of serge, one carter's huipil for his wife, and one blanket; to Juan, one 
of the Indians that came down to make peace, five varas of common 
cloth, seven of serge, one blanket, and one middling fine hat. 

Likewise he will give to all four axes for cutting wood, and four 
machetes, and two young bulls to be taken to their said pueblo and divided 
among the Indians there for them to eat; furthermore that they should 
be paid seven pesos and four to mines. 49 These he gave to them by order 
of his lordship, and as a result the said Indians have eaten and are eating. 
These things were given to them together with a certified copy of this 
agreement and a receipt from the said Juan Rodriguez Espejo, the inter- 



140 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century 

estan situados este presente ano para gastos de paz Y guerra desta gover- 
nacion y asi Lo proveyo y firmo con el dicho Ynterpete Matheo de 
Besga. . . . 

En la villa de durango de la nueba bizcaya en siete dias del mes de 
mayo de mill y seiscientos y Veinte y quatro afios Ante el Senor Almi- 
rante matheo de besga Governador y Cappitan general del Reyno y pro- 
bincias De la nueba bizcaya Por su Magestad Parescio el Padre ffrai 
Lazaro despinosa guardian del conbento de San buena bentura de la 
horden de san francisco del pueblo de atotonilco Jurisdiscion de la Pro- 
bincia de Santa barbola el qual trujo Consigo a don Jusepe yndio Gover- 
nador Casique del dicho pueblo de atotonilco y Con el dicho padre e yndio 
binieron tres yndios que mediante alonsso benitez ynterpete deste juzgado 
en lengua mejicana y el dicho yndio don jusepe ynterprete nombrado por 
su sefioria en lengua concha y thobosa y mejicana Dijeron llamarse el 
Uno Diego y ser hi jo de Un yndio llamado don agustin Capitan Y gover- 
nador de la nacion tobosa y el otro dixo llamarse alonso de nacion tho- 
bossa y ser Cappitan de una rrancheria de yndios de la dicha nacion y el 
otro Ultimo de los tres dijo Llamarse Jacobo de nacion thobossa que 
los dichos diego y alonsso yndios principales mediante los dichos ynter- 
pretes en las dichas lenguas Dijeron que ellos y sus sujetos y las naciones 
nonojes o cochames chicos y algunos thepeguanes y salineros a mas de 
beynte afios que andan de guerra contra Los espanoles sin tener ni aber 
dado obediencia a Su Magestad Retirados en los campos y sin dotrina y 
que ellos comfiessan Los danos que an echo en los ganados y estancias 
de la dicha probincia de Santa barbola y asimismo estando su ssenoria 
con su campo en ella Los ynbio a llamar de Paz con el dicho yndio Jacobo 
Con bandera de paz y salbo conducto no quisieron bajar sino antes 
respondieron que ffueran los espanoles a buscarlos a sus sierras que ellos 
se deffenderian y Bisto por su ssenoria La dicha Respuesta despues enspo h 
acomodado su ssenoria ymbio al cappitan Christobal sanchez con com- 
pafiia de soldados espanoles e yndios amigos conchos contra ellos Con 
los quales tubieron Guacabasa ■ y en ella murio Un espanol Y se trujeron 
en la dicha Jornada algunos yndios presos y otros quedaron eridos y cono- 
ciendo ellos Lo mal que an echo y que Merecen gran castigo bienen por 
si y en nombre de sus sujetos que estan juntos y congregados quince leguas 
del pueblo de atotomilco a pedir como piden con el dicho Padre fTrai 
lazaro de espinossa que su sefioria Como tan benigno Los resciba en nom- 
bre de su magestad de paz pues bienen Con solo aberles ymbiado el dicho 
Padre Una capilla de su abito Con la qual estan esperando en el dicho 
paraje La horden que su ssenoria Les senalare donde acudiran a La doc- 
trina Christiana y prometen rescibiendolos de paz de la guardar y Cum- 
plir y Guardar Lo que Su Ssenoria Los hordenare y Bisto por su Ssenoria 
dijo que en nombre de su magestad rescebia y rescibio de paz a Thodos 
los dichos Yndios La qual guardandola y Cumpliendola su ssenoria les 

h Evidently a miscopied abbreviation for " un tiempo ". 

l From the context it would appear that this is an Indian word which means "en- 
counter ", or fight. 



Mateo de Vesga, 1624 141 

preter above mentioned, inasmuch as they do not bring any one who 
is able to receive the clothing, [that is, give a receipt] that the said In- 
dians received the said clothing. The sum of money which this will 
amount to, his lordship will order to be paid from the 6000 pesos that 
have been assigned this present year for the expenses of peace and war 
in this jurisdiction. It was so ordered and signed with the said inter- 
preter. Mateo de Vesga. . . . 

In the town of Durango, Nueva Vizcaya, on the seventh day of the 
month of May, 1624, before the sefior admiral Mateo de Vesga, governor 
and captain-general for his Majesty of the kingdom and province of 
Nueva Vizcaya, appeared Father Fray Lazaro de Espinosa, guardian of 
the monastery of San Buenaventura, of the Order of Saint Francis, of 
the pueblo of Atotonilco, jurisdiction of the province of Santa Barbara. 
He brought with him Don Jusepe, Indian governor and cacique of the 
said pueblo of Atotonilco. With the said father and Indian came three 
Indians, who, through Alonso Benitez, interpreter of this court in the 
Mexican language, and the said Indian, Don Jusepe, appointed interpreter 
by his lordship in the Concha, Toboso, and Mexican languages, said that 
their names were as follows : one, Diego, son of an Indian called Don 
Agustin, captain and governor of the Tobosa nation; another named 
Alonso, of the Tobosa nation and captain of a rancheria of Indians of 
the said nation; and the last one of the three said that his name was 
Jacobo, of the Tobosa nation. 

The said Diego and Alonso, Indian chiefs, through the said interpre- 
ters in the said languages, said that they and their subjects and the 
Nonojes, or Cochames Chicos, and some of the Tepeguanes and Salineros, 
had been at war with the Spaniards for more than twenty years, without 
ever having given obedience to his Majesty and had withdrawn to the 
country without Christian instruction. They confessed to the damage 
they had done to the cattle and farms of the said province of Santa Bar- 
bara, and that when his lordship was encamped there and sent the said 
Indian Jacobo, with a banner of peace and safe conduct, to summon them 
to make peace they did not wish to come down, but instead replied that 
the Spaniards might go and seek them in their sierras and that they 
would defend themselves. His lordship, having heard the said reply, 
afterwards sent, at a suitable time, Captain Cristobal Sanchez with a 
company of Spanish soldiers and friendly Conchos Indians against them, 
and with them they had a fight in which one Spaniard was killed. On the 
said expedition some Indians were taken prisoners and others were 
wounded. Acknowledging the evil that they had done and the fact that 
they merited severe punishment, they come, for themselves, and in the 
name of their subjects who are assembled and congregated fifteen leagues 
from the pueblo of Atotonilco, to plead, as they do plead, with the said 
Father Fray Lazaro de Espinosa, that his lordship, being so benignant, 
should receive them in peace, in the name of his Majesty. For they come 
only because the said Father had sent them a hood from his habit, and 
with it they are awaiting at the said place the order in which his lordship 
will indicate to them the place to which they will repair for Christian in- 



142 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century 

amparara y deffendera de sus enemigos que si la quebrantaren Les casti- 
gara a ffuego y sangre sin aber misericordia dellos y que declaren que 
Cantidad de yndios e yndias chicos y grandes habiendoselo dado a enten- 
der por los dichos ynterpretes dijeran que como dicho tienen guardaran 
la dicha paz en que son rescebidos y no la quebrantaran en manera alguna 
Por ningun casso que cumpliendo Con lo que su ssenoria Les manda 
declaran ser muchos asi honbres como mugeres y nifios y que sefialandoles 
puerto donde biban y residan se contaran ymbiaran La Lista y minuta a 
su ssenoria y bisto por su Sefioria mediante Los dichos ynterpetes Les 
mando poblasen seys leguas del dicho pueblo de atotomilco en Un parage 
que llaman de San ffelipe orillas de un rrio Llamado fflorido donde agan su 
yglesia y bivienda y sus millpas que su ssenoria Les ayudara Para lo 
azer Los quales dijeron mediante los dichos ynterpretes que cumpliran Lo 
que se les manda y estan enagradecimiento a la merced de su ssenoria 
Les aze y mando que Domingo de herniva mercader en esta Villa Per- 
sona en quien estan rematados Los precios de las cossas que se dan a 
los yndios desta governacion Como en quien yzo mas baja de al dicho dio 
yndio siete baras de sayal Un sombrero entrefino una ffracadilla j conga 
dos cajas de cuchillos carnizeros y un guipilcumise y un par de zapatos 
baquita y un toston de agujas e ylo y al dicho alonsso otro tantto y al 
dicho yndio jacobo Principal otro tanto y mas unas naguas medias para 
su muger y al dicho don Jusepe se le de por ser ladino y aber ayudado y 
serbido a su magestad en todas las guerras tres baras y media de pafio 
comun Un sombrero entreffino Unos berceguies k de badana unos gapatos 
de baqueta y medias naguas comunes y un guipilcuimite y asimismo se de 
a el dicho padre fray Lacaro de espinossa Por el mucho trabajo y dili- 
gencia que a echo en lo susodicho y parte que a thenido en Darles de comer 
y bestias en que an benido setenta y Cinco pesos en plata que dandoselo 
thodo Lo sussodicho a el dicho padre y dichos yndios su ssenoria Le 
mandara pagar con sus rescibos y Cartas de pago del dicho padre e yndios 
de los seys mill pesos que estan situados para gastos de paz y guerra de 
esta governacion deste presente ano y assi Lo probeyo e ffirmo con el 
dicho padre e ynterpete Matheo de Vesga ffray Lazaro de Espinosa 
Alonsso Benitez ante mi Luis Arias de la Puente escrivano de su 
magestad y governacion. 1 [Firmas.'] 

i " Frazadilla " or " f rezadilla ". 

k Obviously a miscopy for " borceguies ". 

1 F. R. B., Sevilla, Aug. 20, 1914. 



Mateo de Vesga, 1624 143 

struction. They promise, if they are admitted to peace, to keep and fulfill 
it and to do whatever his lordship may order them to do. 

In view of this, his lordship said that in the name of his Majesty he 
acknowledged, as he did, the acceptance of the peace by all of the said 
Indians, and that, if they kept and fulfilled it, his lordship would protect 
and defend them from their enemies, but if they should break it he would 
punish them with fire and blood, without having any pity upon them. 
He also asked that they state how many Indians there were, young and 
old, and that after this had been explained to them by the said interpre- 
ters, they should say, as they, have said, that they will keep the said peace 
in which they are received and that they will not break it in any manner 
for any cause whatever. In answer to what his lordship orders they de- 
clare that the number of Indians, men as well as women and children, is 
large, and that if he would appoint a place where they may live and reside 
they would be counted and they would send the list and memorandum to 
his lordship. 

This having been heard by his lordship through the said interpreters, 
he ordered that they should settle six leagues from the said pueblo of 
Atotonilco, in a place called San Felipe, on the banks of a river named 
Florido, where they should build their church and dwellings and plant 
their cornfields, in which his lordship would assist them. They said, 
through the said interpreters, that they would do what they were ordered 
to do and that they are grateful for the kindness that his lordship shows 
them. He ordered that Domingo de Herniva, merchant of this town and 
the person who bought at auction the right to fix the prices on the things 
that are given to the Indians of this jurisdiction, as the one who made the 
lowest bid on them, should give to the said Indian seven varas of serge, 
one middling fine hat, one conga blanket, two boxes of butcher knives, 
one carter's huipilcuntise, 50 a pair of cowhide shoes and a half dollar's 
worth of needles and thread; to the said Alonso a like list of things; to 
the said Indian chief, a like list, and, in addition, some half-length petti- 
coats for his wife; and to the said Jusepe, because of his being educated 
and having aided and served his Majesty in all the wars, three and one 
half varas of common cloth, one middling fine hat, some half-boots of 
tanned sheepskin, some cowhide shoes, common middle-length petticoats, 
and one carter's huipilcnimite. 51 He also ordered that the said Father 
Fray Lazaro de Espinosa should be given, in return for the great labor 
and efforts that he had expended in the foregoing and the part that he 
had had in providing food for them and the animals on which they came, 
seventy-five pesos in silver. 

When all the aforesaid have been given to the said father and the said 
Indians, and upon obtaining from the said father and the said Indians 
their receipts and certificates of payment, his lordship will order that the 
above payments be made from the 6000 pesos that have been assigned 
for the expenses of peace and war of this jurisdiction for this present 
year. He thus ordered and signed it with the said father and interpreter. 
Mateo de Vesga. Fray Lazaro de Espinosa. Alonso Benitez. Before 
me, Luis Arias de la Puente, clerk of his Majesty and government. 
[Signatures.'] 



144 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century 

Estado en que estaba Durango y la tierra, los edificios que an hecho 
yglesias y monasterios el gran crezimyento que tuvo la provyncia y 
goviemo m [de Nueva Vizcaya. 1624.] 

Autto. 

En la Villa de durango dela nueba Vizcaya en diez y siete dias del mes 
de Junio de mill y seiscientos y veynte y quatro afios El sefior almirante 
Mateo de besga Governador y Capitan General deste Reyno de la nueba 
Vizcaya por Su magestad dijo que por quanto al tiempo y quando su 
senoria Bino a Governar este Reyno y entro en esta dicha villa caverzera 
del Para tomar como Thomo Posesion del dicho Govierno alio y estava 
esta Villa Muy aruynada asi de gente y Vecinos como de casas de bivienda 
y por el buen horden que a tenido su Senoria en el dicho su govierno 
agasaxe n que a hecho a los Vecinos del y pasaxeros que an benido a esta 
villa se a aumentado en comercio de gente y trato de mercangias y otras 
cosas En que sean engrandecido aciendo casas de Vivienda en esta dicha 
villa estancias en su Juridiscion haziendas de minas en los Reales que ay 
en esta Governacion Como son el conbento de sefior San nicolas de la hor- 
den de sefior San agustin que se a fundado en esta villa el ffactor Raphael 
de gascue Una cassa muy sunttuossa y grande y de mucho valor y Graviel 
Ruiz Vezino desta Villa otra cassa el capitan Juan de Aguiluz Una cassa 
antonio sanchez de salinana otra Casa en que bive El capitan Alonso de 
quesada otra cassa Andres de Villa otra casa francisco de medrano otra 
casa El presente secretario dos aposentos el Canonigo Porras tres o quatro 
aposentos desta cassa de Su bivienda Antonio morcillo dos tiendas Bal- 
tasar falcon chirionero dos cassas miguel de Varrassa chirionero otra 
cassa Y dos tiendas francisco de mena dos tiendas Antonio de molina 
otra cassa Juana bautista otra cassa domingo gonzales arcabuzero Una 
cassa Vartolome sanchez cobos Una cassa ernando Reynado chirinero 
otra cassa El bachiller Juan de Vega Vezino y Rexidor desta Villa Una 
tienda Gaspar denaba mercader una cassa y en una cera della tres tiendas 
El Alferez Real pidio de casa bona Una tienda Juan de Cadiz dos cassas 
el dicho Graviel Ruiz Una calera Junto a esta billa miguel Rodriguez 
Una cassa ana de ypolito una cassa Juana Rodriguez una cassa melchora 
de los Reyes otra cassa media Legua desta Villa Su senoria fundo Un 
pueblo llamado San Antonio de Cantidad de yndios que Vajaron de la 
sierra y manuel Rodriguez de messa a poblado Una estancia de Labor 
Una legua desta Villa el dicho Vachiller Juan de Vega a poblado Una 
Legua desta billa otra estancia de Labor el capitan Martin de Ybarra A 
Poblado quatro leguas desta villa otra estancia de labor y de ganado 
mayor diego de guzman herrera a poblado otra estancia de labor y ganado 
mayor tres leguas desta villa el dicho Juan de ocadiz otra estancia de 
lavor tres leguas della Las quales dichas estancias al tiempo que bino su 
senoria a el dicho su gobierno estavan destruydas y Las Yglesias y 
Viviendas de los padres de La compania de Jesus que administravan Los 
yndios quemadas Y destruydas y Las aziendas De sacar plata de Los 

m A. G. I., 67-1-4. 

n Obviously " agasajo ". 



Durango, 1624 145 

The condition of Durango and of the country, the buildings, churches, and 
monasteries that were constructed, and the great development of the 
province and government [of Nueva Viscaya. 1624]. 

Auto. 

In the town of Durango, Nueva Vizcaya, on the seventeenth day of 
the month of June, 1624, the sefior admiral Mateo de Vesga, governor 
and captain-general of this kingdom of Nueva Vizcaya, for his Majesty, 
said that whereas at the time that his lordship came to govern this 
kingdom and entered this said town, its capital, in order to take, as he 
did take, possession of the said government, he found this town in a 
wretched state with respect to people and citizens as well as dwelling- 
houses, through the good order which his lordship has maintained in 
his said government, and the kindness that he has shown to the residents 
and travellers that have come to this town, there has been an increase 
in commerce, population, trade, and other things for which they may be 
extolled — building of dwelling-houses in the said town, [developing] 
farms in its district, [constructing] reduction works in the mining camps 
of this jurisdiction as, for instance : the monastery of San Nicolas, of 
the Order of Saint Augustine, which has been founded in this town; the 
factor, Rafael Gascue, a very sumptuous and large house of great value; 
Gabriel Ruiz, citizen of this town, another house ; Captain Juan de Agui- 
luz, a house; Antonio Sanchez de Salinaria, another house in which he is 
living; Captain Alonso de Quesada, another house; Andres de Villa, an- 
other house ; Francisco de Medrano, another house ; the present secretary, 
two rooms; the canon Porras, three or four rooms [added] to his dwell- 
ing ; Antonio Morcillo,two stores ; Baltasar Falcon Chirionero, two houses ; 
Miguel de Barrasa Chirionero, another house and two stores; Francisco 
de Mena, two stores ; Antonio de Molina, another house ; Juan Bautista, 
another house ; Domingo Gonzalez, harquebus-maker, a house ; Bartolome 
Sanchez Cobos, a house; Hernando Reynado Chirinero, another house; 
the bachiller, Juan de Vega, citizen and regidor of this town, a store; 
Gaspar Denaba, merchant, a house, and in one cera of it three stores. The 
royal alferez asked for a store of Casabona ; Juan de Cadiz, two houses ; 
the said Gabriel Ruiz, a lime-kiln near his town; Miguel Rodriguez, a 
house; Ana de Hipolito, a house; Juana Rodriguez, a house; Melchora 
de los Reyes, another house. A half a league from this town his lordship 
founded a pueblo called San Antonio, with a number of Indians who 
came down from the sierra. Manuel Rodriguez de Mesa has settled a 
farm one league from this town. The said bachiller Juan de Vega has 
settled another farm one league from this town. Captain Martin de 
Ibarra has settled another farm for planting and cattle raising four leagues 
from this town. Diego de Guzman Herrera has settled another farm for 
planting and cattle raising three leagues from this town, and the said 
Juan de Cadiz, another farm three leagues from it. At the time that his 
lordship came to take possession of the said government the said farms 
were destroyed; the churches and dwellings of the fathers of the Com- 
pany of Jesus, who were governing the Indians, were burned and de- 
stroyed, and the reduction works for taking out silver at the mining 



146 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century 

Reales de minas y aciendas de labores de sus contornos quemadas thodo 
lo qual se a buelto a Reedificar y se a edifficado en grande aumento desta 
Villa y Reyno y de los Reales quintos de su magestad desde que su 
senoria empezo a Governar Con sus buenas trazas abelidad y buen 
Govierno que a tenido en el tiempo que a governado este Reyno y para 
que conste a su magestad y su real consejo de las yndias Lo susodicho 
conviene se aga Ynformacion de todo ello con Las personas de mas 
calidad y onradas desta villa y que se den mandamientos Para que los 
alcaldes mayores de los Reales de minas Cada Uno en su jurisdiscion agan 
ymformacion De las aziendas de minas y labores que se an Reedificado 
y Poblado durante el dicho Govierno de su senoria y ffechas Las ymbien 
a este tribunal para que Juntas Con la que en esta villa se yciere se saque 
un traslado de todo ello y autorizado en publica fforma se ymbie a su 
magestad E dicho se Real Consejo y asi lo proveyo e ffirmo Matheo de 
Vesga antte mi Luis Arias de la Puente etc. 

Ynformacion . . . Capitan don Diego Ceron Carbaxal testigo : 
... que esta villa y reyno estava muy aruynada asi de gente como de 
casas y algunos yngenios de Reales de minas Casas de Viviendas de Las 
estancias de lavor Por las grandes guerras que a abido del algamiento 
General que en este Reyno Ubo . . . y este testigo andubo Personalmente 
Con el senor don Gaspar de alvear caballero de la horden de Santiago 
Governador que fue deste Reyno antecessor de su senoria como cappitan 
De Una compania de Soldados espafioles que tubo a su cargo en el al- 
Qamiento General que RefTerido tiene y Vio que los yndios destruyeron y 
quemaron La azienda de labor y Ganado mayor de pero mato que esta 
tres leguas de yndee. . . . 

Geronimo Trebino alguacil mayor . . . testigo : 

. . . Y se an hecho y reedifficado Las dichas estancias de Labor y 
Ganado mayor y este testigo a ydo personalmente con el senor Governa- 
dor a las Visitas que a echo en este reyno como tal alguacil mayor y a 
bisto que se an reedificado en las minas de Goanacebi Sancta barbola 
yndee y Guanabal aciendas de minas y Labor en todo lo qual y en aberse 
baxado y Poblado de yndios dos pueblos el uno en el valle del serro Gordo 
de yndios Varbaros y otro en la provincia de sancta barbola en la cienega 
que llaman de san Pablo con mucha cantidad de yndios. 



Relacion que se le vino {Pedro Coronado~\ azer al gobernador del estado 
de unas provyncias y de las battalias que tubo con ellos y rendimiento 
y or denes que se dieronP [Durango, provincia de Nueva Vizcaya, 
jo de Abril de 1625.'] 

En La Villa de durango En treinta dias del mes de abril de mill y Seis- 
cientos y Beynte y cinco afios El Senor almirante Mattheo de Vesga Gov- 

F. R. B., Sevilla, Aug. 27, 1914. 
p A. G. I., Sevilla, 67-1-4. 



Pedro Coronado, 1625 147 

camps, and the adjacent farms were burned. All of these have been re- 
built, or built, to the great benefit of this town and kingdom and the royal 
fifths 52 of his Majesty, since his lordship began to govern with the good 
management, ability, and good administration that he has exercised in 
the time during which he has governed this kingdom. 
^ In order that the aforesaid may be evident to his Majesty and his royal 
Council of the Indies, it is necessary that a statement of the whole matter 
be made by the persons of the highest rank and reputation in this town, 
and that orders be given that the alcaldes mayores of the mining camps, 
each one in his own jurisdiction, shall make a report concerning the 
reduction works and farms that have been rebuilt and settled during the 
administration of his lordship. When they are made they shall send 
them to this tribunal, so that, together with the report which will be made 
in this city, a copy may be made of the whole, and, after it is attested in 
legal manner, sent to his Majesty and his royal Council. Thus he ordered 
and signed it, Mateo de Vesga. Before me, Luis Arias de la Puente, 
etc. 

Statement. . . . Captain Don Diego Ceron Carbajal, witness: 
. . . that this town and kingdom were in a ruinous state with respect 
to people, as well as houses and some works at the mining camps and 
dwelling-houses on the farms, because of the great wars resulting from 
the general uprising that took place in this kingdom . . . and this wit- 
ness went in person with Senor Don Gaspar de Alvear, knight of the 
Order of Santiago, former governor of this kingdom and predecessor of 
his lordship, as captain of a company of Spanish soldiers that he had in 
his charge in the general uprising referred to, and he saw that the Indians 
had destroyed and burned the farm buildings and cattle of Pero Mato, 
which is three leagues from Inde 

Geronimo Trevino, Algnacil Mayor . . . witness : 
. . . and the said farms and cattle-ranches have been re-established, 
and this witness, in his capacity as algiiacil mayor, has gone in person 
with the said governor on the visits which he has made in this kingdom, 
and he has seen at the mines of Guanacebi, Santa Barbara, Inde, and 
Guanabal that the mines and farms of all those places have been re- 
established, and that the Indians have come down and settled two pueblos, 
one in the valley of Cerro Gordo with barbarous Indians, and the other, 
with a large number of Indians, in the province of Santa Barbara, at the 
marsh called San Pablo. 



Report which [Pedro Coronado'] came to make to the governor concern- 
ing the state of some of the provinces, and the battles that took place 
with [the Indians], their submission, and the orders that were given. 
[Durango, province of Nueva Vizcaya, April 30, 1625.] 

In the town of Durango, on the thirtieth day of April, 1625, the senor 

admiral Mateo de Vesga, 53 governor and captain-general of this kingdom 

and provinces of Nueva Vizcaya, Copala, Chiametla, and Sinaloa," for 

his Majesty, declared that on yesterday, which was the twenty-ninth day 

11 



148 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century 

ernador y Capitan General deste rreino y provincias de la nueva Vizcaya 
Copala chiametla y Cinaloa por su magestad dixo que por quanto ayer 
que se contaron veinte y nueve dias deste presente mes y afio llego a esta 
villa Pedro Coronado alguacil mayor de la villa de San Phelipe y Santiago 
de la provincia de Cinaloa y Soldado de los que sirven a su magestad en 
ella el qual bino por Caudillo de quatro soldados que truszo a su cargo 
Y assimismo Una Carta de letra y firma del Padre Luis de Bonifaz de La 
Compania de Jessus Rector y Visitador de la dicha provincia. La dicha 
carta escrivio el dicho Padre Luis de Bonifaz a pedimiento del cappitan 
Diego Martinez de Urdayde que Lo es de la dicha provincia Y Theniente 
de Governador y Cappitan General della que el dicho capitan Diego mar- 
tinez No la pudo escrivir Por Tener el brazo quebrado y estar enfermo 
en cama Y la dicha carta dize en ella a su ssenoria que el dicho Pedro 
Coronado Viene a esta dicha villa Como persona platica y de toda satis- 
fazion a dar quenta a su senoria de la guerra que a tenido el dicho Capitan 
diego Martinez de Urdayde Con las naciones Soes apachales Calimones y 
otras circunvecinas y cerco del Pefiol que llaman De Varravas Yia q que 
su senoria Se enttere de todo y de quanto a el Excelentisimo Virey de la 
nueva espana Mando al dicho Pedro Coronado clara y adviertamente 
Haga rrelacion de todo el susesso Muertes de amigos y enemigos Pressa 
que se haya Hecho Cada cossa con distincion y Verdad que en todo 
tiempo paresca avella r dicho y estando pressente el dicho Pedro Coronado 
dixo que en conformidad de la horden que el dicho su capitan Diego Mar- 
tinez de Urdayde dio de que Viniesse a esta dicha villa a dar a su senoria 
la dicha quenta La da en esta forma. 

El movimiento de la dicha Guerra contra la nacion soes que su dis- 
tricto es quatro Leguas del fuerte de montesclaros mision de los padres 
de la Compania de Jessus fue el principal movimiento y Un Yndio Veli- 
cosso Gran Capitan de la dicha nacion llamado jocopillo fue el que em- 
pesso a lebantar Gente y pagar los naturales a Ussanssa dellos y conbocar 
a las Naciones Calimones que estavan cinco Leguas poco mas de la nacion 
soes y assi mismo La Nacion apachale Cuyo capitan hera otro Yndio 
Velicosso Llamado Huechuri Y aviendose convocado y Juntado a Su 
Ussanssa Para Cuando La Luna estuviesse en el tiempo que entre ellos 
sefialavan matar a los rreligiossos que Los administravan que Heran el 
Padre Castin y Jullio Pazcual su companero Y assimismo matar Los 
yndios christianos que estavan debaxo del amparo de la Real Corona Y 
no mataron Los dichos padres por aver passado a otras Vissitas y enpes- 
sando Los dichos yndios La Guerra mataron en el pueblo de Vaca ocho 
yndios principales christianos Por no querer alssarse Con ellos y a este 
tiempo se alsso y rrebelo el pueblo de Calimoones que colindava con el 
dicho pueblo de Vaca quemando Todo el dicho pueblo y siguiendo Y 
avnandosse Con Los demas yndios alssados no quissieron admitir Los 
dichos rrequirimientos antes mataron Los dichos menssaxeros e Hizieron 
dellos Varbacoas y Se los comieron y enviaron al dicho capitan Mensse- 
jero Con muchas amenazas y desverguenzas que en Campana Le esperavan 

i Probably a corrupted abbreviation for " y para ". 
r A corrupted abbreviation for " haverla ". 



Pedro Coronado, 1625 149 

of this present month and year, Pedro Coronado, alguacil mayor of the 
town of San Felipe and Santiago, of the province of Sinaloa, and one 
of the soldiers who are serving his Majesty there, arrived in this town. 
He came as leader of four soldiers who were in his charge, and brought, 
at the same time, a letter in the handwriting and with the signature of 
Father Luis de Bonifaz, of the Company of Jesus, rector and visitor of 
the said province. The said Father Luis de Bonifaz wrote the said letter 
at the request of Diego Martinez de Urdaide, 55 who is captain of the said 
province and lieutenant governor and captain-general of it, for the said 
Captain Diego Martinez could not write, because of having his arm 
broken, and because of being ill in bed. In the said letter to his lordship 
he says that the said Pedro Coronado comes to this said town as a well- 
informed person and perfectly qualified to give information to his lord- 
ship of the war which the said Captain Diego Martinez de Urdaide has 
waged with the Soes, Apachales, Calimones, and other nations surrounding 
and near the large rock called Varravas. And in order that his lordship 
might inform himself of everything that he might give a complete account 
to the most excellent viceroy of New Spain, 56 he ordered the said Pedro 
Coronado to make a clear and intelligible report of the entire event, the 
deaths of friends and enemies, prisoners that may have been taken — 
everything distinctly and accurately — so that for all time it might appear 
that he told it. The said Pedro Coronado, being present, declared that 
in accordance with the order which his said captain, Diego Martinez de 
Urdaide, had given him to come to this town and give to his lordship the 
said account, he gives it in the following manner : 

The movement against the Soes nation, whose district is four leagues 
from the fort of Montesclaros, mission of the fathers of the Company 
of Jesus, was the chief movement of the said war. A belligerent Indian 
named Jocopillo, chief captain of the said nation, was the one who began 
to raise people and pay the natives according to their custom, and to 
convoke the Calimones nations, who are about five leagues, or a little 
more, from the Soes nation, and also the Apachale nation, whose captain 
was another bellicose Indian named Huechuri. They congregated and 
assembled according to their custom, when the moon was at the time that 
had been agreed upon among them, to kill the religious who were gov- 
erning them — Father Castin 57 and his companion, Julio Pascual — and 
likewise to kill the Christian Indians who were under the protection of 
the royal crown. But they did not kill the said fathers because they had 
gone to other missions. 

Beginning the war, the said Indians killed at the pueblo of Vaca eight 
Christian Indian chiefs, because they did not wish to rebel with them. 
At the same time the pueblo of Calimones, which was contiguous to the 
said pueblo of Vaca, rose up and revolted, completely burning the said 
pueblo and advancing with the rest of the rebellious Indians. They did 
not wish to receive the said demands, but on the contrary killed the said 
messengers and roasted them and ate them. And they sent to the said 
captain a messenger with many threats and insults, saying that they were 
in the field awaiting him with their arms. When he saw the damage they 



150 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century 

Con sus armas y Visto por el capitan el dafio que avian hecho Y que de 
salirse Con ellos Podria rresultar el tomar avilantes Las demas naciones 
como Lo hizieran Por ser en tan Grande Numero La Gente que ay en la 
dicha Provincia Y assi el dicho Capitan Diego Martinez de Urdayde Salio 
a campana con quarenta y ocho espanoles Vien armados Y quinientos 
amigos que Servian de soldados y fue en busca del enemigo a donde Se 
avian rrettirado a las sierras mas altas que avia en aquella provincia Y 
aviendo caminado el dicho capitan con su campo Por sus Jornadas doze 
dias Lllego a bista de un pefiol alto al pie de el enpessaron a pelear Los 
amigos con Los enemigos sin que el capitan y soldados empessassen la 
pelea y los enemigos aquella Noche Se rretiraron y suvieron al Pefiol Por 
ser aspero y ffuerte que Por serlo tanto fue necessario al dicho capitan 
ponerle cerco Con su canpo Y los Tnvo cercados treinta dias y en todos 
ellos peleando de Una parte y otra Hasta que el dicho capitan les Gasto 
el agua y espera Socorro de Diez soldados mas y dos mill yndios amigos 

Y al cavo de los dichos treinta dias el dicho capitan aviendo abierto algun 
camino a manos Con todos Los espanoles e yndios amigos Repartio por 
esquadros Gano el dicho Pefiol y dio la batalla a los enemigos en la qual 
murieron mas de Ciento y cinquenta de los enemigos Peleando Valerosa- 
mente Con las armas en las manos y assimismo ovo muchos heridos de 
los dichos enemigos Uyendose rretiraron Las sierras arriva y abaxo Y 
murieron treinta Yndios amigos y assimismo salieron quatro espanoles 
Heridos y Coxieron Prissioneros Hombres y muxeres chicos y grandes 
Cerca de quarenta personas Con lo qual el dicho Capitan bolvio marchando 
con su campo hasta llegar al f uerte de montesclaros dexando assentado de 
pas todos Los pueblos de los amigos con que con el castigo que Hizo con 
Lo referido Y ahorcando Veinte y Un Yndios y entre ellos a Uno Veli- 
cosso llamado tacanuri esta la dicha provincia en toda paz y con los pris- 
sioneros En conformidad de Las Hordenes e Ynstruciones que El dicho 
capitan tiene Hizo deposito y Beinte y seis personas dellos fueron delin- 
quentes y matadores a los quales sentencio el dicho capitan a destierro 
de la dicho provyncia y a servicio Personal Por tiempo Limitado Y que 
los aplico Por Tercias partes caons 8 de su magestad Gastos de Justicia 
y Gastos de la Jornada que Hizo Y esto es al pie de lo que passo y Berdad 

Y que su Senoria mande Parescer ante si a tres soldados de los que trae 
consigo y estan en esta villa llamados Andres diaz Mateo rios y bal- 
thasar de sepulbeda Los quales Se hallaron en la dicha Guerra y Jornada 
y se les lea todo Lo referido Para que Su Senoria Conste ser todo Verdad 
Hasta que el dicho capitan envie rrazon de todo a su senoria. 

Y Bista la dicha relacion por su Senoria mando que delante de los 
dichos tres soldados presente estavan se les lea de Vervo ad Verbum la 
dicha declaracion y declaren si passo assi segun y como en ella se refiere. 

Y aviendosseles leido a la lettra La dicha rrelacion dixeron que todos tres 
Con el dicho Capitan diego Martinez de Urdayde Soldados y demas 
campo que en la dicha Jornada Y Guerra se Hallaron Y estubieron 
pressenttes y se Hallaron en ella y paso Segun y de la manera que el dicho 
Pedro Coronado Lo tiene declarado y el dicho Balthassar de Sepulbeda 

8 For "cajones". 



Pedro Coronado, 1625 151 

had done, and that if they had their own way it would result in making 
the other nations more audacious, as they would be, because of the great 
number of them in the province, the said Captain Diego Martinez de 
Urdaide took the field with forty-eight Spaniards, well armed, and five 
hundred friendly Indians who were serving as soldiers, and went in 
search of the enemy to where they had retreated, in the highest sierras 
in that province. 

The said captain, having travelled with his army for twelve days' jour- 
ney, arrived in sight of a large high rock, at the foot of which the friendly 
Indians began to fight with the hostiles without waiting for the captain 
and soldiers to begin the fight. That night the enemy retired and climbed 
the rock, and because it was so rough and strong it became necessary for 
the said captain to surround it with his force. He kept them surrounded 
for thirty days, in all that time fighting in one place or another, until the 
said captain used up all the water they had and awaited a reinforcement 
of ten more soldiers and 2000 friendly Indians. At the end of the said 
thirty days the said captain, having opened some sort of a road by hand, 
with all the Spaniards and friendly Indians divided into squadrons, gained 
the said rock and gave battle to the enemy in which more than one hun- 
dred and fifty of the enemy died fighting valorously with their arms in 
their hands. Likewise many of the said hostiles were wounded while they 
took flight and retired to the sierras above and below. Thirty friendly 
Indians were killed and four Spaniards were wounded. Nearly forty 
persons, men and women, small and large, were taken prisoner. The 
said captain then returned, marching with his army until he reached the 
fort of Montesclaros, leaving all the pueblos of the friendly Indians at 
peace with the punishment administered as above stated, and hanging 
twenty Indians, among them one troublesome man named Tacanuri. 

This said province is entirely at peace, and in conformity with the 
orders and instructions that he had, the said captain placed the prisoners 
in safe keeping. Twenty-six among them were criminals and murderers, 
and the said captain sentenced them to banishment from the said province 
and to personal service for a limited time, and applied the proceeds in three 
parts : to the treasury of his Majesty, the costs of justice, and the ex- 
penses of the expedition that he made. This is literally what happened 
and is true. His lordship ordered that there should appear before him 
three of the soldiers of those whom he brought with him and who were 
in this town, named Andres Diaz, Mateo Rios, and Baltasar de Sepul- 
veda, who were in the said war and expedition, and that all the aforesaid 
should be read to them, so that his lordship might learn whether it was 
all true, until such time as the said captain should send a report of all 
to his lordship. 

After the said statement had been examined by his lordship, he ordered 
that it should be read word for word in the presence of the said three 
soldiers, and that they should state whether all had occurred as was stated 
in it, and after they had read the said statement in detail they declared 
that they all three went with the said Captain Diego Martinez de Urdaide 
and the rest of the soldiers and army on the said expedition and war, 



152 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century 

Salio Herido de la dicha batalla y Vio Los Heridos que en la dicha rrela- 
cion se contiene y pressas muertes y heridos Segun y Como en la dicha 
rrelacion Se rrefiere y todo Lo en ella contenido Es berdad Como pares- 
cera por Las ynformaciones y auctos que el dicho capitan tiene fechos en 
rracon dellos. Y lo firmo el dicho Pedro Coronado y Mathias rodriguez 
Soldados y los demas no lo firmaron por que dixeron no saver y bisto 
Por su Sefioria La dicha rrelacion mando que saque en traslado copias 
y authorissados en publica forma su sefioria Lo envie a el Excelentisimo 
Senor Marques de Zerralbo Virrey de la nueba espana Y assi lo proveyo 
Y firmo Matheo de Vesga Pedro Coronado Mathias rodriguez ante mi 
Luis Arias de la Puente secretario de Su Magestad Y governacion 
... en la Villa de durango en treinta dias del mes de abrill de mill y 
seiscientos y veinte y cinco afios. 1 [Firmas.~\ 



Razon Y minuta de los yndios que se administran en las provincias de la 
nueba Vizcaia Por los Vicarios Veneficiados y rrelixiosos de San 
Francisco y compania de Jesus que hoy estan bautizados. u [1625.] 

Provincia de Sinaloa. 

El padre leandro patino de la compania de Jesus administra en su 

mision mill y quatrocientas personas 1400 

El padre Alverto Llarin de la compania de Jesus Administra en su 

mision tres mill personas 3000 

El padre martin de aspilueta de la compania de Jesus Administra 

en su mision dos mill y quinientas y sesenta y siete personas . 2567 

El padre Juan calbo de la compania de Jesus administra en su mi- 
sion nobecientas y Veinte y dos personas 922 

El padre Pedro Juan castin de la compania de Jesus administra en 

su mision seys mill y quinientas y setenta personas 6570 

El padre Francisco olibano de la compania de Jesus administra en 
su mision nuebe mill y setecientas y cinquenta y nueve per- 
sonas 9759 

El padre diego bandersipe de la compania de Jesus administra en 

su mision diez mill personas 10000 

El padre Pedro mendez de la compania de Jesus administra en su 

mision siete mill y ducientas y cinquenta personas 7250 

El padre Juan de Cardenas de la compania de Jesus administra en 

su mision quatro mill personas 4000 

El padre thomas Basilio de la compania de Jesus administra en su 

mision cinco mill y quatrocientas personas 5400 

1 F. R. B., Sevilla, Aug. 29, 1914. 
u A. G. I., 67-1-4. 



Account of Baptized Indians, 1625 153 

and were present and took part in it, and that everything had happened 
as the said Pedro Coronado had declared. The said Baltasar de Sepul- 
veda was wounded in the said battle, and he saw the wounded men- 
tioned in the said report, and the prisoners, deaths, and wounds, as stated 
in the said report, and he declared that everything contained in it was 
true, as would appear by the reports and autos that the said captain had 
made in regard to them. The said soldiers Pedro Coronado and Mathias 
Rodriguez signed it; the others did not sign it because they said they 
did not know how [to write]. The said statement having been examined 
by his lordship, he ordered that certified copies in legal form be made of it 
and sent to the most excellent senor, Marquis de Cerralvo, 08 viceroy of 
New Spain. It was thus done and signed by Mateo de Vesga, Pedro 
Coronado, and Mathias Rodriguez before me, Luis Arias de la Puente, 
secretary of his Majesty's government ... in the town of Durango, on 
the thirtieth day of the month of April, 1625. [Signatures.'] 



Account and memorandum of the baptized Indians governed in the 
provinces of Nueva Vizcaya by the vicars, beneficiaries, and religious 
of the Order of Saint Francis and of the Company of Jesus. [1625.] 

Province of Sinaloa. 

Father Leandro Patifio of the Company of Jesus administers to 

one thousand and four hundred persons at his mission 1400 

Father Alberto Llarin of the Company of Jesus administers to 

three thousand persons at his mission 3000 

Father Martin de Aspilueta of the Company of Jesus administers 

to two thousand five hundred and sixty-seven persons at his 

mission 2 S^7 

Father Juan Calvo of the Company of Jesus administers to nine 

hundred and twenty-two persons at his mission 922 

Father Pedro Castin 59 of the Company of Jesus administers to six 

thousand five hundred and seventy persons at his mission . . . 6570 
Father Francisco Olivano of the Company of Jesus administers to 

nine thousand seven hundred and fifty-nine persons at his 

mission 9759 

Father Diego Bandersipe of the Company of Jesus administers to 

ten thousand persons at his mission 10000 

Father Pedro Mendez of the Company of Jesus administers to 

seven thousand two hundred and fifty persons at his mission. 7250 
Father Juan de Cardenas of the Company of Jesus administers to 

four thousand persons at his mission 4000 

Father Thomas Basilio of the Company of Jesus administers to 

five thousand and four hundred persons at his mission 54°° 

Father Guillermo Oten of the Company of Jesus administers to 

three thousand and eight hundred persons at his mission .... 3800 



154 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century 

El padre Guillermo oten de la compafiia de Jesus Administra en su 

mision tres mill y ochocientas personas 3800 

El padre miguel gomez de la compafiia de Jesus Administra en su 

mision cinco mill y quinientas personas 5500 

El padre Juan barela de la compafiia de Jesus administra en su 

mision diez mill Y quatrocientas personas 10400 

El padre diego de la cruz de la compafiia de Jesus administra en su 

mision cinco mill y quinientas personas 5500 

El padre diego de Guzman de la compafiia de Jesus nobecientas 

personas 900 

El padre bias de paredes de la compafiia de Jesus mill y trescientas 

y ochenta 1380 

El padre ygnacio de zavala de la compafiia de Jesus mill y quini- 
entas 1500 

El padre bicente de la aguila de la compafiia de Jesus cinco mill 

quinientas y ochenta 55&0 

Real de Topia y su Juridicion. 

En el Real de Thopia y su balle administran los padres fray cosme 
martinez y fray Juan de medina de la horden de San fran- 
cisco tres cientas y ochenta y quatro personas 384 

En la quebrada administra el padre Guillermo de san clemente de 

la compafiia de Jesus trescientas personas 300 

En el paraxe de la estancia administra el padre bartolome toledano 

de La compafiia de Jesus trescientas y ochenta y una personas 381 

Valle de San Bartolome y Provincia de Sancta Barbara. 

En el valle de san Bartolome y provincia de sancta barbara y sus 
rancherias administran Los padres fray Juan de thorres ol- 
guin y fray felipe de sosa de la horden de san francisco mill 
y tres personas 1003 

JURIDISCTON DE YNDEE. 

En la jurisdiscion de yndee administran Los padres nicolas de es- 
trada y Guillermo de solier de la compafiia de Jesus quinientas 
y quatorze personas 514 

DlSTRITO Y COMARCA DEL PRESIDIO DE SANCTA CaTALINA. 

En el Presidio y distrito de sancta catalina administra el padre an- 
dres Lopez y el padre burgos de la compafiia de Jesus seys- 
cientas y treynta Y quatro personas 634 

Valle de la Sauzeda y Canatan y su Juridiscion. 

El padre fray francisco guerta de la horden del seftor san fran- 
cisco administra tres cientas y diez y siete personas. ....... 317 



Account of Baptised Indians, 1625 155 

Father Miguel Gomez of the Company of Jesus administers to five 

thousand and five hundred persons at his mission 5500 

Father Juan Barela of the Company of Jesus administers to ten 

thousand and four hundred persons at his mission 10400 

Father Diego de la Cruz of the Company of Jesus administers to 

five thousand and five hundred persons at his mission 5500 

Father Diego de Guzman of the Company of Jesus [administers 

to] nine hundred persons 1 900 

Father Bias de Paredes of the Company of Jesus [administers to] 

one thousand three hundred and eighty [persons] 1380 

Father Ignacio de Zavala of the Company of Jesus [administers 

to] one thousand and five hundred [persons] 1500 

Father Vicente de la Aguila of the Company of Jesus [administers 

to] five thousand five hundred and eighty [persons] 55^0 

Real de Topia and its Jurisdiction. 

In the real and valley of Topia Fathers Fray Cosme Martinez and 
Fray Juan de Medina of the Order of Saint Francis administer 
to three hundred and eighty four persons 384 

At La Quebrada Father Guillermo de San Clemente of the Com- 
pany of Jesus administers to three hundred persons 300 

At La Estancia Father Bartolome Toledano of the Company of 

Jesus administers to three hundred and eighty-one persons. . 381 

Valley of San Bartolome and the Province of 
Santa Barbara. 

In the valley of San Bartolome and the province of Santa Bar- 
bara and their rancherias Fathers Fray Juan de Torres Olguin 
and Fray Felipe de Sosa of the Order of Saint Francis admin- 
ister to one thousand and three persons 1003 

Jurisdiction of Inde. 

In the jurisdiction of Inde Fathers Nicolas de Estrada and Guil- 
lermo de Solier of the Company of Jesus administer to five 
hundred and fourteen persons 5*4 

District and Neighboring Territory of the Presidio 
of Santa Catalina. 

In the presidio and district of Santa Catalina Father Andres Lopez 
and Father Burgos of the Company of Jesus administer to six 
hundred and thirty- four persons 634 

Valley of La Sauceda and Canatan and its 
Jurisdiction. 

Father Fray Francisco Guerta of the Order of Saint Francis ad- 
ministers to three hundred and seventeen persons 517 



156 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century 

Valle de San Juan del Rrio y su Juridiscion. 

El padre fray pedro de aguilar y el padre fray Rodrigo de ovantes 
de la horden de senor san francisco administran ducientas y 
sesenta y nueve personas 269 

Real de Quencame y su Juridiscion. 

El padre fray alonso de ciguenza de la horden de san francisco 

administra trecientas y quarenta y nueve personas 349 

Juridiscion de San Francisco del Mezquital. 

El Padre fray graviel serrano y el padre fray Agustin de avrego de 
la horden de san francisco administran seyscientas y nueve 
personas 609 

GUAZAMOTA Y SU JURISDICION. 

El padre fray francisco capillas de la horden de san francisco ad- 
ministra seiscientas y ochenta y dos personas 682 

DlSTRITO DE LA GUARDIANIA DE LA VlLLA DE DuRANGO. 

El padre fray Alonso de Vaeza de la horden de san francisco Vi- 
cario de los pueblos que administra el y el dicho conbento son 
mill y setenta y una personas 1071 

Real de Guanazabi y su Jurisdiccion. 

El padre martin Larios y el padre Joseffe de Lomas de la com- 
pafiia de Jesus administran Ducientas y sesenta y quatro per- 
sonas 264 

Real de Mapemi y su Jurisdiccion. 

El Licenciado francisco silgado administra ciento y veinte y nuebe 

yndios 129 

Juridiscion de Parras y Laguna. 

El Padre Alonso gomez de zervantes el padre mateo de castro 
berde el padre martin de egurrola el padre diego de quellar 
el padre miguel bernon el padre martin de brizuela de la com- 
pania de jesus administran mill y quinientas y sesenta y nuebe 
personas 1569 

Probincia de Chiametla. 

En la probincia de chiametla y su Jurisdicion administran el Licen- 
ciado bartholome mexia de prado y el bachiller antonio Ruvio 
f elix dos mill y ducientas y ochenta personas 2280 



Account of Baptized Indians, 1625 157 

Valley of San Juan del Rio and its Jurisdiction. 

Father Fray Pedro de Aguilar and Father Fray Rodrigo de Ovan- 
tes of the Order of Saint Francis administer to two hundred 
and sixty-nine persons 269 

Real de Cuencame and its Jurisdiction. 

Father Fray Alonso de Ciguenza of the Order of Saint Francis ad- 
ministers to three hundred and forty-nine persons 349 

Jurisdiction of San Francisco del Mezquital. 

Father Fray Gabriel Serrano and Father Fray Agustin de Abrego 
of the Order of Saint Francis administer to six hundred and 
nine persons 609 

GUAZAMOTA AND ITS JURISDICTION. 

Father Fray Francisco Capillas of the Order of Saint Francis ad- 
ministers to six hundred and eighty-two persons 682 

District of the Guardianship of the Town of 
Durango. 

Father Fray Alonso de Baeza of the Order of Saint Francis, vicar 
of the pueblos which he administers to, he and the said con- 
vent [administer to] one thousand and seventy-one persons. . 1071 

Real de Guanazabi and its Jurisdiction. 

Father Martin Larios and Father Josef de Lomas of the Company 

of Jesus administer to two hundred and sixty- four persons. . 264 

Real de Mapimi and its Jurisdiction. 

The licenciado Francisco Silgado administers to one hundred and 

twenty-nine Indians .- 129 

Jurisdiction of Parras and Laguna. 

Father Alonso Gomez de Cervantes, Father Mateo de Castro 
Verde, Father Martin de Egurrola, Father Diego de Ouellar, 
Father Miguel Vernon, Father Martin de Brizuela, of the 
Company of Jesus, administer to one thousand five hundred 
and sixty-nine persons 1 5°9 

Province of Chiametla. 

In the province of Chiametla and its jurisdiction, the licenciado 
Bartolome Mexia de Prado and the bachiller Antonio Rubio 
Felix administer to two thousand two hundred and eighty 
persons 22 &° 



158 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century 

Sierra de San Andres y San Polito y su Jurisdiscion. 

El padre diego de queto de la compafiia de Jesus y el padre Juan de 
mallen y el padre pedro Gravina y el padre Juan del castillo 
administran cinco mill y trescientas y ochenta Personas 53&0 

Provincia de Taraumares y su Jurisdiscion. 

Los naturales desta no se save La cantidad que son Porque asta 
hoy no an tenido Dotrina esta es la provincia adelante de la de 
sancta barbola son yndios que bienen a trabaxar a el valle de 
san bartolome de continue 

Salineros. 

Esta nacion esta unida con otras tres que son tobosos coclames, 
nonoxes que todas quatro de hordinario andan Juntas y con- 
gregadas asisten y avitan a treynta Leguas de La provincia 
de sancta Varbola Jamas an admitiado Dotrina ay Gran suma 
de ellos. 

Provincia del Nagarita. 

Esta Provincia Empieza desde el distrito de La de Guazamota y a 
ella an llegado algunos espanoles y no an Rescivido dano y 
Tanvien son yndios domesticos y de las rancherias mas cer- 
canas a la provincia de Guazamota Salen algunos yndios a 
travajar Con los espanoles de la villa del nombre de dios Valle 
de suchil Y Lapoana Es Grande esta provincia no se sabe la 
cantidad que tiene. 

Todo lo qual Es nueba Vizcaya Y de todos Los christianos que Van 
en esta Region quedan en poder del governador y Capitan General 
Matheo de Vesga Los originales ffirmados de las Justicias donde las ay 
y Religiosos de todas las hordenes y Venefficiados. v 



Al presidente de Guadalaxara sobre el modo de escrivir cartas a Su 
Magestad.™ [Febrero 12 de 1642. ~] 

Licenciado Don Pedro Fernandez de Vaesa alcalde de mi cassa y Corte, 
Juez de mis obras y Vosques Reales a quien he proveido Por presidente 
de mi Audiencia Real de la ciudad de Guadalaxara de la Provincia de la 
Nueva Galicia — Porque de no venir las cartas que me escriven de essas 
provincias y los Recados que los acompanan con la claridad y distincion 
que conviene suele causar y causa mucha Confusion al tiempo de verse, 

v F. R. B., Sevilla, Aug. 22, 1914. 
* A. G. I., 103-3- 1. 



Form of Letters, 1624 159 

Sierra of San Andres and San Polito and its 
Jurisdiction. 

Father Diego de Queto of the Company of Jesus, Father Juan de 
Mallen, Father Pedro Gravina, and Father Juan del Castillo 
administer to five thousand three hundred and eighty persons . 5380 

Province of Taraumares and its Jurisdiction. 

The number of the natives of this province is not known, for up 
to the present time they have not had religious instruction. 
It is the province beyond that of Santa Barbara. These In- 
dians come regularly to work in the valley of San Bartolome. 

Salineros. 

This nation is combined with three others — the Tobosos, the 
Coclames, and the Nonoxes — and all four usually travel to- 
gether and live in a body thirty leagues from the province of 
Santa Barbara. They have never accepted religious instruc- 
tion. There is a great number of them. 

Province of Nagarita. 

This province begins from the district of Guazamota. Some 
Spaniards have gone there and have received no injury. 
Also the Indians are domesticated, and from the rancherias 
nearest the province of Guazamota some of them go out to 
work for the Spaniards of the town of Nombre de Dios, Valle 
de Suchil, and Lapoana. This is a large province, but the 
number of people it contains is not known. 

Such is Nueva Vizcaya, and the total of all the Christians who are in 
this region. The original [records], signed by the justices, where there 
are any, by the religious of the orders, and by the beneficiaries, are under 
the authority of the governor and captain-general, Mateo de Vesga. 



To the president of Guadalajara, concerning the form [to be observed] in 
writing letters to his Majesty. [February 12, 1642.] 

Licenciado Don Pedro Fernandez de Baesa, 60 alcalde of my house and 
court, justice of royal construction and forests, whom I have named as 
president of my royal audiencia, of the city of Guadalajara, in the prov- 
ince of Nueva Galicia : For the reason that the letters which you write 
me from those provinces, and the records which accompany them, do not 
have the clarity and distinctness desired, and habitually cause great con- 
fusion when the time comes to consider them and answer them, it is essen- 
tial that in future you should use a more suitable style in drawing them 
up. [Therefore,] I have decided to order and command you, as I do, that 



160 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century 

y Responder ha ellas y es necessario de aqui adelante aya formas estilo 
mas conveniente para su expedicion He resuelto ordenaros y mandaros 
(como lo hago) que quando me escrivieredes en cosas de Justicia, y otras 
qualesquiera que se ofrescan lo hagays con mucha distention separando 
las materias. Con carta particular de Cada Una a media marjen; y que 
en la otra media Venga sacada Relacion sumaria de Lo que contiene La 
carta o Capitulos que tubiere Lo mas sustancial que sea posible y en 
manera que se pueda determinar por ella lo que Conbenga numerando los 
Capitulos, y intitulando Los Recados que con ellas binieren de forma que 
llame lo uno a lo otro, y para que observen y guarden precisamente el 
estilo los Governadores y Alcaldes mayores del distrito de essa haudi- 
enssia dareis las ordenes que fueren necesarias porque la diversidad 
grande que ordinariamente ocurre a mi consejo Real de las Yndias de 
negocios Cartas y Papeles que bienen de essas partes, sin el estilo que 
piden las materias obliga a toda esta prevention y las cartas que me 
escrivieredes que an de ser solamente Las precisas, inescusables, se an 
de dirijir al dicho mi conssejo en manos de mi ssecretario de el y no por 
otra via con las quales hareis que se remita Un indice que por mayor de- 
clare sus materias, y para que en Sus breves datos se sepa lo que son; 
y espero de Vuestras obligaciones que pondreis en la ejecucion de lo re- 
ferido el cuidado que convenga . . . Febrero 12 de 1642. Yo el Rey. x 



Al Governador de la Nueva Vizcaya guarde las cedulas que estan dadas, 
para que no se hagan esclavos a los Yndios Y los conserven en paz 
quietud Y Justiciar [Madrid, 30 de Noviembre de 1647.] 

El Rey. Mi Governador y Capitan General de la Provincia de la Nueva 
Vizcaya — en mi conssejo Real de las Indias se ha entendido que essa pro- 
vincia confina con las naciones barvaras que caen a la Vanda de Sinaloa, 
Tepeguanes Salineros y otros que son de guerra aunque ordinariamente 
Viven de paz Y que estando en ella fueron a tratar con ellos los Alcaldes 
maiores y doctrineros bendiendo y llevando los hijos a que sirviessen en 
las minas y en otras partes dandolos por esclavos o ofreciendolos como 
de pressente que es lo mismo y resulto de esto el comengarsse a inquietar 
y castigallos el Governador don Luis de Valdes con destemplanga y contra 
la fee publica que pues haviendo los llamado a la doctrina prendio y 
arcabuceo a algunos con que se algaron tomaron las armas y flechas y 
hicieron algunas correrias se abrieron mis mis cajas y me a costado mas 
de cinquenta mill pesos el quietarlos y no lo estan del todo y que es muy 
conveniente a mi servicio Y a su quietud el mandar apretadamente No se 
hagan esclavos a los Yndios Barbaras ni los embien por Via de pressente 
a nadie ni a servir a parte alguna contra su Voluntad quando estan en paz 
Y no se prenden en buena guerra ; Y haviendose Visto por los del dicho 

* F. R. B., Sevilla. 

y A. G. I., 103-3-1. The original, or a copy of the original, of this document is in 
A. G. I., 144-1-15. 



Treatment of Indians, 1647 161 

when you write to me concerning matters of justice, or anything else that 
may present itself, you do so with great distinctness, keeping the various 
topics separate. Write your letter for each topic on half the page, and on 
the other half let there appear a brief abstract of the contents of the letter, 
or of the chapters, made as concise as possible, and in such a manner that 
from the abstract one may decide what needs to be done. Number the 
chapters, and give titles to the records which accompany your letters in 
such a way as to show how they correspond. And in order that the gov- 
ernors and alcaldes mayores of the district of that audiencia may observe 
and follow the same form precisely, you will give the necessary orders. 
For the great diversity [in form] which frequently is observed by my 
royal Council of the Indies in the records, letters, and papers, which come 
from those parts without the form demanded by the subject-matter, makes 
this warning necessary. The letters which you may write to me, which 
should be only those which are absolutely necessary, are to be directed to 
my said Council in care of my secretary of the same, and not to any other 
address. With them send an index of their contents which in general may 
show the subject-matter, so that one may know from the brief data given 
what these contents are. I hope that you will, according to your obligation, 
exercise proper care in complying with the above. February 12, 1642. 
I the King. 



To the governor of Nueva Vizcaya; ordering him to observe the cedulas 
which have been issued in order that the Indians may not be enslaved, 
that they may be kept peaceful and quiet, and that they may be 
accorded justice. [Madrid, November 30, 1647.] 

The King. To my governor and captain-general of the province of 
Nueva Vizcaya : It has been learned in my royal Council of the Indies 
that that province adjoins the barbarous nations which live along the 
boundary of Sinaloa — the Tepeguanes, Salineros, and others — who are 
now at war, 61 though they are usually at peace ; that while they were so 
at peace, there went among them to trade certain alcaldes mayores and 
religious instructors who carried off and sold their children to serve in 
the mines and elsewhere, disposing of them as slaves or giving them as 
presents, which amounts to the same thing. As a result they became dis- 
quieted, and the governor, Don Luis de Valdes, 62 began to punish them 
immoderately and without regard for the public faith, for, after calling 
them to attend religious instruction, he seized and shot some of them. 
Thereupon they revolted, took up their arms and arrows, and made some 
raids ; they broke into my treasury, and it has cost me over 50,000 pesos 
to pacify them, although they are not entirely quieted yet. It is very fit- 
ting to my service and to their peace to command strictly that the barbar- 
ous Indians shall not be made slaves nor sent as presents to anyone, nor 
made to serve anywhere against their will when they are at peace and 
are not taken in open war. 



162 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century 

mi consejo atendiendo a lo referido y a lo mucho que desseo la conserva- 
tion paz Y quietud de los Yndios y que en ninguna manera Sean Vejados 
molestados ni dados por esclavos con ningun pretexto pues si se berifi- 
casse ser cierta esta relacion Sin duda se me abria deservido mucho en 
ello y deseando poner el Remedio conveniente e tenido por bien de dar 
la presente por la qual os mando atendais mucho a guardar precissa y 
puntualmente lo dispuesto en las cedulas que estan dadas para que no 
se hagan esclavos a los Yndios ni los ocasionen ninguna turbacion en essa 
provincia por los Alcaldes mayores doctrineros ni otra perssona alguna 
antes los acaricien y traten con toda blandura y benignidad y conserven 
en paz quietud Y Justicia porque de lo contrario me dare por deservido 
y tomare de Una vez la resolucion que mas combenga contra los trans- 
gressores de las dichas mis cedulas y en Reciviendo esta me ynformareis 
del estado en que se hallan estas turbaciones y Vos de Vuestra parte 
haveis de procurar con los medios de suabidad que pudieredes tener essos 
naturales sosegados y quietos procurandoles alijerar las cargas Y excusar- 
les las molestias tratando solo de su conservacion y de inclinarlos a toda 
buena conformidad para que reciven mejor la doctrina y ensenanga de 
nuestra Santa fee chatolica y si en esto os adelantaredes a Vuestros ante- 
cessors me tendre por servido de ello y hare merced : — fecha en Madrid 
a 30 de Noviembre de 1647 — Yo el Rey. z etc. 



Al Virrey de la Nueva Espana que ym forme sobre el Presidio, que havisa 
combiene formar de nuebo el Governador de la Nueva Vizcaya? 
[Madrid, 18 de Enero de 1648.] 

El Rey. Mi Virrey . . . Don Luis de Valdez mi Governador, y Capi- 
tan General de la Nueva Vizcaya, en carta que me escrivis en 26 de 
febrero de 646 anos, dize, entre otras cosas, la guerra que le han hecho 
los Yndios algados, de aquella provincia, y los robos y muertes que an 
causado y grandes gastos que se han hecho y que ha reducido a la paz 
mas de dos mil, muerto y aorcado ciento y cinquenta, lo qual a obrado 
con la assistencia del dinero y gente, que le embiastes, y con lo mucho que 
el a gastado y suplido y para establecer en aquella Provincia, La paz de 
los Yndios es muy conveniente que se forme un Presidio, nuebo, en el 
Paraje del Cerro Gordo que es el Camino Real que ay desde el Parral a 
esa Ziudad, sobre lo cual os havia escripto, y ha guardava vuestra Reso- 
lucion, para disponerlo sin costa de mi Real hazienda, relaxando algunas 
plazas de otros Presidios de aquel Reyno, y anidiendolas en este, por ser 
tan necesario por freno de los Yndios, y que gesen Las guerras Ziviles, 
Y Haviendose Visto por los de mi Consejo Real de las Yndias con lo que 
sobre ello pidio mi fiscal en el, porque para tomar resolucion en este punto 
conviene a mi servicio saver con toda distincion y claridad, si es justo y 

z F. R. B., Sevilla. 
a A. G. L, 103-3-1- 



Presidio of Cerro Gordo, 1648 163 

The matter having been considered by the members of my Council, 
in the light of the foregoing and of my great desire for the peace and 
quietude of the Indians, and that they should be in no way vexed, molested, 
or given as slaves under any pretext soever — for if this account be true 
I have without doubt been very badly served — I, desiring to bring about 
a suitable reform, have thought well to issue the present order, whereby 
I command you to observe precisely and faithfully the provisions of the 
cedulas which have been issued commanding that the Indians shall not 
be enslaved nor given any cause for disturbance in that province by the 
alcaldes mayores, religious instructors, or any other person, but that they 
shall rather be petted, treated with all kindness and benignity, kept in 
peace and quiet, and accorded just treatment. For if this is not done I 
shall consider myself ill served, and shall at once take proper steps against 
the violators of my cedulas. Upon your receipt of this you will report to 
me the state of these disturbances, and on your own part, you will en- 
deavor by all the mild measures of which you can avail yourself to keep 
those natives peaceful and quiet; endeavor to lighten their burdens and 
relieve them of troubles, looking solely to preserving them and inclining 
them to the proper submission so that they may more readily receive 
the doctrine and instruction in our holy Catholic faith. If you excel your 
predecessors in this work I shall consider myself well served thereby, and 
I will reward you. Dated at Madrid, November 30, 1647. I THE King. 



To the viceroy of New Spain, ordering him to report concerning the 
presidio which the governor of Nueva Vizcaya recommends to be 
established anew. [Madrid, January 18, 1648.] 

The. King. My viceroy: 63 ... A letter which you wrote to me on 
February 26, 1646, recounts, among other things, the war which the 
revolted Indians of Nueva Vizcaya have waged against Don Luis 
Valdes, 64 my governor and captain-general of that province, the rob- 
beries and murders which they have committed, and the enormous ex- 
pense which they have caused, and states that he has reduced to peace over 
2000 of them, and has killed and hanged 150 of them. This he has effected 
by the aid of men and money which you have sent him. And [he says 
that] in view of the great amount which he has spent and in order to 
establish peace among the Indians of that province, it is very desirable 
to establish a new presidio at the place called Cerro Gordo on the royal 
highway which leads from Parral to that city. He had written to you 
concerning the project, and has awaited your decision for carrying it out, 
without cost to my real hacienda, by releasing some men from the other 
presidios of that kingdom and congregating them in a new one, a measure 
highly necessary to check the Indians and put an end to civil wars. The 
matter having been considered by the members of my royal Council of 
the Indies together with the recommendation of the fiscal concerning it 
[it was decided that], in order for them to pass upon the matter, it is 
conducive to my service for them to know definitely and clearly whether 
12 



164 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century 

combeniente, a el y a la quietud y conservacion de aquella Provincia, paz 
y sosiego de los Yndios della, que se forme de nuebo el Presidio que pro- 
pone el dicho Governador de que numero de gente de Ynfanteria o Cava- 
lleria a de ser, lo que ymportara cada ano, su gasto y de que Presidio se 
podra sacar, sin que haga falta, y en que parte, y Lugar, sera mejor pon- 
erlo, y si habra algunos efectos que no se han de mi hazienda que aplicar 
a esto, o si seria superfluo, y sin necessidad, este Presidio, que se propone, 
pues parece que en tantos afios, se a podido governar aquella Provincia y 
Casso que todavia Combenga, expresareis con mucha claridad, las ragones 
y f undamentos que hubiere para formalle, y de donde y con que hazienda 
se podra hazer sin gasto de la mia por el aprieto pressente de las Cossas, 
y las combeniencias, e ynconvenientes, que de Uno, U otro pueden resul- 
tar a quien y por que Causa, y Ragon os mando, que en la primera ocasion 
que se os ofresca, me informeis, sobre todo muy individual Y distinta- 
mente, con Vuestro parecer para que Visto por los del dicho mi consejo 
se provea lo mas conveniente y necessario fecha en Madrid a 18 de henero 
de 1648 — Yo EL REY. b 



Respuesta al President e de Guadalaxara ssobre Un papel que remitio, que 
le dio un Religioso de San francisco ssobre materias de Religion Con- 
versions y Contribuciones que los Yndios hacen al barbaro Maiarita. 
[Madrid, 30 de Noviembre de 1649.'] 

El Rey. Licenciado Pedro perez de baeza Pressidente de mi audiencia 
Real de la ciudad de Guadalaxara provincia de la nueva Galicia la carta 
que me escribistes en 13 de abril de este ano y el papel que os dio un Re- 
ligioso orden de San francisco ssobre materias de Religion conversiones 
y contribuciones que los yndios hacen al barbaro maiarita y decis enviareis 
un Oidor para que visite aquel distrito y otras cosas que en ella referis 
cerca de esto se a recibido y visto en mi conssejo Real de las yndias y a 
parecido ordenaros y mandaros como lo hago que al dicho provincial le 
agradecais el celo y atencion con que en esto ha obrado y le encargneis 
lo continue y por lo que os toca a Vos y esa mi audiencia cuidareis mucho 
de acudir a conseguir el bien universal de los yndios con la atencion y 
buen modo que para estos pareciere mas conveniente y me yreis dando 
quenta de lo que fuereis obrando en estas materias de madrid a 30 de 
noviembre de 1649 Yo el Rey por mandado del Rey nuestro Sefior Juan 
Baptist a Saenz Navarrete y sefialada de los del Conssejo. 

* F. R. B., Sevilla. 
C A. G. L, 144-1-15- 



Maiarita, 1649- 105 

it is proper and advantageous for my service, and likewise for the quiet 
and preservation of that province and the peace and tranquillity of the 
Indians, to establish anew the presidio which the governor proposes; of 
what number of infantry or cavalry it will cost each year; from what 
presidio the garrison may be drawn without causing a deficiency ; in what 
region and place it would be best to locate it ; whether there are any sums 
not pertaining to my treasury which can be applied to this purpose ; and 
whether this proposed presidio is superfluous and unnecessary. For it 
appears that it has been possible to govern that province for many years 
without it. But in case you think that it is, nevertheless, desirable, you 
will indicate clearly the reasons and needs which may exist for its foun- 
dation, and from what funds it may be built without drawing from 
mine — because of the existing stringency of affairs. 65 You will also point 
out the advantages or disadvantages which may result from either decision, 
and to whom and why such results may ensue. I therefore command you 
to report to me at your first opportunity concerning the entire matter 
minutely and clearly, submitting your own opinion, in order that, the 
matter being considered by the members of my said Council, that which 
is necessary and convenient may be ordered. Dated at Madrid, Janu- 
ary 18, 1648. I the King. 



Reply to the president of Guadalajara concerning a document that he sent, 
which was given to him by a religious of the Order of Saint Francis, 
relative to affairs of religion, conversions, and the contributions which 
the Indians pay to the barbarian Maiarita. [Madrid, November jo, 
1649.I 

The King. Licenciado Pedro Perez de Baeza, 66 president of my royal 
Audiencia of the city of Guadalajara in the province of Nueva Galicia : 
The letter which you wrote to me on April 13 of this year, and the paper 
which a religious of the Order of Saint Francis gave to you concerning 
matters of religion, conversions, and the contributions which the Indians 
pay to the barbarian Maiarita, and in which you say that you will send 
an oidor to visit that district, and refer to other related matters, has been 
received and considered by my royal Council of the Indies. It has seemed 
well to order and command you, as I do, to thank the provincial for the 
zeal and application with which he has labored in this matter, and to 
charge him to continue. As for your duty and that of my audiencia, you 
will endeavor to secure the entire welfare of the Indians with all the 
attention and wise means deemed most fitting, and you will continue to 
report to me what you are doing in these matters. Dated at Madrid, 
November 30, 1649. I THE >King. By command of the king, our lord. 
Juan Bautista Saenz Navarrete. Signed by the members of the 
Council. 



166 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century 

Ynforme que hace El Padre C. d fray lorengo Canto e Religioso de la 
Serdphica Orden de nuestro Padre San francisco A el Senor Don 
Diego Guajardo fajardo Governador y capitan general de el Reyno 
de la Vizcaya, y sus probincias, y a los religiosos Prelados y Supe- 
riores de la dicha Orden. f [Santiago de Babonoyaba, 21 de Mayo de 
1650.I 

Senor: Lunes que se contaron nuebe de este mes de mayo, sali de este 
convento y Pueblo de Santiago babonoyaba, en compania de el padre 
Guardian fray Hernando de Orbaneja y de don joan de la cruz Gover- 
nador general de todas las naciones de naturales, conchos y tarahumares 
para la entrada que se me ordeno y mando assi por Vuestra Senoria Como 
por mi prelado Provincial El Reverendo Padre fray christobal Palomino. 

Este dia llegamos a el pueblo y Doctrina de Sancta Ysavel de nuestra 
administracion, que ay de un pueblo a otro, ocho buenas leguas. 

Martes diez de el dicho mes de mayo nos detubimos en este paraje 
porque nos amenacaba mal tiempo. 

Miercoles once le higo bueno, y salimos de Santa isabel a el pueblo y 
Doctrina de San andres que ay cinco leguas desde Santa Ysabel a esta. 

Juebes salimos de San Andres (a doze) Para el pueblo y Doctrina de 
San bernave : que ay por el camino que fuimos de este San Andres a este, 
seis leguas grandes : En este pueblo de San bernave estubimos un dia, por 
registrar y mirar bien los puestos que los tiene muy buenos. 

Sabado salimos de san bernabe, y fuimos a san gregorio yaguna, que 
ay desde aquel pueblo a este nuebe leguas, y no son cortas. En este pueblo 
y Doctrina de San Gregorio yaguna estubimos el dia que llegamos, y todo 
el domingo siguiente. Y aqui se juntaron lo mas de la gente del pueblo 
de san Diego, con su casique llamado don lorengo que ay de uno al otro 
pueblo seis leguas, segun el buen in forme que me higo el padre fray Her- 
nando como quien tan trabajado y tan tocado lo tiene en tiempo de tantos 
afios. 

En el pueblo de san bernabe hice nonbre de Dios baptigando diez y siete 
criaturas y bele a la muger del hijo de el casique de dicho pueblo llamado 
Don bernabe; y por aver sido aqui el principio de la administracion de 
dichos dos santos Sacramentos le puse Por nonbre a dicho Pueblo san 
bernabe del nonbre de Dios. 

En el pueblo de san gregorio baptice treinta y siete criaturas que ac- 
tualmente avia juntas asi de este pueblo como de el de san Diego con que 
son en numero los baptigados cinquenta y quatro. 

Para Volvernos salimos de ayaguna lunes diez y seis de dicho mes de 
mayo; y aviendonos llovido muncho continuadamente en siete leguas de 
camino, llegamos a san bernabe a buena ora. 

Y martes en este pueblo en compania de el Padre Guardian referido, 
y de don joan Governador general, y pasamos de la otra vanda de el rio, 
a donde encima de una ladera que se senorea todo aquel hermoso vallecillo, 

d It is not clear for what this abbreviation stands ; it might stand for " Catholico ", 
or for " Christiano ". 

e Elsewhere in this document this name appears as " Cantu ". 
« A. G. L, 66-6-18. 



Lorenzo Cantu, 1650 167 

Report which Father Fray Lorenzo Cantu, a religious of the Seraphic 
Order of our Father Saint Francis, makes to Senor Don Diego 
Guajardo Fa jar do, governor and captain-general of the kingdom of 
Nueva Vizcaya and its provinces, and to the religious, prelates, and 
superiors of the said order. [Santiago de Babonoyaba, May 21, 
1650.] 

Sir: On Monday, the ninth of this month of May, I set out from this 
convent and town of Santiago Babonoyaba, in company with the father 
guardian, Fray Hernando de Orbaneja, and Don Juan de la Cruz, 
governor-general of all the Conchos and Tarahumares nations, upon the 
expedition which I was ordered and commanded to make by your lord- 
ship and by my provincial prelate, Reverend Father Fray Cristobal 
Palomino. 

The same day we arrived at the town and doctrina of Santa Ysabel, 
which lies within our jurisdiction. The distance from one town to the 
other is eight good leagues. 

Tuesday, the tenth of the said month of May, we remained in this 
place because bad weather was threatening us. 

Wednesday, the eleventh, the weather was good, and we set out from 
Santa Ysabel for the town and doctrina of San Andres. It is five leagues 
from Santa Ysabel to San Andres. 

Thursday we set out from San Andres at twelve o'clock, for the town 
and doctrina of San Bernabe. By the road which we went, the distance 
from San Andres to this town is six long leagues. We stayed in this town 
of San Bernabe one day in order to examine and observe closely the loca- 
cations [ for a mission] . It has very good ones. 

Saturday we set out from San Bernabe and went to San Gregorio 
Yaguna; the distance from that town to this is nine leagues, and they 
are not short. In this town and doctrina of San Gregorio Yaguna we 
remained all of the day upon which we arrived, and all of the following 
Sunday. Here gathered the greater part of the people of San Diego, with 
their chief named Don Lorenzo. The pueblos are six leagues distant from 
each other, according to the credible report given to me by Father Fray 
Hernando, who is well informed by reason of his labor and his experi- 
ence of so many years. 

In the town of San Bernabe I began my labors by baptizing seventeen 
infants, and I pronounced the nuptial benediction for the wife of the 
son of the chief of this town, named Don Bernabe. Because this place 
was the scene of the beginning of the administration of these two holy 
sacraments, I gave to the said town the name of San Bernabe del Nombre 
de Dios. 

In the town of San Gregorio I baptized thirty-seven infants who were 
there gathered from this town, as well as from San Diego. Counting 
these, the number of those baptized is now fifty- four. 

In order to return we set out from Ayaguna on Monday the sixteenth 
of the said month of May. After it had rained on us continuously for 
seven leagues, we reached San Bernabe at a seasonable time. 

Tuesday, in this town, in company with the Father Guardian and Don 
Juan, the governor-general, we crossed to the other side of the river to a 



168 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century 

senale personalmente sitio. Para iglesia y convento y por no aver de 
presente otro ministro de justicia que en nombre de su magestad me 
diesse la posesion rogue a dicho governador don joan de la cruz me la 
diera como me la dio Estando presente el casique y Governador de dicho 
pueblo, Don bernabe, y don pedro casique y Governador de el pueblo de 
san Andres, y don francisco asimesmo casique de el pueblo de san Andres 
los quales tres casiques con otro llamado don Diego fueron acomparian- 
donos a la'ida y a la buelta con mucho gusto y se mostraron muy leales 
basallos de su magestad Y por los grandes regosijos y festejos que a 
nuestro recibimiento hicieron los naturales de los pueblos de san Andres 
san bernabe, y san gregorio yaguna, y los que se juntaron en este de el 
pueblo de san diego jusgamos estar en buena disposicion sus animos para 
recibir nuestra santa fe catholica; y las demostraciones que todos estos 
barbaros de esto dieron y lo que pidieron a los interpretes que nos diessen 
a entender; fue que todos estos regocijos que hacian y el gusto que mos- 
traban era por averles ya cumplido sus grandes deseos que tenian de verse 
administrados y que asistiessen en sus pueblos y tierras los Padres y 
Religiosos de nuestro Padre San francisco que entre ellos comunmente 
nos Hainan los Padres blancos y del avito bianco. Y notesse que a todos 
los bailes y a nuestro recibimiento casi ninguno de estos pueblos indio 
ninguno trujo area ni flechas ni otra ninguna de sus armas esecion que 
noto mucho el padre Guardian fray Hernando de Orbaneja como tan 
esperimentado, y el Governador don joan con sus soldados conchos que 
le acompanaban Sefial cierta de que estan quietos y pacificos en sus pue- 
blos. Dios Nuestro Senor les conserbe en ella para honrra y gloria suia 
y ensalgamiento de su sancta fe catholica y extencion de los reynos y 
monarquia de nuestro Rey y Senor phelipe quarto que Dios guarde 
muchos anos. 

En este puesto y Pueblo Senor Governador y duefio mio pienso asistir 
y continuar, la posesion que se a dado edificando templo Para Dios y casa 
y convento en que poder vivir asi yo el tiempo que mi Religion y la santa 
Obediencia me lo permitiere como los demas religiossos mis hermanos 
que me sucedieren. El intento que me movio a tener la asistencia en este 
pueblo y puesto de san bernabe nombre de Dios fue en aver hallado y 
visto en el muy buenas comodidades de materiales asi de maderas como de 
piedra y otros para poder edificar y para poder acudir a la administracion 
de los Santos Sacramentos a los pobres naturales de las poblaciones y 
rancherias de san gregorio yaguna San Diego San Antonio San Mathias 
y Santo Thomas y Santa cruz que vendran a estar en contorno de dicho 
convento veinte o veinte y quatro leguas poco mas o menos que tendre 
a mi cargo y cuidado interin que los prelados enviaren mas ministros y 
obreros porque Realmente senor que la mies es mucha y si su magestad 
Dios le guarde no nos socorre con sus ayudas de costas se pasara muy 
mal, o no se podra vivir Porque la gente es pobrisima y la tierra nueba 
y hasta aora no se sabe con certidambre si Dios tiene criados en ella al- 
gunos tesoros y minerales. 

Y porque estos g de proximo para ir a el Parral a besar su mano a 
Vuestra Senoria y vocalmente hacer la relacion de todo, y debajo de todo 

e Obviously a miscopy for " estoy ". 



Lorenzo Cantu, 1650 169 

place where I personally indicated a building site for a church and monas- 
tery on the top of a slope which dominates all the beautiful little valley. 
As there was present no other person possessing the powers of magis- 
tracy to give me the site in the name of his Majesty, I asked the governor, 
Don Juan de la Cruz, to do so. This he did, in the presence of the gover- 
nor of the said town, Don Bernabe, Don Pedro, chief and governor of 
the town of San Andres, and Don Francisco, also a cacique of the town 
of San Andres. These three chiefs, with another called Don Diego, had 
gladly accompanied us on our journey, both going and coming, and 
showed themselves very loyal vassals of his Majesty. Judging from the 
great rejoicing and the entertainments given for our reception by the 
natives of the towns of San Andres, San Bernabe, and San Gregorio 
Yaguna, and from the number of them who gathered in this town of 
San Diego, we considered that their spirits were kindly disposed toward 
the reception of our holy Catholic faith. The demonstrations which all 
these barbarians gave of this, and the requests which they made through 
the interpreters, gave us to understand that all their entertainments and 
all the pleasure which they manifested were because they had achieved 
their great desire to be ministered unto by and to have resident in their 
towns and lands the fathers and religious of our holy Father Saint 
Francis, whom they commonly call, among themselves the white fathers, 
or the fathers of the white habit. It was noticeable that at all their dances 
and at our reception there was hardly an Indian present in any of these 
towns with bow and arrows or any other weapon — a fact which was 
noted in particular by Father Guardian Fray Hernando de Orbaneja, a 
man of considerable experience, and by Don Juan, the governor, with 
his Conchos soldiers who accompanied him. This was a sure sign that 
they were at peace and quiet in their towns ; may God preserve them in 
it for his honor and glory and the exaltation of his holy Catholic faith 
and the extension of the kingdoms and monarchy of our king and lord, 
Philip IV., 67 whom may God guard many years. 

In this post and town, my lord, governor, and master, I intend to reside 
and maintain the possession which has been conceded, by erecting a tem- 
ple to God and a house and monastery in which I may be able to live for 
the time which my religion and holy obedience shall permit, as well as my 
other brother religious who shall succeed me. The motive which led me 
to take up my abode in this town and post of San Bernabe Nombre de 
Dios was that I had found and seen in it good supplies of materials both 
of wood and stone and other things for building, and facilities for ad- 
ministering the holy sacraments to the poor natives of the towns and 
villages of San Gregorio Yaguna, San Diego, San Antonio, San Matias, 
Santo Tomas, and Santa Cruz, which lie about this monastery within a 
radius of twenty or twenty-four leagues more or less, and which I shall 
have in my charge and care until the prelates send more ministers and 
laborers. For truly, my lord, the harvest is abundant, and if his Majesty, 
whom God protect, does not aid us with funds to meet expenses we shall 
suffer greatly and may not even be able to live, since the people are very 
poor, the land new, and it is not known yet of a certainty whether God 
has created any treasure or precious metals in it. 



170 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century 

secreto natural pedirle el remedio de algunas cosas que necesitan de el y 
muncho, no soy mas largo guarde nuestro Senor a Vuestra Sefioria y 
dexe ver con muncho gusto y salud que le deseo fTecha en este pueblo de 
Santiago babonoyaba mayo veinte y uno de mill y seiscientos y cinquenta 
anos Capellan perpetuo de Vuestra Sefioria que su mano beso Fray 
Lorenco Cantu. 



Respuesta at Govemador de la Nueva vizcaia sobre la reducion de los 
Yndios de Sonora. h [Madrid, 27 de Marzo de 165 1.~] 

El Rey. Don Diego Guaxardo faxardo mi governador y cappitan gen- 
eral de las provincias de la Nueva Vizcaya en cartas que me escribisteis 
en diez y nueve de Henero de seiscientos y cin- 
quenta decis que estando en la pacificacion de la 
provincia de taraumares deespachasteis por jus- 
ticia mayor y cappitan de guerra de la Sonora a 



Duplicose Abril 165 1 



simon lasso de la vega con orden de que por aquella parte hiciesse fron- 
tera al enemigo por ella reconociesse toda la tierra que pudiesse y la fuesse 
reduciendo a mi servicio en que a puesto la diligencia con veinte y que a 
no tener los ynpedimientos y contradicion que hace el cappitan del presidio 
de cinaloa que haviendo sido su fundacion sujeta a este govierno Mis 
Virreyes de la Nueva Espana an advocado en si el proveerle con tacita 
permission de Vuestros Antecessores y no teniendo mas jurisdicion que 
la de el presidio procuran Ampliarla y entroducirsse con potestad en la 
provincia de Sonora originando algunas competencias que malogravan la 
ocasion y para que cesse este ynconveniente me suplicais fuesse servido de 
declarar a quien pertenece el govierno de aquellas provincias para que 
cada uno se contengan en los limites que le tocan pues redujisteis a paz 
y a mi obediencia la de taraumares, es tan dilatada y tantos sus naturales 
que se havian suscitado algunas centellas de passion en los malcontentos 
y an procurado ynquietarla de nuevo y a no haverles dejado el freno de 
la Villa de aguilar os huvieran dado cuidado y aviais aplicado el posible 
para sosegarlos y teneis pressos a los que movian la inquietud y aveis 
despachado personas que estan entendiendo en el Remedio y esperais 
ponerle de suerte que no passe adelante el dano. Y Haviendose visto por 
los de mi conssejo Real de las yndias a parecido deciros que se cree que 
en esto aveis cuidado de lo que os toca y assi lo prosiguireis en lo de 
adelante que en ello me sirvireis de Madrid a 27 de margo de 165 1 anos 
Yo el Rey Por mandado del Rey nuestro senor Juan Bautista Saenz 
Navarrete. Y seiialada de los del conssejo. 

h A. G. I., 144-1-15. 



Duplicated, April, 165 1 



Indians of Sonora, 1651 171 

Inasmuch as I am about ready to go to Parral to kiss your lordship's 
hand and make a verbal report concerning everything and ask you in all 
secrecy to remedy certain things which greatly need rectifying, I shall 
not write more. May our Lord guard your lordship and permit me to 
see you in pleasure and good health as I desire. Done in this town of 
Santiago Babonoyaba, May 21, 1650. Your lordship's permanent chap- 
lain, who kisses your hand, Fray Lorenzo Cantu. 



Reply to the governor of Nueva Vizcaya concerning the reduction of the 
Indians of Sonora. [Madrid, March 2/, 1651.] 

The King. Don Diego Guajardo Fajardo, 68 my governor and captain- 
general of the provinces of Nueva Vizcaya : In letters which you wrote 
to me on January 19, 1650, you say that while 
engaged in the pacification of the province of 
Tarahumara 69 you sent as justicia mayor and 
captain of war of Sonora, Simon Laso de la Vega, 
with orders to confront the enemy in that province, to reconnoitre all the 
land that he could, and reduce it to my service, which undertaking he 
began on the twentieth, and [you ask] that he be spared the obstructions 
and opposition which the captain of the presidio of Sinaloa offers. [You 
say] that this presidio [since] its foundation has been subject to this 
government [Nueva Vizcaya], but that my viceroys of New Spain have 
arrogated to themselves the garrisoning of it, with the tacit permission 
of your predecessors, and they, having no wider jurisdiction than the 
presidio, are endeavoring to extend their jurisdiction and to establish 
their authority in the province of Sonora, thereby giving rise to some 
conflicts which complicated the situation. In order that the irregularity 
shall cease, you beg me to be pleased to declare to whom belongs the gov- 
ernment of those provinces, in order that each one may restrain himself 
within the limits which belong to him. For [you say that] you who re- 
duced the province of the Tarahumares to peace and obedience to me, 
a province so wide and with so many natives who have been incited by 
flashes of passion among some malcontents, who have again attempted 
to disturb it, that if they had not been stopped by the check upon them 
presented by the town of Aguilar, they would have caused you consid- 
erable trouble, that you have exerted yourself as much as possible to quiet 
them, that you hold prisoners those who caused the disturbances, that you 
have sent persons who are engaged in improving the situation, and that 
you hope to effect reforms whereby the damage may be prevented in 
future. The matter having been considered by the members of my royal 
Council of the Indies, it has seemed well to say to you that it is believed 
that in this matter you have had a care for that which is in your charge, 
wherefore you will so continue to do in future, for in so doing you serve 
me. Madrid, March 27, 165 1. I the King. By command of the king, 
our lord. Juan Bautista Saenz Navarrete. Signed by the members 
of the Council. 



172 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century 

Al Virrey de la Nueva Espana ynforme ssobre lo que propone el gover- 
nador de la Nueva Vizcaya cerca de la provission de las plagas de los 
presidios de su district o. i [Buen Retiro, 23 de Mayo de i6$2.~\ 

El Rey. Conde de alva de aliste primo gentil hombre de mi camara mi 
Virrey governador y capitan general de las provincias de la Nueva Es- 
pana y presidente de mi audiencia de ella o la perssona o perssonas a cuyo 
cargo fuere su gobierno en carta que me escribio Don Diego Guaxardo 
mi governador y capitan general de la Provincia de la Nueva Vizcaya en 
veinte y seis de febrero de seiscientos y cinquenta y uno dice que el ano 
de seiscientos y treinta y seis higo asiento el capitan don Pedro de perea 
con el Marques de Cadereita mi Virrey de essas provincias de Poblar la 
de Sonora con ciertas condiciones siendo una dellas el que hubiesse de 
ocurrir al governador de la Nueva Vizcaya a que le despachase titulo de 
justicia mayor y capitan a guerra de la dicha provincia de sonora por 
ser el districto de aquel govierno y que en esta Conformidad hubiesse de 
estar sujeto a las ordenes que se le diessen de la Nueva bizcaya y que 
habiendo muerto el capitan Don pedro perea continuaron los governadores 
della la provission de aquel oficio y que los capitanes de los pressidios de 
sinaloa sin mas fundamento que yntroducir en la de sonora Juridicion 
moviendo algunas competencias pues siendo despachados aquellos pre- 
ssidios con patentes de mis virreyes de esa Nueva Espana no solo preten- 
den los de sinaloa ebadirse de la subordinacion que tienen a aquel gobierno 
pero aun la probission de Justicia de aquella provincia que siempre se a 
despachado por el almirante Don Pedro porter casanate que a la sagon 
era capitan de aquel pressidio a enbaragar la possesion a las personas que 
a despachado a ello el dicho Mi governador y continuando en estender la 
Jurisdicion que no le toca y mover algunas conpetencias al capitan simon 
lasso de la vega a quien havia puesto por Justicia Mayor y capitan a guerra 
de la dicha provincia de sonora el governador de Nueva Vizcaya y que 
sirviendome como buen soldado higo algunas entradas y pacificaciones a 
su costa ya haviendo sucedido el lebantamiento de la Nacion Taraumara 
le despacho or den para que juntando los mas espanoles e yndios amigos 
que pudiesse entrarse por aquella parte a socorrer al dicho governador 
haciendo guerra a los yndios rebeldes y estando en la conpania esperando 
este socorro que ubiera sido de mucha ynportancia y habiendo tenido 
abisso suyo de que estava para salir con el a pocos dias Recebio una carta 
la qual me a remetido en que el dicho Don Pedro porter cassanete le abi- 
saba como habian muerto alebosamente de un arcabugasso al dicho capi- 
tan simon lasso, sucesso no sin algunas sospechas y que con estas nuevas 
avia despachado luego al general Juan B de Morales perssona de toda 
satisfacion y que habia sido el primero que habia entrado al reparo de la 
ynvasion de los tharaumares y tenia pedidos socoros al dicho almirante a 
que administrasse Justicia en dicha provincia de sonora y bolviesse a 
juntar la Jente que tenia conducida su antecessor que con su muerte se 
avia esparcido y entrasse a socorrerle con ella y que averiguasse la muerte 
Referida y castigasse los agresores y por que con el levantamiento de los 

1 A. G. L, 144-1-15. 



Enlistment of Soldiers, 1652 173 

To the viceroy of New Spain, asking him to report on the proposal of the 
governor of Nneva Vizcaya with reference to the enlistment of sol- 
diers in the presidios of his district. [Buen Retiro, May 2$, 1652.'] 

The King. Count of Alvadeliste, 70 cousin, lord of my bedchamber, my 
viceroy, and captain-general of the provinces of New Spain, and president 
of my audiencia of that viceroyalty, or to the person, or persons, in whose 
charge its government may be : In a letter written to me by Don Diego 
Guajardo, 71 my governor and captain-general of the province of Nueva 
Vizcaya, on February 26, 1651, he says that in the year 1636 Captain 
Don Pedro de Perea 72 made a contract with the Marquis of Cadereyta, 73 
my viceroy of those provinces, for the settlement of Sonora under certain 
conditions, one of which was that he was to apply to the governor of 
Nueva Vizcaya to issue to him title as justicia mayor and captain of war 
of the said province of Sonora, since it was a district of that government; 
in conformity with this arrangement he was to be subject to orders issued 
to him from Nueva Vizcaya. Captain Don Pedro de Perea having died, 
the governors of Nueva Vizcaya continued making appointments to that 
office. But the captains of the presidios of Sinaloa, with no other pur- 
pose than that of intervening in the jurisdiction of Sonora — thereby 
giving origin to some contentions since those presidios were organized 
under patents from my viceroys of New Spain — attempt to free them- 
selves not only from the subordination which they have to that govern- 
ment, but even from the administration of justice of that province, which 
has always been despatched by Admiral Don Pedro Porter Casanate, 74 
who was at the time captain of that presidio; they have moreover en- 
deavored to prevent possession of the office by persons appointed to it 
by my said governor, persisting in extending their jurisdiction over mat- 
ters which do not pertain to them, and exciting rivalry with Captain 
Simon Laso de la Vega, whom the governor of Nueva Vizcaya appointed 
justicia mayor and captain of war of the said province of Sonora. Laso 
de la Vega, serving me as a good soldier, made some expeditions and 
subjugations at his own expense and, the uprising of the Tarahumara na- 
tion 75 having occurred, he was ordered to assemble all the Spaniards and 
friendly Indians he could and go into that region to help the said gov- 
ernor by making war upon the rebel Indians. The governor, being on his 
campaign awaiting this assistance, which would have been of great value, 
after hearing from Laso that he was about to set out with it in a few 
days, received a letter which he has sent to me, in which the said Don 
Pedro Porter Casanate notified him that Captain Simon Laso had been 
treacherously killed by a shot from a harquebus. This event was not 
entirely free from suspicion, and the governor, upon receipt of the news 
of it, at once dispatched General Juan B. de Morales — a thoroughly re- 
liable person, he having been the first one to go in to check the invasion 
of the Tarahumares and had already asked for reinforcements from the 
admiral — to administer justice in the province of Sonora and reunite the 
men whom his predecessor led but who had become scattered upon the 
death of the latter. With these men Morales was to come to the gover- 
nor's assistance, investigate the death of Laso, and punish the perpetrators 



174 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century 

taraumares estava inpedido al passo ordinario para aquella Provincia le 
hordeno fuessen por la de sinaloa aunque es rodeo de mas de ducientas 
leguas para que comunicasse algunas cossas de mi servicio y habiendo 
llegado a ella el dicho almirante Don Pedro porter cassanate capitan del 
presidio de aquella provincia para que no pasasse a la de sonora puso los 
ynpedimentos que constaran por el testimonio que remitia de que resulto 
no aber consseguido el socorro que estava dispuesto ni podido averiguar 
ni castigar el delito de la muerte de dicho simon lasso baliendosse el dicho 
cappitan de sinaloa de la ocassion de estar levantados los Yndios tarau- 
mares que ocupan el passo para seme j antes resoluciones queriendo subsci- 
tar conpetencias o introducirlas entre aquel y ese govierno de Nueva 
Espafia y que este y otros ynconbenientes se siguen de que mis Virreyes 
de ella probean algunos presidios del govierno de Nueva Vizcaya pues 
pretenden los capitanes dellos evadirsse por esta Ragon de la obediencia 
que deben al capitan general de aquel rreyno con que en la ocassion de 
estas guerras que le pusieron en continjencia de perdersse no se pudo 
conseguir socorro alguno del pressidio de sinaloa ni del de san Sebastian 
a que se sigue faltar en tierras de tan continuas guerras con que premiar 
los soldados que alii me sirven que no los desalienta poco en las ocassiones 
que se of recen : y me a suplicado mande reconocer su ynportancia y que 
se ponga el remedio que conbiene ordenando que todos los presidios de 
aquel reyno que son vien pocos y de corto numero de placas que se provean 
mi virrey de essa Nueva Espafia o separandolos de una bez por el excusar 
conpetencias y en otra carta de siete de octubre del afio passado de seis- 
cientos y cinquenta y uno representa el dicho mi governador que son tan 
continuos los dafios que en aquellas provincias se padecen con ynvasiones 
de los yndios dellas que no ay ora de seguridad y que a todas es preciso 
estar dando distintos socorros de armas municiones y Jente a diferentes 
partes que las piden y que aunque a muchos meses que por diferentes 
despachos testimonios y cartas os hace ynstancia para que los socorrais 
y proveais de remedio en los muchos dafios que padecen no ha tenido 
respuesta de las que os a escrito estando para salir de aquel Real una 
cuadrilla de carros que llebaba mas de veinte mill marcos de plata con 
que an sido aquel afio mas de ochenta mill los que han salido conduciendo 
conque de temor de aquellos Barbaros se ba despoblando aquel Reyno y 
suplicandome mande poner el remedio que pareciere mas combeniente. 

Y Haviendose visto en mi conssejo Real de las yndias con los testi- 
monios que sobre esto me remitio dicho Don Diego guajardo y lo que 
dixo mi fiscal de el como quiera que por carta de este dia avisso a mi gov- 
ernador de la Nueva Vizcaya que en quanto al alcangamiento de los 
yndios taraumares y pretenciones que se an hecho para conservar la Villa 
de aguilar y castigar los delinquentes en la muerte del padre cornelio 
godinez missionero de la compaflia de Jesus la continue asta que se consiga 
segura pacificacion y os de aviso de lo que obrare y de lo que se le ofre- 
ciere para que se ordene lo necessario a las assistencias que hubiere menes- 
ter de las partes que tocan a su govierno y que procure que la pacificacion 
y reducion se aga con las menos muertes de Yndios que se pudiere ussando 
primero de los medios suaves de amistad y buen tratamiento con ellos me 



Enlistment of Soldiers, 1652 175 

of the deed. But, because the ordinary route through that province was 
closed by reason of the uprising of the Tarahumares, the governor or- 
dered Morales to go through the province of Sinaloa, although this neces- 
sitated a detour of more than two hundred leagues, for the purpose of 
communicating certain affairs pertaining to my service. When Morales 
arrived at Sinaloa, the admiral Don Pedro Porter Casanate, captain of 
the presidio of that province, tried to prevent this advance into Sonora 
by offering obstructions which will appear in the transcript which the 
governor sent [to the king]. As a result the assistance ordered was not 
received nor was it possible to investigate or punish the crime of the 
death of Simon Laso, because the captain of Sinaloa availed himself of 
the occasion of the uprising of the Tarahumares, who occupy the pass, 
to take such action, desiring to foment rivalries or originate them be- 
tween the governments of New Spain and Nueva Vizcaya. This and 
other difficulties arise from the fact that my viceroys of New Spain 
appoint the officers of certain presidios in the government of Nueva Viz- 
caya, for the captains of these presidios attempt on account of this to 
evade obedience to the captain-general of that kingdom. As a result, 
during these wars which place the province in danger of ruin, it was 
impossible to obtain any assistance from the presidio of Sinaloa nor 
from that of San Sebastian. It follows, therefore, in lands where wars 
are so continuous, that means are lacking with which to reward the sol- 
diers who serve me there, a condition which discourages them not a little 
when these situations arise. 

The governor has therefore besought me to order that this serious 
situation should be recognized and the proper remedy applied, and by 
ordering that all the presidios of that kingdom, which are indeed few and 
scantily garrisoned, are to be under control of my viceroy of New Spain 
or else be all at once taken from his jurisdiction, for the purpose of pre- 
venting rivalries. 

In another letter of October 7 of last year, 165 1, the said governor 
reported that the injury from Indian invasions was so continual in those 
provinces that there was not an hour of security; that it was necessary 
to be always sending assistance in the form of arms, munitions, and men 
to the various places which asked for them. And, although he asked you 
months ago, in numerous despatches, transcripts, and letters, to assist him 
by providing some remedy for the many ills from which they suffer, he 
has as yet received no reply to what he has written you. [He says, more- 
over,] that he was about to take out of that camp a train of wagons carry- 
ing more than 20,000 marks in silver, making over 80,000 marks which 
he had taken out during the year; but on account of fear of the bar- 
barians the kingdom was becoming depopulated. He, therefore, suppli- 
cated me to provide whatever remedy seemed fit. 

Wherefore, the matter having been reviewed in my royal Council of 
the Indies, with the transcripts sent me by Don Diego Guajardo and the 
opinion of my fiscal of the Council, it was decided to advise my governor 
of Nueva Vizcaya, by letter of this date, to continue in his efforts to 
punish the uprising of the Tarahumares, and the persons guilty of the 
death of Father Cornelio Godinez, missionary of the Company of Jesus, 



176 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century 

a parecido avisaros dello para que lo tengais entendido y que siendo cierto 
lo que repressenta el dicho governador de la Nueva Vizcaya le deis las 
asistencias necessarias como mas convenga para conseguir el fin que se 
pretende y por que no se a allado el assiento que se hico por Don Pedro 
perea con el Virrey Marques de cadereita ssobre la poblacion de la pro- 
vincia de sonora en que el governador de la Nueva Vizcaya refiere que 
le toca a el la probission del oficio de governador y cappitan a guerra de 
ella os mando que en la primera ocassion que se ofresca me ynformeis, 
en ragon de lo que zerca desto dice el dicho el governador de la Nueva 
Vizcaya con Vuestro parecer y las conveniencias o inconvenientes que 
puede tener el ejecutarse lo que propone a quien y por que causa para que 
visto por los del dicho mi conssejo de las yndias se provea lo que mas con- 
benga. Fecha en Buen retiro a veinte y tres de mayo de mil y sseiscientos 
y cinquenta y dos afios. Yo el Rey. Por mandado del rrey nuestro senor. 
Gregorio de Leguia. Y sefialada de los del conssejo. 



Respuesta al Governador de la Nueva Vizcaya ssobre despoblar la pro- 
vincia de SonoraJ [Bnen Retiro, 23 de Mayo de 16^2.} 

El Rey. Don Diego Guajardo fajardo mi governador y Capitan gen- 
eral de la Ciudad de Durango de la provincia de la nueva Vizcaia en carta 
que me escribisteis en 26 de febrero del ano pasado de 65 1 : me dais 
quenta de lo que a pasado cerca de despoblar la Provincia de Sonora 
ssobre avia poblacion havia hecho asiento el capitan don Pedro de Perea 
el ano de 636 con mi Virey Marques de Cadereita y referis por menor las 
inquietudes de los Yndios y falta de obediencia que os tienen los capitanes 
de los Presidios que nombra mi Virrey de la Nueva Espafia en Vuestro 
distrito y ssobre esto remitis ciertos testimonios de autos y en otra carta 
de 7 de octubre del mesmo ano de 651 representais que son tan continuos 
los dafios que en esas provincias se padecen con invasiones de los Yndios 
de ellas que no ay ora de seguridad que a todas es preciso estar dando dis- 
tintos socorros de armas municiones y jente a diferentes partes que los 
piden y que aunque a muchos meses que por diferentes despachos testi- 
monios y cartas haceis instancia con mi Virey de la Nueva Espafia para 
que os socorro y provea de remedio en los muchos dafios que padeceis no 
haveis tenido respuesta de las que le haveis escrito estando para salir de 
ese Real una cuadrilla de carros que llevava mas de veinte mil marcos de 

1 A. G. L, 144-1-15. [The copy of the title says: duplicose en 18 de Julio de 652. — 
C. W. H.] 



Depopulation of Sonora, 1652 177 

and his plans for the conservation of the town of Aguilar, until he se- 
cured complete pacification. He was to keep you advised of what he was 
doing and of whatever happened, so that you might order whatever rein- 
forcements should be needed in the parts under your jurisdiction ; he was 
also to see that the pacification and reduction should proceed with as 
little loss of life to the Indians as possible, trying first the gentle methods 
of friendship and good treatment toward them. It has therefore seemed 
wise to me to advise you of the situation in order that you may under- 
stand it. If what the governor of Nueva Vizcaya says is true, you will 
give him all the help he needs to accomplish the desired end. And, as the 
contract made by Don Pedro de Perea with the viceroy, Marquis of 
Cadereita, concerning the settlement of the province of Sonora has not 
been found, in which contract the governor of Nueva Vizcaya states how 
the provision relating to the office of governor and captain of war of the 
province affects him, I command you to report to me as soon as possible 
what the said governor of Nueva Vizcaya says concerning this, and sub- 
mit your opinion as to what advantage or disadvantage may ensue, and 
to whom and why, from doing as he proposes. You will do this in order 
that the matter may be considered by my Council of the Indies, and 
whatever is fitting may be ordered. Dated at Buen Retiro, May 23, 1652. 
I the King. By command of the king, our lord, Gregorio de Leguia. 
Signed by the members of the Council. 



Reply to the governor of Nueva Vizcaya, concerning the depopulation of 
the province of Sonora. [Buen Retiro, May 23, 1652.'] 

The King. Don Diego Guajardo Fajardo, 76 my governor and captain- 
general of the city of Durango, in the province of Nueva Vizcaya : In a 
letter which you wrote to me on February 26 of last year, 165 1, you gave 
me an account of what has taken place with respect to the depopulation 
of the province of Sonora. You said that there was a settlement under 
a contract which Captain Don Pedro de Perea 77 had made in the year 
1636 with my viceroy, the Marquis of Cadereita; 78 and you report in 
detail the disturbances among the Indians, and the lack of obedience 
toward you shown by the captains of the presidios whom my viceroy of 
New Spain appoints in your district. With reference to this you remit 
certain transcripts of autos, and in another letter of October 7, of the 
same year, 165 1, you represent that the dangers are so continuous in that 
province from the invasions of the Indians that there is not an hour of 
security, for it is necessary at all times to be giving aid in arms, munitions, 
and men to different places which demand them. You also state that, 
months ago, by various despatches, transcripts, and letters, you have peti- 
tioned my viceroy of New Spain to aid you and provide a remedy for 
the many injuries from which you suffer, but that you have received no 
reply to the letters you have written. There is, you say, a train of wagons 
about to leave that camp, carrying more than 20,000 marks of silver, so 
that the total amount sent out for that year amounts to more than 80,000 



178 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century 

plata con que han sido aquel afio mas de ochenta mil los que han salido ; 
concluyendo con que de temor de aquellos barbaros se ba despoblando 
esse Reino y me suplicais mande poner el Remedio que pareciese mas 
conveniente. 

Y haviendose visto en mi conssejo Real de las yndias con lo que ssobre 
ella dijo mi fiscal de el como quiera que por punta de la fecha de esta envio 
a mandar a mi Virey de la nueva Espana me in forme ssobre todo lo 
referido me a parecido ordenaros y mandaros como lo hago remitais al 
dicho mi conssejo en la primera ocasion que se ofresca a manos de el mi 
infrascripto secretario la capitulacion que decis higo Don Pedro de Perea 
el ano de 636 con mi Virey marques de Cadereita ssobre la dicha Pobla- 
cion de la Provincia de Sonora respecto de no haverla enviado con los 
autos que remitisteis con la dicha carta ni allarse en las que me escribio 
el dicho Marques de Cadereita y acerca de lo que contienen los autos que 
remitis en ragon del abramiento k de los yndios taraumares y de las pre- 
venciones que se an hecho para conservar la villa de Aguilar y castigar 
los delinquentes en la muerte del Padre Cornelio godines misionero de la 
Compania de Jesus mando continueis las diligencias que referis haceis 
hasta que se consiga segura pacificacion y que procureis que esta pacifi- 
cacion y rreducion se haga con las menos muertes de Yndios que se pu- 
diere ussando primero de los medios suaves de amistad y buen tratamiento 
con ellos que assi conviene al servicio de Dios y mio y al otro mi Virrey 
con quien os abeis de corresponder en esto escrivo para que ordene lo 
necessario en las asistencias que ubieres de menester de las partes que 
tocan a su govierno disponiendolas como mas conbengan para conseguir 
el fin que se pretende y de lo que fueredes obrando me dareis quenta para 
que Visto por los del dicho mi conssejo se provea lo que mas convenga. 
De Buen Retiro a veinte y tres de Mayo de mil y sseiscientos y cinquenta 
y dos afios. Yo el Rey. Por mandado del rrey nuestro Senor, Gregorio 
de Leguia. Y senalada de los conssejo. 



Al Virrey de la Nueva Espana guarde la zedula en esta incerta ssobre el 
aumento y alivio de los Yndios de la Nueva Galicia y ynforme ssobre 
ello como esta mandado. 1 [Madrid, 24 de Julio de 1652.'] 

El Rey. . . . yo (el Rey) mande dar la zedula del thenor siguiente: 
El Rey : Conde de Alva de Salbatierra etc. : en una carta que me escrivio, 
el lizenciado Don Pedro Fernandez de Vaesa, Presidente de la Audiencia 
de Guadalaxara en veinteicinco del mes de febrero del ano pasado de 1645, 
en que me da quenta de la universal del govierno de aquella provincia, 
y lo que havia dispuesto cerca de ello ; dize particularmente en dos capi- 
tulos de dicha carta, que los tributos que de su contribucion resultan son 
tan solamente en cantidad de cinco mill y tantos pessos, cosa poco con- 

k Obviously a miscopy for " alsamiento ". 
*A. G. I, 103-3-1. 



Indians of Nueva Galicia, 1652 17.) 

marks. You conclude by saying that fear of those barbarians is depopu- 
lating that kingdom, and you ask me to command that the remedy which 
seems most fitting be applied. 

The matter having been considered in my royal Council of the Indies, 
together with that which my fiscal of the Council cared to say concerning 
it, [it has seemed wise] although under this same date I am commanding 
my viceroy of New Spain to inform me concerning all the above matters, 
to order and command you, as I do, to send to my Council on the first 
opportunity, in care of my secretary, the undersigned, the capitulation 
which you say Don Pedro de Perea made in the year 1636 with my vice- 
roy, the Marquis of Cadereita, concerning the settlement in the province 
of Sonora; for you did not send it with the autos which you remitted 
with the said letter, nor is it to be found among those written to me by 
the Marquis of Cadereita. 

As to the contents of the autos which you sent concerning the revolt of 
the Tarahumares, 79 and the measures which have been taken to preserve 
the town of Aguilar and to punish the perpetrators of the death of Father 
Cornelio Godines, missionary of the Company of Jesus, I command that 
you continue the efforts which you say you are making until a secure 
peace has been achieved, and that you endeavor to accomplish this pacifi- 
cation and reduction with the least number of deaths of Indians that is 
possible, first using the mild methods of friendship and kind treatment 
toward them, this being acceptable to the service of God and myself. 
I am also writing to my viceroy, with whom you are to co-operate in this 
work, asking him to order everything in the way of reinforcements 
which you may need in the regions which appertain to his government, 
disposing them in such ways as may best aid in obtaining the desired end. 
You will report to me what you are doing, in order that my Council, 
having knowledge of it, may order what is most fitting. From Buen 
Retiro, May 23, 1652. I the King. By command of the king, our lord, 
Gregorio de Leguia. Signed by the members of the Council. 



To the viceroy of New Spain, ordering him to observe the cedilla inclosed 
herewith concerning the improvement and relief of the Indians of 
Nueva Galicia, and to report on the situation as he has been com- 
manded. [Madrid, July 24, 16 52.] 

The King. ... I, the King, ordered a cedula of the following tenor 
to be issued: The King: Count of Alva de Salvatierra : 80 In a letter 
written to me by the licenciado Don Pedro Fernandez de Baeza, 81 presi- 
dent of the Audiencia of Guadalajara, on February 25, of the past year, 
1645, m which he gives an account of the entire governmental situation 
of that province, and relates what he has done concerning that situation, 
he says specifically in two articles of the letter, that the tributes collected 
within his territory amount only to the sum of five thousand and odd 
pesos, which is an insignificant figure, yet in its collection the Indians 
suffer many extortions and such damages that each of them lives in such 
13 



180 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century 

siderable, enpero que en su cobranza padecen los Yndios muchas estor- 
ciones y darios tales que para la paga de lo que le toca vive cada Uno de 
ellos en tan notable angustia, que le pareze no a de poder cumplir con ello ; 
siendo assi que con las molestias de la cobranza, y otros d?iios que jun- 
tamente padezen, y an sentido assi de los temporales, como en la labor de 
las minas y rrepartimientos, se hallan en estado de extinguirse, totalmente, 
y la lastima y compassion de verlos padezer y morir, obliga a que (si 
fuese posible sin mas inconveniente) del que resultaria en la perdida de 
los tributes, 6 parte de ellos, se procurase el aliviarles de esta carga; lo 
qual seria la total redempcion de aquellos miserables ; que con esto, lo que 
asta aora a sido deminuyccion, en lo de adelante seria crecimiento y en- 
tonces se sacaria lo que en esse tiempo se menoscavase de mi Real Hazi- 
enda ; Y anade aunque reconoze que de quitar aquellos repartimientos, se 
pueden seguir algunas descomodidades a el y a los demas oydores de la 
Audiencia tiene por facil el tolerarlas por grandes que sean, por escusarla 
menos que se puede seguir a los Yndios, mayormente quando son tan 
conforme a los disposiciones i ordenes nuestras ; Y haviendo Visto en mi 
consejo Real de las Yndias, con lo que acerca de ello, dijo el lizenciado 
Don Geronimo Camargo mi fiscal en el, i consultadoseme todo lo que 
en la materia se ofrecio e considerando que segun consta por Vuestra zer- 
tificacion de Hernando de Mujica, contador de mi Real Hazienda de 
aquella caja, que, en ciento y ochenta y quatro pueblos, los treinta y tres 
de ellos de encomienda, ay dos mil seiscientos y quarenta Yndios tribu- 
taries; cuyo repartimiento, entre todos monta cinco mil trescientos y 
noventa y dos pesos, siete tomines, y seis granos en cada un ano, que es 
de la suma que el Pressidente propone, sseria bien aliviar a los dichos 
Yndios, Y que segun lo que de aqui resulta se manifiesta claro la miseria 
grande que padezen aquellos pobres vasallos, pues aun siendo tan limitado 
el tributo que pagan les es tan gravoso y molesto, como lo pondera el presi- 
dente, tanto que se puede presumir que esta carga les abra ocasionado la 
despoblacion ; Y considerando tambien que en otra ocasion que se tubo 
noticia del excesso con que se procedia en esa Nueva Espana (asi por los 
ministros como por los naturales de las provincias della) en quanto al 
servicio personal de los Yndios en sus casas y en los obrajes gravandolos 
con penosas tareas, y otras Molestas fatigas, se despacho una zedula en 
treinta de Julio del ano de 1627, dirigida al Marques de Cerrajero mi 
Virrey que entonces era en que expressamente le ordene con palabras de 
mucha ponderacion que puse en ella de mi Real mano que sin excussa ni 
omission alguna ordenasse que se executasse y cobrasse lo dispuesto Y 
mando en otra zedula general que con mucho acuerdo se despacho el ano 
de seiscientos y nueve en la qual se proibe el Servicio personal de los 
Yndios y Considerando tambien las necesidades y aprietos presentes Con 
que me hallo con tantos exercitos en espana y fuera della He resuelto de 
ordenaros y mandaros (como lo hago) leais atentamente Los dos capi- 
tulos Ynclussos de la Carta del Pressidente de Guadalaxara; y asimismo 
la cedula de treinta de Julio de 627 y con muy particular especulacion y 
cuydado os entereis de los dafios que padezen los Yndios de la Provincia 
de Guadalaxara por caussa de los tributos que pagan inquiriendo si estos 
Les son tan gravosos i intolerables que Excedan a su impossibilidad, o si 



Indians of Nueva Galicia, 1652 181 

constant anxiety concerning what he has to pay that it seems to him to be 
impossible to comply with it. Indeed, because of the trouble caused them 
in the collection of the tribute, combined with other injuries from which 
they also suffer and have experienced from storms and hard work in the 
mines and on the rcpariiiiiicntos, they are about to be entirely annihilated ; 
and the pity and compassion [which he feels] at seeing them suffer and 
die leads him to suggest that (if it can be done without great inconveni- 
ence) effort should be made to relieve them from all or a part of the 
burden of the tributes. The result would be the entire rehabilitation of 
those miserable people, for, instead of decreasing as they have until now, 
they would in the future increase, and then it would be possible to recover 
which might be lost to my real hacienda in the interval. 

He adds that although he recognizes that the abolition of those repar- 
timientos might lead to some inconvenience to himself and to the other 
oidores of the audiencia, yet he considers that it could easily be borne, 
however great it might be, inasmuch as it would prevent the further 
impoverishment of the Indians, they being, as they are, so well disposed 
toward our orders and commands. 

The matter having been considered by my royal Council of the Indies, 
together with what my fiscal of the Council, Don Geronimo Camargo, 
said concerning it; and consultation having been held with me on all 
aspects of the situation ; and, in view of the fact that, as appears by your 
affidavit from Hernando de Mujica, cashier of my real hacienda at that 
depository, there are in 184 towns, 33 of them being in encomienda, 2640 
tributary Indians, the repartimiento of whom amounts in all to 539 2 
pesos, 7 tomines, 6 grains per year — approximately the sum which the 
president suggests should be remitted for the alleviation of the Indians ; 
and, in view of the fact that the great misery which these poor vassals 
suffer is clearly manifested by the evidence, for, although the tribute they 
pay is so little, yet it is so heavy and troublesome to them, as the president 
emphatically says, that it is to be presumed that this tax has perhaps 
caused the depopulation of the district; and in view of the fact also that 
on another occasion when word was received of the harsh measures used 
in New Spain (by the ministers and the natives of the province alike) 
in the matter of personal service from the Indians in the homes [of 
Spaniards] and on outside work, heavy tasks and other fatiguing bur- 
dens being laid upon them, a cedula was issued on July 30, 1627, directed 
to the Marquis of Cerralvo, 82 then my viceroy, in which I expressly 
ordered him, in words of great weight, which I put into it with my royal 
hand, that, without excuse or omission whatever, he should order to be 
executed and collected that which had been decreed; and in view of the 
fact that I ordered in another general cedula which was despatched in 
1609, after much consultation, wherein personal service from the Indians 
is prohibited ; and considering also the present necessity and stress under 
which I find myself from providing for such large armies both in and out 
of Spain: 

I have resolved to command and order you, as I do, to read attentively 
the two articles herewith inclosed from the letter of the president of 
Guadalajara; also the cedula of July 30, 1627; and, with particular care 



182 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century 

acaso procede del dano de las molestias que les hazen los cobradores, y si 
abria medio para hazer la cobranza con tal suabidad que no les f uese tan 
sensible el tributo pues siendo tan corto no parece que es ella causa total 
que los impossibilita Sino que por bentura y como lo quiere apuntar a 
dezir el Pressidente, Los cobradores deben de hazer grangeria de Im- 
possibilitarlos por tenerlos mas sugetos para sus ussos y siendo esto assi 
constando os de ello procurareis con particular Cuydado y comunicacion 
del mismo Presidente hallar medio para que el tributo se cobre sin molestia 
de los Vasallos; porque si esto bastare para que el tributo pudiere ser 
cobrable sin riesgo de la despoblacion de aquellos naturales Se deve aten- 
der a no minorar el Real haver por las necessidades presentes ; empero si 
todavia entendierades Con ebidencia que no resulta el dano de la exac- 
cion Sino de la carga del tributo y que el es la causa principal que enfla- 
queze y extingue a los Indios (o son que la cobranza se aleve) entonces 
enterrado bien destos motibos por lo mucho que se inclina mi Real clemen- 
cia a desear el Mayor Consuelo y alivio de aquellos Vassallos que tam- 
bien son hijos tengo por vien y os mando que los alivieis de la carga del 
dicho tributo en la parte que Juzgaredes ser necesaria para su conserva- 
cion y augmento ; Para lo qual os concedo f acultad y dexo a Vuestra pru- 
dencia y consideracion la cantidad, en que los hubieredes de Aliviar In- 
formandoos primero del Pressidente de aquella Audiencia del Obispo y 
de las otras personas que alii ubiere de mas satisfaccion, para que (sin 
perder de vista las necessidades de mi Real Hazienda) en lo que se pu- 
dieren Conpadecer con el alibio de aquellos pobres Yndios Basallos mios 
como he dicho se consiga lo que en primer lugar sea de procurar por qual- 
quier via, el consuelo y alibio de aquellos y me dareis quenta de lo que 
en esto executaredes y tambien de lo que se obiere obrado en execucion 
y cumplimento de la dicha mi Cedula que ba citado de tres de Julio de 
627 y si la teneis presente para executarla de que particularmente me 
avisareis — fecha en Madrid a 20 de Diziembre 1646 — Yo el Rey. 

Y Porque ultimamente en carta que me escrivio Don Geronimo de 
Alcate fiscal de mi Audiencia de Guadalaxara en veinte y ocho de Octubre 
de seiscientos y quarenta y ocho que la duplico en quatro de Abril de 649 
y es duplicado de la que sobre lo mismo que contiene la cedula que en 
esta ba Ynserta havia escrito en 17 de Abril del mismo afio de 48 ynforma 
lo que se le ofrece sobre que no combiene remitir Los tributos que pagan 
los Indios de las dichas Provincias de Guadalaxara y que se mandasse 
quitar Con efecto el repartimiento y servicio personal por las razones que 
refiere en la dicha carta que el dicho mi fiscal me escrivio Con vista de una 
Copia de la Cedula aqui ynserta que el dicho mi virrey Imbio al Pressi- 
dente de mi Audiencia de Guadalaxara ; Y haviendose visto por los del mi 
Consejo Real de las Yndias Con los papeles de la matheria y lo que pidio 
mi fiscal en el y reconocidose que el dicho mi Virrey Conde de Salvatierra 
ni el presidente y Audiencia de Guadalaxara no a respondido asta aora 
a la cedula aqui inserta Lo qual se a extranado en el dicho mi consejo y 
para remedio de la omission que en esto a avido, os mando que luego que 
recivais esta trateis de la execucion de lo que en ella va inserta y me remi- 
tais los ynformes que sobre lo que contiene estan pedidos con Vuestro 






Indians of Nueva Galicia, 1652 183 

and attention, inform yourself as to the injuries that the Indians of the 
province of Guadalajara suffer on account of the tributes which they pay, 
inquiring whether these be so heavy and intolerable to the Indians that 
they cannot possibly be paid, or whether perhaps the difficulty arises from 
the trouble which the collectors cause them, and whether there is any 
method whereby the collection can be effected with such suavity that the 
tribute would not be so burdensome to them, for, since it is so little, it 
cannot be that it is the sole reason why they cannot pay it ; rather, perhaps, 
as the president suggests, the collectors must be making a business of 
mulcting the Indians so as to have them more completely under control. 

If this is true and you know it is true, you will endeavor, carefully and 
in co-operation with the president, to find some means whereby the tribute 
may be collected without hardship to the vassals; for, if it can be ar- 
ranged so that the tribute can be collected without risk of despoiling those 
natives, care should be taken for the sake of present needs not to dimin- 
ish the royal income. If, however, you secure evidence that the injury 
does not come from the collection but from the imposition of the tribute, 
and that it in itself is the principal cause of the weakening of the Indians 
(or the reason why the imposition should be lessened), then, if you are 
thoroughly convinced that such is the case, I think it wise and do com- 
mand that, on account of the intensity with which my royal clemency 
desires the utmost consolation and relief of those vassals whom I con- 
sider as my children, you relieve them of such part of the tribute as you 
think necessary for their preservation and advancement. To this end I 
give you authority, and leave to your prudence and judgment the amount 
by which the tax should be reduced, you first to take counsel with the 
president of the audiencia, the bishop, and other well-informed persons 
there, in order "that (without losing sight of the necessities of my real 
hacienda) in accord with their solicitude for the relief of those poor In- 
dian vassals of mine, we may, as I have said, achieve what is, above all, 
to be attained in some way, namely, their consolation and relief. You will 
give me an account of what you do in this matter, and also of what may 
have been done in compliance with my cedula of July 3, 1627, cited above; 
if you are actually engaged in the fulfillment of it, you will give me an 
exact account of just what you are doing. Dated at Madrid, December 20, 
1646. I the King. 

Now therefore, inasmuch as Don Geronimo de Alzate, fiscal of my 
Audiencia of Guadalajara, in a letter which he wrote on October 28, 
1648 — duplicated on April 4, 1649, which again is a duplicate of what 
he had written concerning the contents of the cedula herewith enclosed 
on April 17 of the first-named year, 1648 — reports his opinion that it is 
not desirable to remit the tributes paid by the Indians of the provinces 
of Guadalajara but to abolish in effect the repartimiento and personal 
service, for the reasons which the fiscal sets forth in the letter which he 
wrote to me, having before him a copy of the cedula herewith inclosed 
which the viceroy sent to the president of my Audiencia of Guadalajara; 
and the members of my royal Council of the Indies having considered the 
papers relative to the matter, together with the request of my fiscal of the 
Council, and it having been noted that neither my viceroy, the Count of 



184 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century 

parecer para que visto por los del dicho mi consejo se provea lo que com- 
benga. — fecha en Madrid a 24 de Julio de 1652. — Yo el REY. m 



La Ciudad de Guadalaxara 23 de Agosto de 1664. A su Magestad. 
Recibida jo mayo 665* 

Sefior: Esta Ciudad de Guadalaxara recibio la cedula rreal en que 
Vuestra Magestad se sirve mandar informe la audiencia y cavildo eclesi- 
astico, sobre tener la alondiga que suplico esta giudad a Vuestra Magestad 
para sus propios y por el brebe despacho de las Ureas los a quien toca in- 
formar le embiaran en otra Ocasion. 

Bolvemos a Rendir las gracias a Vuestra Magestad de la mersed que 
nos hiso de embiar por Governador y presidente de esta rreal audiencia 
a el Lizenciado don Antonio albares de castro de cuia entrada y prin- 
gipio dio esta giudad quenta a Vuestra Magestad y despues lo a continuado 
con su pasifico govierno, dando los ofisios, a los mas benemeritos y nobles, 
y lo mismo los Curatos en hijos patrimoniales de esta tierra, amparando 
los indios mineros y los que lo sirben para que rrindad ° a Vuestra Mages- 
tad muchos quintos. El despacho de la audiencia y governacion es el mas 
pronto que se a visto y que no pase de los derechos hordinarios ; a hecho 
buscar con gran cuidado, los salteadores, y traer presos de otras provin- 
cias y para que no, aia los, hurtos y quemas que solia haver de noche en 
las puertas, de tiendas ; ha mandado roden p por sus dias los de el comer- 
sio de que se consigue otro fin que no se defraudan las alcavalas ni entran 
de noche las mercadurias. ha hecho Reedificar el hospital rreal de san 
Miguel y siendo asi que antes, no acudian enfermos por el mal avio que 
havia, ahora, les, a Reedificado la Casa y Capilla y los difuntos que antes 
se Solian enterrar en un Corral a hecho se entierren, en la Yglesia maior, 
hisoles comprar Ropa, sirvientes y las mas menesteres nesesarias, Con 
que oi es el Reparo publico de los pobres en gran bien de esta giudad, a 
Cuios Veginos y mineros a asistido en quanto fue posible, en las grandes, 
Vexaciones y estorsiones que les hiso aqui, un Jues de el Visitador don 
francisco Valles, que si el dicho don francisco y el Virrei conde de banos, 
hubieran seguido el dictamen, de el presidente se hubiera librado la pro- 
vingia de tantas calamidades, los indios y sirbientes no se hubieran huido 
de las hagiendas de las minas, los quintos Reales hubieran Cresido i igua- 
na F. R. B., Sevilla. 
n A. G. L, 66-6-19. 

Obviously a miscopy for " rindan ". 
9 Probably " ronden " is meant. 



City of Guadalajara, 1664 185 

Salvatierra, 83 nor the president of the Audiencia of Guadalajara, have yet 
replied to the cedula herewith inserted, whereat my Council has expressed 
its surprise ; in view of all these things, I command you, for the remedy 
of the omission which has occurred in this matter, that as soon as you re- 
ceive this cedula you proceed to execute the orders contained in it, and 
send me the reports ordered concerning its contents together with your 
opinion, in order that the matter may be considered by the members 
of my Council and suitable orders may be issued. Dated at Madrid, 
July 24, 1652. I the King. 



The City of Guadalajara. August 23, 1664. To his Majesty. Received 

May 30, 1665. 

Sir: This city of Guadalajara received the cedula in which your 
Majesty was pleased to order the audiencia and the ecclesiastical chapter 
to make a report concerning a public granary of its own for which this 
city petitioned your Majesty. On account of the early departure of the 
store-ships, those whose duty it is to make the report will send it on 
another occasion. 

We again render thanks to your Majesty for the favor which you did 
us in sending as governor and president of this royal audiencia the 
licenciado Don Antonio Alvares de Castro, of whose arrival and inau- 
guration this city gave account to your Majesty. He has since continued 
his beneficent rule, giving the offices to the most worthy and honorable, 
and likewise the curacies to the native born sons of this country, and pro- 
tecting the Indian miners and those who serve, so that they may render 
to your Majesty many fifths. 

The administration of the audiencia and government is the most expe- 
ditious that has been experienced, without going beyond common rights ; 
he has taken great care to look for highwaymen and to bring prisoners 
from other provinces; and, to prevent the robberies and fires that often 
occurred at night in the doors of the shops, he has ordered that those of 
the business section be patrolled daily. By so doing still another end has 
been gained, namely, the prevention of fraudulent evasion of the excise 
tax, and the introduction of merchandise by night. He has caused to be 
rebuilt the royal hospital of San Miguel, which previously was in such a 
condition that the sick did not apply for help there because of the poor 
accommodations. He has now re-erected the house and chapel for them, 
and the dead, whom it was customary formerly to bury in a corral, are 
now buried in the main church. He caused clothing to be bought for them 
and attendants and other principal necessaries to be provided, and it is 
to-day the public refuge of the poor and a great benefit to this city. He 
has also aided the citizens and miners, as much as was possible, in the 
great oppressions and extortions which a judge of the inspector, Don 
Francisco Valles, imposed upon them. If the said Don Francisco and the 
viceroy, the Count of Banos, 84 had followed the advice of the president, 
the province would have escaped those great calamities, the Indians and 



186 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century 

lado este ano el enbio de plata a el pasado que con su cuidado de el presi- 
dente fue por solo en costas de salarios de un ano llebo el jues mas de ocho 
mil y tantos pesos para lo qual, cobro mas de trese mil pesos que cada peso, 
con las estorsiones y Vexagiones se triplicaba a la parte ; Y al fin el presi- 
dente es amigo de pobres y gente noble, mui facil en las audiencias, Cuida 
mucho de el buen cobro de lo que se deve, a esta Ciudad, y su augmento. 
Portase con gran Lusimiento en su Casa, coches, y criados, es amado 
generalmente, de estos Vecjnos y Reino con general aplauso por su gran, 
desinteres y apasibilidad, de que damos quenta a Vuestra Magestad que 
guarde Dios Como la christiandad, a menester : Guadalaxara y agosto 2$ 
de 1664 afios. 

Sus leales Vasallos de Vuestra magestad, Don Fernando Calderon 
y Solis; Don Juan de Ulloa y Lisana; Diego Perez de Rivera. 
[Todos con sus rubricas.~\ 

[Al mar gen se lee:'] 

Que a dado los oficios a los mas benemeritos. 

Y los curatos a hijos patrimoniales de la tierra. Ampara los indios Y 
mineros para que se aumenten los quintos Reales. 

Se buscan por su orden los salteadores. 

Hase que se ronde para escusar los hurtos, que de noche se hasian en 
las tiendas. 

A hecho reedificar el ospital casa Y capilla. Los difuntos que se enter- 
raban en un corral se entierran ya en la Yglesia. 

Probeyo de Ropa Y todo lo nescesario a el ospital. A asistido a los 
mineros todo lo posible contra las vexaciones que hiso el visitador que 
envio Don francisco balles que ocasiono ser el envio mas corto que el 
conste porque de solos sus salarios llebo 8 mil pesos. 

Es amigo de los Pobres y Gente noble facil en las audiencias portase 
con gran lucimiento ampara a la Ciudad Con jeneral aplauso por su 
afabilidad Y agrado. 

[Al dorso se lee:'] 

Que se de priesa para que lo embie, Sefioria : esta carta escrivio la audi- 
encia en 17 de nobiembre de 664. 

Que lo Vea el sefior fiscal con lo demas que huviere en la materia. 
[Una riibrica.] 

Esta Carta se a de juntar Con las que se llevaron en 6 de Junio al sefior 
fiscal de la audiencia en que se que j an del mal govierno de Don Antonio 
alvarez y dan quenta de los exgesos que Comete y con otra de Don fran- 
cisco balles de 18 de febrero de 665 en que trata de la Visita de guada- 
lajara y sus cajas. Y esta asi mismo en poder del sefior fiscal desde 7 de 
Junio de 665. 






City of Guadalajara, 1664 187 

servants would not have fled from the mining establishments, the royal 
tithes would have increased, and the shipment of silver this year would 
have equalled what it was last year under the management of the presi- 
dent. Solely for the expense of salaries the judge took in one year 
8000-odd pesos, for which he collected more than 13,000 pesos, every 
one of which, on account of the vexations and annoyances on its part, 
[seemed] to be tripled. 

Finally, the president is a friend of both poor and noble people, is easy 
of access in his audiences, and is solicitous in the collection of all that is 
owing to this city; and in its advancement. He keeps his house, carriages, 
and servants in great splendor, is generally loved, and from these citizens 
and [this] kingdom [he inspires] general applause on account of his great 
disinterestedness and affability. Of this we give account to your Majesty, 
whom may God guard, as Christianity has need for. Guadalajara, 
August 23, 1664. 

The loyal subjects of your Majesty, Don Fernando Calderon y 
Solis; Don Juan de Ulloa y Lisana; Diego Perez de Rivera. [All 
signed with rubrics.'] 

[In the margin it reads:"] 

He has given the offices to the most deserving and the curacies to the 
native born sons of the country. He protects the Indians and miners so 
that the royal tithes may be increased. 

By his order highwaymen are sought out. 

He causes patrols to be made to prevent the robberies that by night were 
wont to occur in the stores. 

He has caused the hospital, house, and chapel to be rebuilt. The dead, 
who were [formerly] interred in a corral, are now buried in the church. 

He provided the hospital with clothing and all necessaries. He has 
aided the miners as far as possible against the extortions practised by the 
inspector sent by Don Francisco Valles, who caused the shipment to be 
less than usual. This is evident, because he carried off, for their salaries 
alone, 8000 pesos. 

He is a friend of the poor and of noble people, is easy of access in the 
audiences, maintains himself in great splendor, and protects the city, with 
general applause for his affability and agreeableness. 

[On the back it reads:] 

Let haste be made so that it may be sent to his lordship. The audiencia 
wrote this letter on November 17, 1664. 

Let the fiscal see it with the rest that there may be on the matter. 
[A rubric] 

This letter is to be added to those that were taken on the sixth of June 
to the senor fiscal of the audiencia, in which complaints are made of the 
bad government of Don Antonio Alvares and account is given of the 
excesses committed by him, and with another of Don Francisco Valles of 
February 18, 1665, in which he treats of the inspection of Guadalajara 
and its funds. It is likewise in the possession of the senor fiscal since 
June 7, 1665. 




Seiior fiscal 



188 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century 

[Inform* del Gobemador Antonio de Oca Sarmiento al Seiior Virrey. 
El Parral, 12 de Mar 20 de i66y.~\ q 

Luego que llegue a este govierno Di quenta, a Vuestra Senoria del 
estado en que se allava este Reino y sus provinzias, y de la Ressidenzia 
de mi antesesor que se me encargo, y por si con la perdida del havisso, 
y la inquietud que los yndios ocasionan no an llegado los Pliegos a tiempo 
de flota, y que les ayan cogido los compreendidos en la comission pues 
llevando estos mismos despachos, le mataron o ellos o los enemigos, sin 
poderse averiguar asta oy quien aya sido, Doi segunda vez quenta de todo 
al Consejo, asi en lo que toca, a lo militar como a lo Politico, y espero 
en todo resivir las honrras de Vuestra Senoria en continuacion de las que 
siempre se a servido hacerme, a que estare con el Rendido Reconocimiento 
que devo de servidor suio : 

Sehor: llegue a este govierno a los primeros de enero de 66 allandole 
enzendido en guerras que los yndios salineros, y cavezas y sus aliados le 
davan, haviendo echo liga con las naciones tonoza yaco- 
clames y las de su sequito, que son muchas, y antes de 
haver llegado a este Real, quinze dias despues de haver 
tornado Posesion en Durango que esta, a la entrada de 
este Reino, acometieron estas naciones en el medio del a los carros del 
capitan Pedro de Andrade que yba a traer el agogue a este Real, dero- 
taronseles, y mataron quanta gente y soldados llevavan en su defenssa; 
Junte la gente de guerra que pude, y Yndios amigos (y aunque me allava 
sesenta leguas de donde havia sucedido) le di alcanze en su tierra adonde 
por la aspereqa della y por haverse puesto en huida se les hico poco dafio ; 
continue despues reconozer sus tierras y por donde haze, las entradas a 
las de los espanoles y Yndios amigos, Passandome a este Real adonde es 
la continua avitacion de los governadores, y desde aqui procure atajar, 
los dafios que haze con sus entradas, saliendo Personalmente a todo. 
Y saviendo que la provincia de Conchos se alzava a ymitacion de estotros 
enemigos y coligada con ellos, entre a su pacification, y la consegui, (a 
Dios grazias) en muy corto tiempo. Castigando las cavezas de su alza- 
miento; Siendo esta provincia de las mas ynportantes a este Reino, por 
lo que servia sus haciendas del campo y Plata, y totalmente embarazava, 
el Comercio del a de sinaloa y del Reino del nuevo mexico, Por ser Passo 
preziso a entrambas partes; y asta oi se ha echo esto sin anadir mucho 
gasto a su Magestad quando, otras Provincias en seme j antes ocasiones 
an costado un sinfin de hazienda con estas ocasiones e logrado la de re- 
conozer todo este Reino y sus Provincias Amigas, y enemigas que hazen 
yreparables dafios, y mas sensibles quando su Magestad gasta con la gente 
de guerra lo que pudiera vastar para su remedio siendo solo la mala dis- 
pusicion la que ocasiona estos dafios; pues repartiendose la gente que 
tiene asta cien soldados, con quarenta yndios amigos, a los parajes por 
donde entra, a nuestras tierras en diez atalaias, en cada una Diez soldados, 
con quatro yndios amigos, que de una a otra se den la mano, quedando 
los enemigos sujetos al cordon que forman, y seguro el comercio y todo 

q A. G. I., 66-6-18. 



Senor fiscal. 



Antonio de Oca Sarmiento, 1667 189 

[Report of Governor Antonio de Oca Sarmiento 85 to the senor viceroy. 
El Parral, March 12, 166/.] 

As soon as I arrived in this government I gave to your lordship an 
account of the state of this kingdom and its provinces, and of the residen- 
cia of my predecessor, 86 which was intrusted to me. But. since the des- 
patch may have been lost, and since, on account of Indian unrest, the 
papers [may] not have arrived in time for the fleet, and since it is not 
known whether those designated for this mission recovered the despatches, 
for either one or all were killed, as they were carrying them, or else the 
Indians were killed, and since I have not yet been able to ascertain which 
[is the case], I again make a complete report to the Council concerning 
military and political matters. I hope to continue to receive in all these 
matters the honors which your lordship has always shown me, in the 
expectation of which I shall continue to display the humble submission 
which I owe as your servant. 

Sir: I arrived in this government at the beginning of January, 1666; 
I found it raging with the wars which the Salineros, their chiefs, and 
their allies were conducting; they had leagued themselves 
with the Tonoza and Yacoclames nations, and those un- 
der their influence, who are many. 

Before I had reached this camp, two weeks after I had 
taken charge of the government in Durango, which is near the entrance 
of this kingdom, these nations made an attack, in about the middle of it, 
upon the wagons of Captain Pedro de Andrade, who was going to fetch 
the quicksilver for this camp. They defeated Andrade and killed all the 
men and the soldiers whom he had with him for defense. I therefore 
gathered together all the soldiers and Indian allies I could, and (although 
I was seventy leagues away from the scene), I overtook the Indians in 
their own country, where, on account of its roughness and because the 
Indians took to flight, I did them little damage. I then went on recon- 
noitring their country and the place where they make their entry into the 
lands of the Spaniards and the friendly Indians. Thence I came to this 
camp, which is the permanent residence of the governors, and from this 
place I attempted to restrict the damages which they commit upon their 
raids, going out personally in all cases. 

Learning that the province of Conchos, in imitation of these other 
enemies and in league with them, was in rebellion, I went into their terri- 
tory to pacify them. I met with success (thanks to God), in a short time, 
punishing the leaders of their most important uprising. This province 
is one of the most important of this kingdom, on account of the produc- 
tions of its farms and silver mines, and the rebellion was completely 
checking its commerce with Sinaloa and the kingdom of New Mexico, 
lying, as it does, directly on the route to each [province]. Up to the 
present this has been effected without much expense to his Majesty, 
whereas other provinces in similar circumstances have cost endless 
treasure. 

In the performance of these measures I have had occasion to recon- 
noitre this entire kingdom and its pacific provinces as well as its rebellious 



190 Nueva Viscaya in the Seventeenth Century 

el Reino, allandose en la vereda Real las diez atalaias, dividiendo los 
amigos de los enemigos, segun se muestra en un mapa, que Remito a ese 
Real consejo, que forme para mas vien dar a entender el yntento y se- 
guridad de uno y otro; y se guarnezen estas atalaias sin anadir gasto a 
su Magestad mas que de ocho soldados, y seis mill pesos por una vez 
Para la fabrica de las atalaias (Como Vuestra Senoria conozera por mi 
consulta que por no cansar a Vuestra Senoria pues la a dever no la Repito 
en esta) con que queda preservado este Reino y sus Provincias a tan corta 
dispusicion y Gasto, y sin ello se espera cada dia su total asolazion, por 
allarse los soldados en parajes y presidios que no sirven; la tierra mui 
dilatada; el enemigo con gran cuerpo y sin oposicion en sus fronteras; 
y asi espero y este Reino de la Christianidad de Vuestra Senoria singular 
Celo al servicio de su Magestad y de su grandeza, su remedio, pues es el 
mas opulento de la nueba Espana. 

En lo politico, Sefior, haviendome su Magestad encargado la residen- 
cia de mi antesesor, y que segun un capitulo de carta del obispo de 
Durango averiguase los fraudes que se hubiesen echo a la Real hazienda, 
y darios de muertes en los naturales, lo ejecute asi, y en lo que toco, a Don 
francisco de gorraiz mi antesesor, esta sentenciado menos en la parte de 
un donativo que pidio con ocassion de Una Zedula de su Magestad sin 
que judizialmente constase, el haverlo pedido, y haviendole tornado su 
declaration Pareze no conbiene con las cantidades que declara haver per- 
cibido *ni con las provincias a donde se pidio, siendo mas las cantidades 
pedidas y las partes a donde se pidieron que las que declara, a cuia ocas- 
sion despache a todas las provincias para la averiguacion y por estar tan 
ynfestadas de guerras, no an acavado de llegar las diligenzias, que ajus- 
tadas y dado satisfacion a la Real hazienda desto, Remitire toda la 
Residencia. 

De ella resulto culpado el sargento Maior Valerio Cortes, que lo fue de 
Don francisco gorraiz por descargos suios, de haverle sido ynovediente, a 
sus ordenes, de que Resultaron graves danos y muertes de naturales, 
constando ser de muy natural, opuesto al govierno y servicio de su Mages- 
tad y tan sospechosso en el que llego a decir era Have de este Reino ; con- 
tinued la causa sobre todo y otros malos tratamientos que a los naturales 
a echo el y sus Criados haviendo de ella Resultado en sus haziendas los 
alcamientos de yndios que son los que oi dan la maior guerra a este Reino ; 
y ademas de su inquietud, le alle acompafiado de dos hombres que tenia 
en su cassa, uno ecclesiastico llamado Don francisco de los Rios yntrepi- 
disimo asi en el pulpito como en el pueblo, expulsso de la Compafiia de 
Jesus, conzitando, los vezinos de el contra mi antesesor de suerte que 
temiendome los alborotasse pedi al cvispo en conssideracion de las zedulas 
y hordenes de su Magestad le mandase salir como lo hico, dando Auto 
para que saliese deste Reino y su obispado el otro secular Don francisco de 
Somoza, que haviendo traido ynquieta la nueba Espana con sus atrozi- 
dades, se retiro a este Reino para continuarlas o eximirse del castigo dellas, 
con qui en conserto A cassar una hija suia el sargento maior, y teniendole 
Preso y Provado todo haviendo salido a campafia se huio de la Carcel, 
y haviendo ocurrido todos tres a la Audiencia de guadalaxara, sin mandar 
diese Razon porque prozedia contra todos tres a Valerio Cortes le dieron 



Antonio de Oca Sarmiento, 166/ 191 

ones, in which irreparable damages are done. These are the more serious 
because his Majesty is spending on soldiers what should be sufficient 
to effect the desired remedy, their unwise disposal being the only occasion 
for these damages. 

These forces, consisting of at least one hundred soldiers and forty 
friendly Indians, should be located at the places where the enemy enter 
our lands, and in ten watch-towers, each containing ten men and four 
friendly Indians, in such a manner that they would support each other 
and keep the enemy subject to the cordon of watch-towers thus formed ; 
this would make commerce safe, as well as the entire kingdom, for the 
ten watch-towers, placed upon the royal road, would divide the enemy 
from the friendly Indians, as is shown upon a map, which I am sending 
to that royal Council, which I drew for the purpose of better explaining 
the plan and the security which they offer each other. These watch- 
towers can be garrisoned without added expense to his Majesty save for 
eight more soldiers, and 6000 pesos at the outset for the construction of 
the towers (as your lordship will understand from my report which I 
omit here lest I tire your lordship unnecessarily). 

With this arrangement the kingdom and its provinces will be preserved 
at very slight expense and with little change in disposition of the troops. 
If the plan is not adopted our total desolation is daily anticipated because 
the soldiers are placed in locations and presidios which are of no service; 
the country is of great extent, and the enemy has large forces which 
encounter no opposition on the frontier. I therefore hope, as does this 
kingdom, that the Christian spirit of your lordship, singularly zealous for 
the service of his Majesty and his greatness, will provide its remedy, for 
it is the richest province of New Spain. 

As to political affairs, Sir, his Majesty intrusted me with the residencia 
of my predecessor, and, in conformity with an article in a letter from 
the Bishop of Durango, [ordered me] to investigate frauds which had 
been committed in the real hacienda, and the murders committed upon 
the natives. These orders, therefore, I executed. With regard to my 
predecessor, Don Francisco de Gorraez, 87 he has been sentenced except in 
the matter of a loan which [he claims] he demanded on receipt of a 
cedula from his Majesty; without this cedula it does not appear that he 
demanded it legally. The declaration of Gorraez having been taken, it 
appears that it does not conform with the amounts which he declares he 
has collected nor with the provinces in which he asked for the collections, 
the amounts being greater and the provinces more numerous than he 
acknowledges in the declaration. As a result I sent to all the provinces 
to have investigations made, but, as they are so infested with wars, the 
reports have not come in. When they have been received and the proper 
amounts credited to the real hacienda, I will remit a report of the entire 
residencia. 

As a result of this residencia the former sargento mayor of Don Fran- 
cisco Gorraez, Valerio Cortes, has been found guilty, upon his own 
answers to the charges brought against him, of having been disobedient 
to the governor's orders. As a result, serious injuries, even deaths, were 
suffered by the natives. It has been made evident that the sargento mayor 



192 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century 

provission para que no le hiciese causas ni prozediese contra el y que no le 
prendiese y si le tenia preso le soltase y que me yniviese de las causas que 
le tuviese echas y al clerigo le dieron provision de amparo; Remiti a 
aquella Audiencia las causas en testimonios para instruirla de los naturales 
y delitos de todos y de como contra Valerio Cortes obrava en virtud de 
Comission de ese Real consejo, a quien tocaban las apelaciones y conozi- 
mientos de ella, y que en esa consideration, no podia ynivirme ; haziendo 
al acuerdo consulta, aparte, sobre todo y quan en perjuicio de la Juriss- 
diccion Real y de la autoridad deste puesto y de la que debe tener en 
provincias tan remotas y ynfestadas de guerras, era que se despachasen 
tan facilmente tales provissiones, y a pedimiento de personas tan sos- 
pechosas, y que tenian este Reino ynquieto, siendo caussa de quantos 
danos padecia, Pues havian salido de sus haziendas tantos alcamientos 
de yndios, que oi son los maiores enemigos : Doi quenta a Vuestra Sefioria 
dello, para con bista de las causas y consultas que embio al Real Consejo 
sea servido de mandar que la Audiencia no se embaraze en inpedir la 
comission y averiguacion de fraudes y delitos que es tan del servicio de 
su Magestad y alivio de estos naturales, pues mi justificacion y prozeder 
en ella, sea de ver en ese Real Consejo ; y que, en quanto a la Jurisdizion 
hordinaria, esten solo en admitir las apelaciones y no mas, sin contravenir, 
a las Reales Zedulas de su Magestad dadas en favor de este Govierno, 
y Capitania General; Guarde Dios a Vuestra Sefioria los muchos anos 
que deseo con los aumentos que Mereze, Parral y Marco 12 de 1667 Besa 
las manos de vuestra sefioria su mayor Servidor Antonio de Oca 
Sarmiento. 



Antonio de Oca Sarmiento, 1667 193 

is, as is to be expected, opposed to the government and service of his 
Majesty, and is regarded with suspicion because he went so far as to say 
that he himself was the key to this kingdom. I continued his trial con- 
cerning all this and other mistreatment of the natives by him and his ser- 
vants, as a result of which rebellions of Indians occurred on his farms 
which to-day are causing the most serious wars in the kingdom. In addi- 
tion to this disturbance, I found that he had two men in his house as com- 
panions, one of them an ecclesiastic named Don Francisco de los Rios, 
a man bold in the pulpit and in the town, who was expelled from the 
Company of Jesus, and who was exciting the settlers of the place against 
my predecessor in such a manner that, fearful lest he should cause them 
to rebel, I asked the bishop, in view of the cedulas and orders of his 
Majesty, to order him to go away. The bishop did so, issuing an auto 
commanding him to depart from this kingdom and from his bishopric. 
The other companion [of Cortes] was a secular, Don Francisco de 
Somoza, who had stirred up all New Spain by his atrocious acts and had 
retired to this kingdom to continue them or to escape punishment for 
them, and to whom the sargento mayor agreed to give his daughter in 
marriage. I was holding him [Somoza] a prisoner, all charges against 
him having been proven, but while I was out on a campaign he escaped 
from prison. All three of these men then appealed to the Audiencia of 
Guadalajara. That court, without ordering an investigation as to why 
I was bringing actions against all three, gave to Valerio Cortes a writ 
specifying that no causes nor processes should be brought against him, 
nor should he be taken prisoner, and if he were so taken he should be set 
free; moreover, I was forbidden to prosecute the charges which I had 
brought against him. To the cleric, the audiencia issued a writ of protec- 
tion. I sent to the audiencia transcripts of the cases in order to inform them 
of the nature of the crimes of each of the men, and I explained that I 
was proceeding against Valerio Cortes by virtue of a commission from 
the royal Council of the Indies, to which body lay any appeal, or cogni- 
zance, of the case, and that, as a consequence, the audiencia had no power 
to inhibit my action. I also made representation to that court in a separate 
document concerning the entire situation, showing how prejudicial it 
was to the royal jurisdiction and to the authority of my position, as it 
should exist in provinces, so remote and so afflicted by wars, for them 
to issue such orders so readily at the request of persons of such suspicious 
character, who were keeping the kingdom perturbed, and were the cause 
of all the ills from which it suffered, for all the uprisings of the Indians 
who are now our worst enemies had their beginnings on the farms of 
these men. 

I am making a report to your lordship concerning this matter, so that 
you may, with knowledge of the cases and the reports which I am sending 
to the royal Council, be pleased to command that the audiencia shall not 
undertake to obstruct me in the discharge of my commission and the 
investigation of frauds and crimes — a commission which is of such great 
service to his Majesty and of so much benefit to these natives. As to my 
justification and procedure in the matter, let that be considered in that 
royal Council. I also hope that you will order the audiencia that in the 



194 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century 



[Carta del Governador Antonio de Oca Sarmiento a la Reyna. San Joseph 
del Parral, ip de Marzo de 1667.Y 

Senora: Aviendome Su Magestad hecho merced de este Govierno, fue 
servido darme su Real Zedula para tomase la Ressidencia a don fran- 
cisco de Gorraiz, mi antecessor, sin limitacion de tiempo respecto de lo 
dilatado de sus Provinzias y quanto las ynfestan los yndios enemigos 
alcados, con las guerras que las hacen, mandandome en virtud de un 
capitulo de Carta del Obispo de Durango, averiguase los frandes que a 
la Real hacienda se abian hecho en este tiempo, Muertes y danos de los 
naturales, caussadas por omission de Don francisco de Gorraiz, y sus 
ministros, y aviendo entendido en ella le hice los cargos que de sus ex- 
cessos pude averiguar, y admitiendole los descargos que dio, di sentencia 
en todos, (con parezer del Lizenciado Don Juan Zessati, Oidor de la Real 
Audiencia de Guadalaxara, y en ella se manda diese satisfacion a la Real 
hacienda de algunas cantidades, que entendi fuesen mas, de que apelo para 
ante Vuestra Magestad) menos en la parte de un donativo que se le en- 
cargo por una Real Zedula, que aviendo hallado le avia pedido sin la 
justificacion, ni autuar E ni dalle el cobro, ni la buena cuenta y racon que 
deviera, hize Jurasse y declarasse en que Provincias y lugares lo havia 
pedido, que cantidades se avian dado, y que paradero avian tenido, y 
aviendo jurado y declarado que en la ciudad de Durango le avia pedido, 
en el Real de Cuencame y en el de Guanacivi, no mas, aviendo despachado 
a todas las Provincias y Reales de este Reino mandamientos para la averi- 
guacion de si se avia Pedido, o, no, hallo averse perdido en muchas mas 
partes de las que Juro y declaro, con que quedo entendiendo en la averi- 
guacion y satisfacion de la Real hacienda en este punto, esperando fene- 
cerle para remitirlo con toda la mas Ressidencia a Vuestra Magestad Y 
por ajustarlo mexor, y ser las Provincias de este Reino tan dilatadas hice 
legajo y cargo a parte debaxo de su declaracion y Juramiento, y porque 
se avia de gastar mucho tiempo en esto, y hallarse Don francisco de Go- 
rraiz mui quebrantada la salud en este Real, pidiendome Licencia para yrse 
a curar a la Ciudad de Mexico, se la di haciendo dejarse poder bastante 
para lo dependiente de mi comission. En este estado se halla lo que a 
Don francisco Gorraiz toca. 

De los descargos que a los cargos que le hice dio en lo demas de su 
Residencia, resulto culpado el Sargento mayor Valerio Cortes que lo fue 

'A. G. I., 66-6-18. 

8 Obviously a miscopy for " actuar ". 



Antonio de Oca Sarmiento, 166 J 195 

affairs of the ordinary jurisdiction they shall admit appeals only, and 
shall not obstruct the royal cedulas of his Majesty issued in favor of this 
government and captaincy-general. May God guard your lordship the 
many years which I desire, and give you the success which you merit. 
Parral, March 12, 1667. Your chief servant kisses your lordship's hand. 
Antonio de Oca Sarmiento. 



[Letter of Governor Antonio de Oca Sarmiento 88 to the Queen.* 
San Joseph del Parral, March 19, 1667.'] 

Madam: Your Majesty having given me the appointment to this gov- 
ernment, you were pleased to give me your royal cedula ordering me to 
take the residencia of my predecessor, Don Francisco de Gorraez, 90 with- 
out limitation of time, because the province is so large and so infested 
by the revolted Indians who make war in it. You commanded me, in con- 
formity with an article in a letter from the Bishop of Durango, to inves- 
tigate the frauds which had been committed against the real hacienda 
during that time, and the deaths and other injuries to the natives caused 
by the negligence of Don Francisco de Gorraez and his ministers. Having 
instituted the residencia, I charged him with the abuses which I was able 
to ascertain, heard his defense, and, taking cognizance of the pleas which 
he made, I passed sentence upon him with the advice of the licenciado 
Don Juan Zessati, oidor of the royal Audiencia of Guadalajara, whereby 
he is ordered to make restitution to the real hacienda of certain amounts, 
which I understood might be larger, and concerning which I appeal to 
your Majesty except in the matter of a forced loan which was placed in 
his charge by a royal cedula. Finding that he had called for the loan 
without showing his authority for so doing, and that he had not pro- 
ceeded judicially either in safeguarding the fund or in keeping an account 
of it in proper manner, I made him take an oath and declare in what 
provinces and places he had demanded the loan, what sums had been 
given, and where they had been kept. He swore and declared that he had 
demanded the loan in the city of Durango, the Real de Cuencame, the 
Real de Guanacebi, and no others. But I found, upon sending orders to 
all the provinces and camps of this kingdom to ascertain whether the loan 
had been requested or not, that it had been called for in many more places 
than those mentioned in his oath and declaration. I am therefore engaged 
in the investigation and the satisfaction of the real hacienda in this mat- 
ter, hoping to finish in order to send to your Majesty a report concerning 
all the rest of the residencia. In order to arrange things best, and because 
of the vastness of the provinces of this kingdom, I made a separate bundle 
and package of the papers containing his declaration and oath. And be- 
cause the investigation would have taken much time, and because Don 
Francisco de Gorraez, greatly broken in health, was in this camp implor- 
ing me for license to go to Mexico City for treatment, I granted him per- 
mission to go, first causing him to arrange power of attorney with some- 
14 



196 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century 

todo el tiempo de su Govierno, de muchas ynobediencias que a Ordenes 
suyas tubo de que resultaron graves dafios a este Reino y sus naturales, 
y ser de muy ynquieto natural, y poco afecto al servicio de Vuestra 
Magestad opuesto al Govierno y a todo jenero de ministros, siendo su 
altivez de calidad que llego a dezir era la Have de este Reino, y para 
asegurarme mas de su proceder, aviendo sabido que el enemigo estaba 
en la sierra que llaman de Xicorica, de donde acostumbra hacer graves 
dafios a los naturales con muertes y Robos Le di Orden, soldados y yndios 
amigos para que lo fuese a hechar de la Sierra, y aviendo topado con el 
rastro del enemigo despidio los yndios amigos, sin seguir al enemigo, en 
contravencion de la horden que llevaba Volviendose a este Real, y Repre- 
hendiendole yo su ynobediencia, tubo conmigo los desaogos que acostum- 
bra con sus superiores. Hice caveza de processo contra el Juntandole las 
culpas y delitos que resultavan de los descargos de Don francisco de 
Gorriz y lo Reforme de su puesto prosiguiendo a la averiguacion de sus 
maldades y mal tratamiento que a los naturales a hecho siempre de que an 
resultado muchas muertes en sus haciendas y de ellas alcamientos de Yn- 
dios enemigos, que oi son los que maior Guerra dan a este Reino y otras 
atrocidades que con esclavos y sirvientes suios hacia, de que, asimismo, 
se ocassionaron muertes haciendose soberano en todo, sin respeto a la 
Justicia, ni a mis antecesores, amenacandoles (para conseguirlo todo) 
ynquietarlos con ynivissiones y provissiones de la Real Audiencia de 
Guadalaxara, como todo consta de la caussa que remito a Vuestra Mages- 
tad por mano del fiscal del Real Consejo de Yndias. Y aviendo Valerio 
Cortes savido que yo procedia contra el Ocurrio a Guadalaxara y saco 
provision para que yo Remitiese La Caussa y me yniviesse del Conoci- 
miento de ella a que respondi, y hice consulta, obraba en Virtud de Comis- 
sion de Vuestra Magestad, a quien tocavan las apelaciones y ynivissiones, 
y que por ese respecto no podia ynivirme y continuaba en el conocimiento 
y averiguacion de los delitos de Valerio Cortes remitiendo a aquella Audi- 
encia un traslado de la causa, solo para instruirla del mal natural y pro- 
cedimiento de Valerio Cortes, para que no se moviessen con la facilidad 
que por aca se acostumbra, a la solicitud de hombres tan peligrosos, y con 
quien se necessita mucho cuidado, respecto de sus tiranias y crueldades, y 
averse querido introducir a soberano con ellas a cuia caussa, Supplico a 
Vuestra Magestad sea servido mandar que la Audiencia de Guadalaxara, 
deje obrar en cossa que tanto importa al servicio de Vuestra Magestad 
Paz y quietud de este Reino y sus Provincias, satisfacion de la Real 
hacienda, y alivio de los naturales (que tanto encarga Vuestra Magestad 
sus buenos tratamientos) y este los tiene perseguidos con sus rigores. 
Ademas de su ynquietud le halle en su cassa acompaiiado de Un clerigo 
expulsso de la Compafiia de Jhessus llamado Don francisco de los Rios 
que predicaba con grandisima desemboltura, y yndecencia, contra Don 
francisco Gorraiz mi antecessor, (estandole tomando y su Ressidencia) 
de calidad que se hubiera amotinado este lugar, a no aver ocurrido al 
Obispo de Guadiana para que lo hiciera salir de este Reino y su obispado, 
como lo hico en consideracion de las Racones que le propuse para ello, 
y de quanto ynquietaba con su modo de proceder, este Reino ; Asimismo 
tenia en su compafiia el Sarxento mayor Valerio Cortes, y concertado a 



Antonio de Oca Sarmiento, 1667 197 

one competent to act for him in the affairs of my commission. This is 
the condition of affairs so far as Don Francisco de Gorraez is concerned. 

It developed from the answers he made to the charges which I pre- 
ferred in the remainder of the residencia, that the sargento mayor, Valerio 
Cortes, who held the office throughout the entire term of Gorraez, was 
guilty of frequent disobedience to the governor's orders which resulted 
in grave injuries to this kingdom and to the natives. It further developed 
that the sargento mayor was of a very restless disposition, little inclined 
to the service of your Majesty, and opposed to the government and all its 
ministers. His haughtiness was so great that he even went so far as to 
say that he was the key to this kingdom. Desiring to be more certain 
concerning his attitude, and having learned that the enemy was in the 
mountains called Xixorica, whence they are accustomed to do great dam- 
age to the natives by killing and robbing them, I gave him orders [to 
take] soldiers and friendly Indians and drive the enemy out of the moun- 
tains. But when he came upon their tracks he dismissed the friendly 
Indians and did not follow the enemy, contrary to the orders which he 
carried. 

When Valerio Cortes returned to this camp and I reprimanded him 
for disobedience, he displayed toward me his usual impudence toward 
his superiors. I brought a process against him, charging him with all the 
faults and crimes which were shown in the answers given by Don Fran- 
cisco de Gorraez [in his residencia']. I also removed him from his posi- 
tion, and continued to investigate his evil acts and his habitual mis- 
treatment of the natives. From these there have resulted many murders 
on his farms, and on them there have been begun uprisings of unfriendly 
Indians who are now waging the worst wars in this kingdom. I also 
investigated other atrocities which he committed against his slaves and 
servants, from which deaths also resulted. He has acted as a sovereign 
in everything, without respect for justice nor for my predecessors, threat- 
ening them (in order to accomplish his purposes) to harass them with 
inhibitions and orders from the royal Audiencia of Guadalajara, as ap- 
pears from the cause which I remitted to your Majesty through the hand 
of the fiscal of the royal Council of the Indies. 

Valerio Cortes having learned that I was proceeding against him, went 
to Guadalajara and obtained an order that I should remit the cause against 
him and take no more cognizance of it. To this I responded and made a 
report [saying] that I was operating by virtue of a commission from 
your Majesty, with whom lay all appeals and inhibitions, and that for 
this reason the audiencia could not inhibit me. I therefore continued to 
ascertain and investigate the crimes of Valerio Cortes and sent to that 
audiencia a transcript of the process, merely to inform that body con- 
cerning his bad character and actions, in order that they should not be 
moved as easily as they are wont by men of such dangerous character, 
who need careful handling on account of their tyranny and cruelty, 
whereby they have tried to possess themselves of sovereignty. I therefore 
beseech your Majesty to be pleased to command the Audiencia of Guada- 
lajara to stop interfering in a matter of so great importance to the service 
of your Majesty, the peace and quiet of this kingdom and its provinces, 



198 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century 

cassar con una hixa suia, a Don francisco Somoza a quien ofrecio en dote 
ochenta mill pessos, sin que tubiesse mas que la capa al hombro, solo 
por confrontar con su inquietud natural, y aver traido rebuelta la nueba 
espana haciendo en ella diferentes delitos y atrocidades, y una muerte 
en la Ciudad de Tepeaca, y teniendole, con noticias, provado esto le prendi, 
y despache cartas de Justicia a la nueba espana y ciudad de Tepeaca, Y a 
este medio tiempo se me ofrecio salir a campana, a la pacificacion de la 
provincia de Conchos y castigo de los Tobosos, con cuia occassion se huio 
de la carcel, y todos tres Ocurrieron a la Audiencia de Guadalaxara, 
adonde no dudo abran prorrumpido con aviesso de sus naturales, en odio 
y Venganza mia para con eso turbar el conocimiento y castigo de sus 
maldades, por averles Dividido, con conocimiento de que juntos pudieran 
causar qualquier ynquietud en este Reino. Y por si la Audiencia de Guada- 
laxara. a solicitud suya lo embarazare y despachare Juez de Residencia 
contra mi, en contravencion de una zedula que Su Magestad fue servido 
despachar a favor mio en esa Corte, a ocho de Junio de mill Seiscientos y 
sesenta y cinco afios, en que Vuestra Magestad manda, en el tiempo que 
yo governare en este Reino, no despache la Audiencia de Guadalaxara 
tales juezes de Ressidencia, con ningun Pretexto Supplico a Vuestra 
Magestad sea servido, mandarse este por dicha zedula, sin que este casso 
de Valerio Cortes sea bastante para ello, antes bien combiene al servicio 
de Vuestra Magestad Paz y quietud de estos Reinos, sea castigado por 
sus delitos, y aver de remitir yo dicha caussa al Real Consejo de Vuestra 
Magestad de Yndias, adonde en vista de lo autuado hasta oy, que remito, 
espero conocera Vuestra Magestad mi celo y justificacion en su Real Ser- 
vicio, Solicitando la defenssa, Paz y quietud de este Reino y sus Provin- 
cias; Guarde Dios a Vuestra Magestad los muchos afios que la Chris- 
tianidad a menester San Joseph del Parral y Marzo diez y nueve de mill 
seiscientos y sesenta y siete afios. Antonio de Oca Sarmiento. 



Antonio de Oca Sarmiento, 1667 199 

the satisfaction of the real hacienda, and the relief of the natives (whose 
good treatment your Majesty so often commands), and whom this man 
has so often persecuted with harshness. 

In addition to his disturbances, I found that he had as companions in 
his house an expelled cleric of the Company of Jesus, named Don Fran- 
cisco de los Rios, who was preaching with great boldness and lack of 
decency against my predecessor, Don Francisco de Gorraez (while I was 
taking his residencia) . His opposition was of such character that this 
place might have been moved to revolt if I had not appealed to the Bishop 
of Guadiana to command the cleric to depart from the kingdom and 
bishopric. The bishop complied out of consideration for the reasons 
which I submitted and because of the unrest which he was occasioning 
this kingdom by his actions. The sargento mayor Valerio Cortes also 
had in his company Don Francisco Somoza, to whom he had agreed to 
give his daughter in marriage, and to whom he offered a dowry of 80,000 
pesos. Somoza did not possess anything but the cape on his shoulder, 
merely because he was of his own restless disposition. He has stirred up 
all New Spain by the perpetration of various crimes and atrocities, includ- 
ing a murder in the city of Tepeaca. Being in possession of proofs of 
this, I arrested him and sent judicial advice of the fact to New Spain and 
to the city of Tepeaca. 

At this time I found it necessary to go on a campaign for the pacifica- 
tion of the province of Conchos and the punishment of the Tobosos, 
whereupon Somoza escaped from jail, and all three companions went to 
the Audiencia of Guadalajara, where I have no doubt they have broken 
out with all the perversity of their natures in hatred and vengeance upon 
me for the purpose of retarding the investigation and punishment of 
their evil deeds, especially in view of the fact that I had separated them 
because I knew that if they were allowed to remain together they would 
cause all manner of disturbance to this kingdom. 

Lest the Audiencia of Guadalajara should at their instance attempt to 
embarass me and send a residencia judge against me, in contravention of 
a cedula which your Majesty was pleased to issue in my favor at that 
court on June 8, 1665, in which your Majesty commands that during the 
time in which I shall serve as governor of this kingdom the Audiencia 
of Guadalajara shall under no pretext send out such residencia judges, 
I beseech your Majesty to be pleased to command that this cedula shall 
be obeyed, and that the case of Valerio Cortes shall not be considered to 
warrant the sending of a residencia judge; but that it is on the contrary 
fitting to the service of your Majesty and the peace and quiet of this 
kingdom that he should be punished for his crimes ; and that I shall remit 
his case to your Majesty's royal Council of the Indies, where, full knowl- 
edge being had of all the process to this date, which I am remitting, 
I trust that your Majesty will take cognizance of my zeal and uprightness 
in your royal service, and my solicitude for the defense, peace, and quiet 
of this kingdom and its provinces. May God guard your Majesty the 
many years for which Christendom has need of you. San Joseph del 
Parral, March 19, 1667. Antonio de Oca Sarmiento. 



200 Naeva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century 

Al Virrey de Nueva Espana Sobre que se quite una ymposicion que los 
Governadores de la Nueva Vizcaya han hecho a los Yndios de aquella 
Provincia y avisse los motivos que Huvo para ello con lo demas que 
se le ordena. 1 [Madrid, 22 de Junio de i6jo.~\ 

La Reyna Governadbra. Marques de Marfjera, etc., Virrey, etc. : 
... en capitulo de carta que me escrivio en el mes de Abril del ano pasado 
de 1669 El obispo de la Yglesia Cathedral de la ciudad de Durango en la 
Provincia de la Nueva Vizcaya refiere quan molestados se hallan los Yn- 
dios de ella, obligandoles a retirarse a los Montes, donde Carezen de la 
administracion de los Santos Sacramentos, estando Bautizados muchos 
de ellos, el Veer tan oprimidos por los Governadores a otros que estan 
congregados en Pueblos con los Repartimientos que hazen a titulo de 
Encomienda a los mineros y Lavadores estandoles prohivido por Cedulas 
Reales con graves penas y que la ocasion, es porque los tienen ocupados 
la mayor parte del ano en las Labrangas de sus Haciendas, dejando a sus 
familias, sin Recurso para sustentarse y les pagan su Servicio en Ropa 
a precios muy subidos todo lo qual havia significado al obispo. Don Juan 
Constantino Yndio Governador de los de la Nacion Concha, quejandosse 
de que el Governador de la Nueva Vizcaya le compelia a que fuesse a 
traer de los Montes a los Yndios encomendados, y que lo hacia con gran 
riesgo de su Vida, porque se resisten en forma de alsamientto por las 
caussas referidas, supplicome mande aplicar el Remedio convenientte 
para evittar Semejantes excessos y que aquellas Provincias se mantengan 
en Paz y los Yndios no carezcan de la administracion de los Santtos Sacra- 
mentos y educacion en la doctrina Christiana; Y haviendose Visto en el 
Conssejo Real de las Yndias con los testimonios que Remitio tocantes a 
lo Referido y lo que Sovre ello dijo el fiscal de el; Ha parecido Ordenaros 
y mandaros (como lo Hago) que luego que recivais este Despacho deis 
las Ordenes convenientes para que luego al punto se quite y revoque el 
dicho tributo, o ymposicion que refiere el Obispo haverse cargado a los 
Yndios, y que assimismo hagays averiguacion sobre quienes han sido los 
Auttores de el y en la primera occasion que haviere me ynformareis de 
las razones y mottivos que ha havido para su ymposicion y que tiempo 
havra que se Cargo, y lo que ha montado, y en que se ha convertido. — 
Fecha en Madrid, 22 de Junio de 1670 — Yo la Reyna. u 

[Sigue otro escrito igual a la Audiencia de Guadalaxara, de la misma 
fecha. 

Otra identica al Governador de Nueva Vizcaya Don Antonio de Oca, 
de la misma fecha. v — F. R. B.] 

'A. G. I., 103-3-1. 

" F. R. B., Sevilla. 

▼Either the original, or a copy, of each of these two letters is in A. G. I., 144-1-15. 
They are concluded as follows : " Por mandado de su Magestad. Francisco Ynez de 
Madrigal. Y senalada del Consejo."— C. W. H. 




Impost on Indians, i6jo 201 

To the viceroy of New Spain, ordering the removal of an impost which 
the governors of Nueva Vizcaya have laid upon the Indians of that 
province, and asking him to report the reason for levying it, and to 
comply with other orders. [Madrid, June 22, 1670.] 

The Queen Regent. 91 Marquis of Mancera, 92 etc., viceroy, etc.: . . . 
In an article of a letter which the bishop of the cathedral church of the 
city of Durango, in the province of Nueva Vizcaya, wrote to me in April 
of last year, 1669, he relates how afflicted are the Indians of that province. 
They are obliged to retire to the mountains, where they lack administra- 
tion of the holy sacraments, although many of them have been baptized. 
Others, who are gathered in towns in repartimiento which the governors 
give under title of encomienda to the miners and farmers — this, notwith- 
standing, being prohibited by royal cedulas under heavy penalties — are 
grievously oppressed by the governors. The occasion for this is that they 
are kept busy for the greater part of the year in the work of the farms, 
their families being left without resources for their sustentation, and they 
themselves being paid for their labor in clothing at exorbitant prices. 
All this had been reported to the bishop by the Indian governor of the 
Concha nation, Don Juan Constantino, who complained that the governor 
of Nueva Vizcaya had compelled him to go and fetch from the moun- 
tains the Indians who had been in encomienda, and that he had done so 
at great risk to his life, as they had revolted on account of the reasons 
given above. 

The bishop besought me to apply a suitable remedy so that such abuses 
might not recur, that the peace of the provinces might be preserved, and 
that the Indians might not lack the administration of the holy sacraments 
and instruction in the Christian doctrine. The matter having been con- 
sidered in the royal Council of the Indies together with the transcripts 
which the bishop sent concerning it, and the opinion of the fiscal of the 
Council, it has seemed wise to order and command you (as I do), that 
as soon as you receive this despatch you shall give suitable orders to have 
the tribute or impost which the bishop says has been laid on the Indians 
removed and revoked at once ; you shall also make an investigation as to 
who authorized the tax, and at your earliest opportunity you will report 
to me the cause or reason for its imposition, how long it has been collected, 
to what sum it has amounted, and in what this has been invested. Dated 
at Madrid, June 22, 1670. I the Queen. 

[There follows a similar letter to the Audiencia of Guadalajara bearing 
the same date. 

There is an identical letter to the governor of Nueva Vizcaya, Don 
Antonio de Oca, bearing the same date — F. R. B.] 



202 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century 

Al Obispo de la Nueva Vizcaya sobre que se observe lo dispuesto en las 
cedulas ariva ynsertas en que se manda que los Curas doctrineros 
sean examinados por los Prclados en la lengua de los Yndios. w 
[Madrid, 6 de Septiembre de 1670.] 

La Reyna Governadora. Reverendo en Cristo: Padre obispo de la 
Yglesia Cathedral de la Ciudad de Durango en la Provincia de la Nueva 
Vizcaya, del Consejo del Rey mi hi jo, El Rey mi Seiior que este en gloria, 
mando despachar La Cedula del tenor Siguiente : 

[Aqui La Cedula de 10 de Junio de 1631, que entra Por quanto y esta 
assentada en H* 8 ,* para de oficio de 633 hasta 636.] 

Y en carta, que me escrivisteis en treinta de Abril del afio pasado de 
1667, Referis los dafios espirituales que se ocasionan en esas Provincias 
de la Administracion de las doctrinas que tienen a su cargo los Religiosos 
de la Compania de Jhesus por no querer guardar la forma del Real 
Patronato ni lo dispuesto por el Santo Conzilio de Trento examinandose 
y aprovandose en la suficiencia y lenguas para ser Curas por el Prelado 
de su diosesi, y que los mas de ellos no saben las lenguas de los Yndios 
ni aun la Mexicana conque no pueden ynstruyrlos en la doctrina cristiana, 
y los confiesan por medio de Un Ynterprete de que pueden resultar graves 
ynconvenientes y poco util en su Reduzion de que me dais quenta para 
que mande proveer del Remedio Conveniente de suerte que se evite este 
desorden, y haviendose Visto en el Conssejo Real de las Yndias, Ha pare- 
cido deciros que supuesto que por las Cedulas arriva yncertas esta dis- 
puesto lo que se deve executar en quanto a que los sugetos que fueren 
presentados, para las doctrinas Sean examinados y aprovados por los 
Arcobispos, y obispos de su diosesi en la lengua de los Yndios que han de 
doctrinar, y conforme a esto, os toca la observancia, y Cumplimiento 
dello, Os ruego y encargo, que pues teneis entendido quanto ymporta que 
los doctrineros Sean muy bersados en el Ydioma de los naturales a quien 
han de administrar los Santos Sacramentos pongays en ello el cuydado 
y atencion que conviene, para excusar el dano que de lo contrario Resulta, 
y el grave escrupulo que deve causar qualquier omision 6 tolerancizia que 
en ello aya a que deveis ocurrir como Prelado y Pastor espiritual obrando 
con el celo y Vigilancia que corresponde a Vuestra obligacion — fecha en 
Madrid a 6 de septiembre de 1670. — Yo la Reyna/ 

W A. G. L, 1 03-3- 1. 

x It is not known for what this abbreviation stands. 

y F. R. B., Sevilla. 



Knowledge of Indian Language, 1670 203 

To the bishop of Nueva Vizcaya, commanding observance of the provi- 
sions of the cedulas inserted above, in which it is ordered that parish 
priests be examined in the language of the Indians by the prelates. 
[Madrid, September 6, 1670.I 

The Queen Regent. 03 Reverend Father in Christ, bishop of the cathe- 
dral church of the city of Durango, 94 in the province of Nueva Vizcaya, 
[member] of the Council of the king, my son : 95 The king, my lord, who 
is now deceased, 96 ordered issued the cedula whose tenor is as follows : 

[Here appears the cedula of June 10, 1631, just as it is set down in 
the record of official papers for the years 1633-1636.] 

And in a letter which you wrote to me on April 30 of the past year, 
1667, you recount the spiritual injury occasioned in those provinces from 
the administration of the doctrinas which the religious of the Company 
of Jesus have in charge, because they do not care to observe the provi- 
sions of the real patronato 9T nor the regulations of the holy Council of 
Trent, 98 namely, that in order to become parish priests they shall be ex- 
amined and approved as to ability and proficiency in languages by the 
prelate of their diocese. You say that most of them do not know the lan- 
guages of the Indians, nor even the Mexican language, so that they can- 
not instruct the Indians in the Christian doctrine, and they hear their con- 
fessions by means of an interpreter. From this may follow serious 
difficulties and little success with respect to their reduction, concerning 
which you give me an account in order that I may provide the suitable 
remedy, so that [in turn] this disorder may be avoided. 

This matter having been considered in the royal Council of the Indies, 
it has seemed wise to say to you that, inasmuch as it is stipulated in 
the cedulas inserted above what ought to be done with respect to those 
persons who may be presented for the doctrinas, let them be examined 
and approved by the archbishops and bishops of their dioceses in the In- 
dian languages in which they are to give religious instruction. Accord- 
ingly, its observance and fulfillment rests with you. I command and 
charge you, [therefore,] since you understand how important it is that 
religious instructors should be well versed in the language of the Indians, 
to whom they are to administer the holy sacraments, to give this matter 
proper care and attention in order to prevent the harm, which, on the 
contrary, results, and to prevent the serious consequences which any re- 
missness or laxity must necessarily cause. As a prelate and spiritual 
pastor, you ought to take action to remedy such a defect, laboring with 
zeal and watchfulness as your obligation demands. Dated at Madrid, 
September 6, 1670. I the Queen. 



204 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century 

Al Virrey de la Nueva espana que ynforme ssobre si conbendra agregar 
al Governador de la nueva Vizcaya el Govierno de los Presidios de 
sinaloa el cerro gordo y san sevastian de aquella provincia. 
Corregida. Con duplicado. Duplicose. z [Madrid, 6 de Septiembre 
de i6jo.~\ 

La Reina Governadora. Marques de Mancera Pariente del consejo de 
Guerra Virrey Governador y Cappitan General de las provincias de 
Nueva espana y Presidente de la Audiencia Real que Reside en la ciudad 
de Mexico o a la persona o personas a cuyo cargo fue su Govierno en el 
Consejo Real de las Yndias se a tenido noticia de los inconvenientes que 
Resultan para la defensa y seguridad de las provincias de la nueva Viz- 
caya de que el Govierno militar de ellas este dividido corriendo a Vuestro 
Cargo la provision de las Placas del Presidio de Sinaloa que tiene qua- 
renta y cinco soldados y un cappitan Y el del Zerro Gordo que tiene otro 
capitan con veinte y quatro soldados y otra plaqa mas para un Yndio que 
sirve de espia, Y el de San Sebastian con otro capitan y seis soldados con 
trezientos y cinquenta pesos de sueldo al ano cada uno. Y a cargo del 
Governador de dichas provincias estan los presidios de santa Catalina y 
san Ypolito, cada uno con su cappitan y nueve soldados y treinta hombres 
de campaiia con quatrocientos y cinquenta pesos cada una al afio. Y havi- 
endo esta Guarnicion no se castiga a los Yndios Reveldes escusandose 
los governadores con que no tienen jente suficiente por que la de los dichos 
presidios que estan a vuestra orden no le obedecen y que seria muy com- 
beniente para la defensa y seguridad de aquellas provincias que toda la 
jente militar dellas estubiesse a orden y del Governador y Cappitan Gen- 
eral de la Nueva Vizcaya. Y Haviendose Visto en el consejo Real de las 
Yndias a parecido ordenaros y mandaros (como lo hago) me ynformeis 
del estado y forma en que estan aquellas presidios y como se goviernan, 
y si convendra agregarlos todos a la Jurisdicion y Dominio del Governa- 
dor de la nueva vizcaya o si de ello podra seguirse algun ynconveniente o 
que disposicion se podra dar que sea mas eficaz para la seguridad de aquel- 
los Basallos y correccion de los yndios Reveldes y que se eviten los delitos 
que cometen dando ssobre ello Vuestro parezer para que con entera noticia 
de todo se tome la Resolucion que convenga fecha en Madrid a seis de 
settiembre de mill y seiscientos y setenta anos. Yo la Reyna. Por man- 
dado de su magestad Don Francisco Fernandez de Madrigal : sena- 
lada del Consejo. 



Al fiscal de la Audiencia de Guadalaxara dando reprezentacion por haver 
pedido se ponga en Livertad a los Yndios del distrito de ella, que 
tenian por esclavos. 0, [Madrid, jj de Diciembre de 1672.] 

La Reyna Governadora. Lizenciado Don Fernando de Haro y Mon- 
terroso oydor de la Audiencia de la ciudad de Guadalaxara . . . que 

'A. G. I., 144-1-15. a A. G. I. 103-3-2. 



Emancipation of Indians, 1672 205 

To the viceroy of New Spain, ordering him to report as to whether it 
would be fitting to assign to the governor of Nueva Vizcaya the con- 
trol of the presidios of Sinaloa, Cerro Gordo, and San Sebastian, of 
that province. Corrected; with a duplicate. Let it be duplicated. 
[Madrid, September 6, 1670.] 

The Queen Regent. 09 Marquis of Mancera, 100 relative, member of the 
Council of War, governor and captain-general of the provinces of New 
Spain, and president of the royal audiencia which sits in the city of 
Mexico, or to the person, or persons, in whose charge its government may 
be : The royal Council of the Indies learned of the difficulties that arise 
with reference to the defense and security of the provinces of Nueva 
Vizcaya, due to the fact that the military government of these provinces 
is divided — there being under your charge the control of the presidio of 
Sinaloa, which has forty-five soldiers and a captain; that of Cerro Gordo, 
which has another captain, twenty-four soldiers, and a place for an In- 
dian who serves as a spy; and that of San Sebastian, with another cap- 
tain, and six soldiers, the salary of each being 350 pesos per year. Also 
under the control of the governor of the said provinces are the presidios 
of Santa Catalina and San Hipolito, each with its captain, nine soldiers, 
and thirty field soldiers, the salary of each being 450 pesos per year. But, 
with all these garrisons, the rebellious Indians are not punished, for the 
governors excuse themselves from assisting by saying that they do not 
have a sufficient force, because the forces in the said presidios, which are 
under your charge, do not obey ; therefore it would be very suitable for 
the defense and security of those provinces that the entire military force in 
them should be under the command of the governor and captain-general 
of Nueva Vizcaya. 

The matter having been taken up in the royal Council of the Indies, 
it has seemed wise to order and command you (as I do) to report to me 
concerning the state and condition of those presidios, how they are gov- 
erned, if it would be wise to assign them all to the jurisdiction and con- 
trol of the governor of Nueva Vizcaya, or whether any detriment would 
arise from this, or what arrangement may be made that may be more 
efficacious for the security of those vassals, the correction of the rebel- 
lious Indians, and the prevention of the crimes which they commit. You 
will also give me your opinion concerning the situation so that, with com- 
plete knowledge of everything, the proper course may be taken. Dated 
at Madrid, September 6, 1670. I the Queen. By command of her 
Majesty. Don Francisco Fernandez de Madrigal. Signed by the 
Council. 



To the fiscal of the Audiencia of Guadalajara, offering acknowledgments 
for his having asked that the Indians of that district whom they hold 
as slaves be set at liberty. [Madrid, December 13, i6f2.~\ 

The Queen Regent. 101 Licenciado Don Fernando de Haro y Monter- 
roso, oidor of the Audiencia of the City of Guadalajara . . . serving 
temporarily as fiscal of the same : In a letter which you wrote to me on 



206 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century 

servis en ynterin la fiscalia della en carta que me escrivisteis en 20 de 
Marzo de este ano decis que desde el principio de la Conquista de las 
Yndias esta prohivida la esclavitud de los Yndios, y que haviendo enten- 
dido que muchos estavan en ella, pedisteis en essa Audiencia se pusiesen 
en livertad y se despacharon Provisiones y en su ejecucion se livertaron a 
los Yndios chinos, chichimecos, Sinaloes, Los del nuevo Mexico y nuevo 
Reyno de Leon y respecto de que en los districtos de las Audiencias de 
Mexico y Guatemala ay muchos esclavos de esta calidad proponeis que 
sera mui del servicio de Dios nuestro Senor que se haga lo mismo con 
ellos inponiendo la pena que pareciere contra los que los bendieren y com- 
praren Y haviendose Visto en el Consejo de las Yndias con lo que me 
escrivio acerca de esso esta Audiencia en 7 de Abril de este ano, y lo que 
sobre ello dijo y pidio el fiscal del, ha parecido daros gracias (como lo 
hago) por lo que en esto haveis obrado que es mui con forme a vuestro 
zelo, y atencion, y os encargo que por lo que os toca esteis siempre con 
todo cuidado de que se observe en lo de adelante, pues estan Justo y con- 
veniente dejar a los Yndios en livertad, como esta mandado por tan repe- 
tidas cedulas, por el escrupulo que causa su esclavitud, y a las Audiencias 
de Mexico y Guatemala, he mandado por despacho de la fecha de este 
ejecuten lo mismo en sus distritos, de que me a parecido avissaros para 
que lo tengais entendido. Madrid 13 de Diciembre 1672. Yo la Reyna. 1 * 



A la Audiencia de Guadalajara dandolas Gracias por haver pnesto en 
livertad a los Yndios del distrito de ella, como esta mandado por 
diferentcs cedulas. [Madrid, 23 de Diciembre de 1672.'] 

La Reyna Governadora. Presidente y Oydores de la Real Audiencia 
... en carta de 7 de Abril de este ano me dais cuenta de que con ocasion 
de haver pedido el fiscal de ella se diese cumplimiento a las cedulas que 
prohiven la esclavitud de los Yndios chinos y chichimecos del distrito de 
essa audiencia, despachasteis provision al Governador de la Provincia de 
la Nueva Vizcaya, y al Corregidor de Zacatecas para que pusiessen en 
livertad, a los Yndios de las fronteras de la Nueva Vizcaya, Nuevo Reyno 
de Leon, Nuevo Mexico, y Provincia de Sinaloa, y lo ejecutaron, de que 
a resultado gran servicio a Dios nuestro Senor, y alivio, y conguelo de los 
demas Yndios, y Juntamente disteis orden para que los poseedores Justi- 
ficaren el titulo con que los tenian, y declarasteis que las mugeres y ninos 
de 14 anos, aunque fuesen apresados en Guerra Justa fuesen libres Por 
estar Resuelto asi por diferentes cedulas y en particular por las de los 
anos 1553 y 1563 y que en el distrito de la Audiencia de Mexico ay gran 
numero de chinos tenidos y rreputados por esclavos, y que sera muy con- 

b F. R. B., Sevilla. 
C A. G. I., 103-3-2. 



Emancipation of Indians, 1672 207 

March 20 of this year, you say that since the beginning of the conquest 
of the Indies slavery of the Indians has been prohibited, and that having 
learned that many of them are in slavery, you made a request in that 
audiencia that they should be set at liberty. Orders were issued and in 
obedience thereto the Chinos, Chichimecos, Sinaloas Indians, and those 
of New Mexico and of Nuevo Reyno de Leon were set at liberty. As 
there are still many slaves in the districts of the Audiencias of Mexico 
and Guatemala, you suggest that it will be very pleasing to the service of 
God our Lord to do the same with respect to them, and to impose suitable 
punishment upon those who buy and sell them. 

The matter having been considered in the Council of the Indies, to- 
gether with what that audiencia wrote to me concerning this matter, on 
April 7 of this year, and the opinion which the fiscal of the Council gave 
and requested concerning it, it has seemed wise to thank you (as I do) 
for what you have done, which is very much in conformity with your zeal 
and attentiveness. And I command you that, as regards what relates to 
you, you continue with all diligence as to the observance of the laws in 
the future, for it is just and proper to leave the Indians in freedom, as is 
commanded by oft-repeated cedulas, on account of the scruples of con- 
science which their enslavement causes. I have ordered the Audiencias 
of Mexico and Guatemala, in a despatch under even date herewith, to do 
the same within their districts, of which action it has seemed wise to ad- 
vise you for your information. Madrid, December 13, 1672. I the 
Queen. 



To the Audiencia of Guadalajara, thanking its members for having set at 
liberty the Indians of its district, as is commanded in various cedulas. 
[Madrid, December 23, 1672J] 

The Queen Regent 102 To the president and oidores of the royal audi- 
encia . . . : In a letter of April 7 of this year you advise me that pur- 
suant to a request by the fiscal of the audiencia for compliance with the 
cedulas which prohibit the enslavement of the Chinos and Chichimecos 
Indians of the district of that audiencia, you issued an order to the gov- 
ernor of the province of Nueva Vizcaya, and to the corregidor of Zaca- 
tecas, requesting them to set at liberty the Indians of the frontier of 
Nueva Vizcaya, Nuevo Reyno de Leon, New Mexico, and the province 
of Sinaloa. They complied, rendering a great service to God, our Lord, 
and contributing relief and consolation to the other Indians. At the same 
time you ordered that their owners should prove the titles whereby they 
held slaves, and you declared that women and children of fourteen years, 
even if taken in just war, should be free, since it has been so ordered by 
various cedulas, particularly those of the years 1553 and 1563. [You also 
report] that in the district of the Audiencia of Mexico there are large 
numbers of Chinos held and reputed to be slaves, and that it would be 
very proper for the same thing to be done there. 



208 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century 

veniente se execute lo mismo. Y haviendose visto en el consejo de las 
Yndias, con el testimonio de Autos que remitisteis, y lo que me escrivio 
el Lizenciado Don Fernando de Haro y Monterroso Siendo fiscal de essa 
Audiencia en 20 de Marzo de este afio con lo que acerca de ello dijo y 
pidio el fiscal del consejo, Ha parecido daros gracias por lo que haveis 
ejecutado en esta materia, y encargaros y mandaros, (como lo hago) 
esteis siempre con todo cuidado de que se observe lo rresuelto por las 
cedulas referidas que tratan de la libertad de los Yndios chichimecos, y 
chinos, por ser tan justo y conveniente dejarlos en ella, como esta or- 
denado pues con esto cessara el escrupulo que causa su esclavitud, y por 
despachos de la fecha de este, he mandado a las Audiencias de Mexico y 
Guatemala, pongan en livertad a los esclavos que huviere de esta calidad 
en el distrito de ellas. Madrid 23 de Diziembre 1672. Yo la Reyna/ 



A la Audiencia de Guadalaxara, estranandole que no aya embiado al 
Consejo los Autos de un Pleyto que siguio Don Fernando de Haro 
sobre el servicio Personal de los Yndios de las Provincias de Sonora 
y Sinaloa y mandando los rernite sin dilacion. 6 [Madrid, 2 de Abril 
de 1676.1 

El Rey ... el Licenciado Don Fernando de Haro y Monterroso, 
oydor de essa Audiencia en carta de Junio primero de 1675, da quenta 
entre otras cosas de que haviendo seguido pleyto en essa Audiencia Con 
diferentes personas poderosas sobre el servicio personal de los Yndios 
de las Provincias de Sonora y Sinaloa y sobre la division de tierras y 
Aguas de dichas Provincias Obtubo Sentencia de Vista y Revista en 
favor de los Yndios de que se despacho executoria y la execucion Se 
Cometio a Don Joseph Garcia de Salzedo Governador de la Nueva Viz- 
caya mandandole que cuando hiziese la Visita diese Orden para que se 
cumpliese la executoria, y con ocasion de Una carta que escrivio a la 
audiencia Provisteis Auto en que mandastes se suspendiese la execucion 
hasta darme quenta de ello. Y haviendose Visto en mi Consejo de las 
Yndias con lo que pidio mi fiscal he mandado se os advierta se a estra- 
nado mucho la omision que haveis tenido en remitir este pleyto y poner 
en execucion el auto que provisteis, y os ordeno y mando que sin dilacion 
ninguna imbieis a mi Consejo de las Yndias los papeles autos y testimonios 
que huviere sobre el punto que estuviere pendiente Sin dilacion alguna 
para que se provea lo que f uere Justicia y del Recivo de este despacho y de 
su execucion me dareis quenta en la primera ocasion . . . Madrid, 2 de 
Abril 1676. Yo el Rey/ 

d F. R. B., Sevilla. 
e A. G. I., 103-3-2. 
' F. R. B, Sevilla. 



Suit Concerning Indians, 1676 209 

The matter having been considered by the Council of the Indies, to- 
gether with the transcript of the autos which you sent, that which the 
licenciado Don Fernando de Haro y Monterroso, fiscal of that audiencia, 
wrote to me on March 20 of the present year, and the opinion of the fiscal 
of the Council, it has seemed wise to thank you for what you have done 
in this matter, and to charge and command you (as I do) to be always 
very careful that that which has been resolved by the cedulas mentioned, 
which prescribe the liberty of the Chichimecos and Chinos Indians, is 
observed, because it is so just and proper to leave them at liberty, as is 
ordered, for thereby the scruples which their slavery causes will cease. 
In despatches of even date I have commanded the Audiencias of Mexico 
and Guatemala to set at liberty those who may be of the status of slaves 
in their districts. Madrid, December 23, 1672. I the Queen. 



To the Audiencia of Guadalajara, expressing surprise that it has not sent 
to the Council the autos in a sirit which Don Fernando de Haro prose- 
cuted concerning the personal service of the Indians of the provinces 
of Sonora and Sinaloa, and commanding that it forward them at 
once. [Madrid, April 2, i6j6.~\ 

The King. . . . The licenciado Don Fernando de Haro y Monterroso, 
oidor of that audiencia, in a letter of June 1, 1675, reports, among other 
things, that, having prosecuted a suit in that audiencia against various 
powerful personages concerning the personal service of the Indians of 
the provinces of Sonora and Sinaloa, and the division of land and water 
in those provinces, he obtained a sentence for examination and review in 
favor of the Indians, by virtue of which a writ of execution was ob- 
tained, and its enforcement was entrusted to Don Joseph Garcia de 
Salcedo, 102 governor of Nueva Vizcaya. He was commanded that when 
he performed the visitation he should give orders that the writ be com- 
plied with, but, because of a letter which he wrote to the audiencia, you 
issued an auto in which you ordered suspended the execution of the writ 
until a report on it could be made to me. 

The matter having been considered by my Council of the Indies, to- 
gether with the request of my fiscal, I have commanded that you be ap- 
prised that I am greatly astonished at your failure to report the suit and 
put into execution the writ which you issued. And I order and command 
you to send to my Council of the Indies without any delay the papers, 
autos, and transcripts which may exist concerning the point now pending, 
so that whatever may be just may be commanded. You will report re- 
ceipt of this despatch and of its execution at your earliest opportunity. 
Madrid, April 2, 1676. I the King. 



210 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century 

El Lizenciado Don Lope de Sierra Ossorio Oidor de la Real Audiencia 
de Mexico, Gobernador y Capitan General que fue del Reino de la 
Nueva Vizcaia, in forma a Vuestra Magestad el estado de las cossas 
de aquel Reino. q [Mexico, 26 de Septiembre de 1678. ~] 

Sehor: Por muerte de Don Martin de Revollar Gobernador y Capitan 
General del Reino y provincias de la Nueva Viscaia, fueron tantas las 
muertes rovos y latrocinios, que onze naziones de Indios enemigos execu- 
taron en los pobres miserables vezinos de aquel Reino que haviendole 
dado las quexas, y noticia del riesgo en que estava de perderse en el todo, 
a Vuestro Arzobispo de Mexico Virrey de la Nueva Espafia, resolvio im- 
biarme a mi por Capitan General y Governador de aquel Reino y provin- 
cias, persuadido a que em medio de mi ynutilidad, el zelo y veras con 
que siempre he deseado emplearme en el servicio de Vuestra Magestad, 
desempefiaria su election y aseguraria a Vuestra Magestad aquel Reino 
cuia total ruina y despueble amenazava, la avilantez, con que los Yndios 
enemigos andaban executando en todos sus poblaciones, muertes y rovos 
no rreservando su barvara crueldad, mugeres nifios viejos, Religiossos y 
sagerdotes. 

Sali de esta ciudad de Mexico para el Real de san Joseph del Parral, 
distante de ella como trescientas leguas, por ser la parte mas principal 
de aquel Reino y que Vuestra Magestad tributa mas crecidos intereses y 
estava mas a riesgo de perderse porque en todos sus contornos, andaban 
los yndios enemigos, executando muertes y rovos, sin resistencia, y en 
los primeros dias que llegue, dieron en una hazienda de labor y mataron 
veinte yndios que estaban segando trigo, y Uevaron la cavallada, y mulada, 
luego que tube esta noticia ymbie en su seguimiento algunos soldados, 
yndios amigos, y fue nuestro Sefior servido de favorezerles con tan espe- 
zial misericordia, que haviendoles alcanzado al segundo dia, al amanezer 
el siguente, les dieron albazo los nuestros y siendo mui pocos en numero 
mataron de los enemigos treinta y tres y en espacio de los primeros quatro 
meses me favorecio Nuestro Sefior con otrros suzessos mui felizes en que 
les matamos y quitamos, pasadas de trescientas a quatrozientas personas, 
sin que en alguno nos hubiesen muerto a herido persona alguna de los 
nuestros, y si yo hubiera tenido medios para hazerles la guerra, me podia 
prometer concluirla y dejar en paz el Reino mejor que tiene Vuestra 
Magestad en toda su corona, por que teniendo cassi quatrozientas leguas 
en quadro y partiendo terminos por la parte del poniente con el Reino de 
la Galizia y por la de medio dia con la California y por de norte con el 
Nuevo Mexico, las tierras lianas de que se compone, son muy abundantes 
para todos genero de siembras, y crianzas de ganados mayores y menores, 
por ser muchos los rios, arroyos y ojos de agua que las riegan; Por el 
medio de este Reino atraviessa la Sierra madre que tiene su principio 
cerca de el puerto de Acapulco y se entra por el Nuevo Mexico sin que 
se sepa su fin, son infinitas las sierras, y montanas en que se divide y todas 
ellas estan llenas de ricos minerales de plata y oro, como se ha experimen- 
tado en los Reales de minas que en ellas se empezaron a poblar, y han 

• A. G. L, 66-6-2. 



Lope de Sierra Osorio, i6j8 211 

The licenciado Don Lope de Sierra Ossorio, 104 oidor of the royal Audien- 
cia of Mexico, former governor and captain-general of the kingdom 
of Nneva Vizcaya, informs your Majesty of the state of affairs of 
that kingdom. [Mexico, September 26, 16/8.] 

Sir: On account of the death of Don Martin de Revollar, 105 governor 
and captain-general of the kingdom and provinces of Nueva Vizcaya, 
there were so many murders, robberies, and outrages committed by eleven 
nations of hostile Indians upon the poor miserable inhabitants of that 
kingdom that, after complaints and information with reference to the 
danger of the entire kingdom being lost had been filed with your Arch- 
bishop of Mexico and viceroy of New Spain, 106 he resolved to send me 
as captain-general and governor of that kingdom and [its] provinces, 
being convinced, notwithstanding my poor abilities, that the zeal and 
fidelity with which I have always desired to employ myself in the service 
of your Majesty would justify his choice and would secure to your 
Majesty that kingdom, whose total ruin and depopulation were threatened 
by the boldness with which the hostile Indians were committing murders 
and robberies in all of the settlements, not sparing from their barbarous 
cruelty the women, children, old men, religious, and priests. 

I left this city of Mexico for the camp of San Joseph del Parral, which 
is distant from Mexico City about three hundred leagues ; it is the princi- 
pal place in that kingdom and the one that pays your Majesty the highest 
tribute. The kingdom, moreover, was in danger of being lost, because 
throughout its length and breadth hostile Indians were wandering about, 
committing murders and robberies, without resistance. In the first days 
after my arrival they fell upon a farm, killed twenty Indians who were 
sowing wheat, and carried off the horses and mules. As soon as I re- 
ceived this information I sent in pursuit of them some soldiers and 
friendly Indians, and our Lord was pleased to favor them with such 
especial kindness that our forces, having caught up with them on the 
second day, made a surprise attack upon them at daybreak of the follow- 
ing day, and, although but few in number, they killed thirty-three of the 
hostiles. 

In the period of the first four months our Lord favored me with other 
very happy successes in that we killed and took from them more than 
three or four hundred persons, while they did not kill or wound any one 
of our force in any [of the engagements]. If I had had the means to 
make war upon them I was in a position to promise to end the war and 
have peace in the best kingdom that your Majesty has in his entire crown. 
For it is almost four hundred leagues square and is bounded on the west 
by the kingdom of [Nueva] Galicia, on its south [sic] by California, and 
on the north by New Mexico. The level lands of which it is composed are 
very productive for all kinds of crops and the raising of cattle and sheep, 
for there are many rivers, arroyos, and springs which water them. The 
Sierra Madre, which has its beginning near the port of Acapulco and 
extends through New Mexico, without its end being known, traverses the 
centre of this kingdom. The mountains and ranges into which it is divided 
are infinite, and all are full of rich ores of silver and gold, as has been 

15 



212 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century 

destruido y aniquilado en el todo los yndios enemigos, sin que se les 
pudiese hazer resistencia, y mientras no se les hiziere la guerra mui de 
proposito, y se permitiere se hagan esclavos, siempre estara con conozido 
riesgo de perderse aquel Reino y para que Vuestra Magestad reconozca 
la justificazion con que uno y otro se podra hazer referire lo que tengo 
visto y entendido en esta materia. 

De la ciudad de Guadiana Caveza de la Viscaia hasta el Real de San 
Joseph del Parral, habra de distancia cien leguas, y todas despobladas, al 
lado derecho del camino Real estan las serranias y montafias a donde 
asisten estas onze naciones de yndios enemigos, y por ser entre ellas la de 
mas valor la de los Tovossos comunmente todas se llaman con este nom- 
bre, si bien despues que yo llegue a aquel Reino todos los de esta nazion 
se han reducido de paz, y los poble en San Francisco de Conchos, y ha 
permitido Nuestro Sefior que estos se enemistasen de manera con las na- 
ziones alzados que hoi son la principal defensa de la Vizcaia, y a quien 
mas temen los yndios enemigos, en toda su tierra no hai rio, arroio o fu- 
ente, que sea peregue, h ni ellos tienen poblaciones o siembras algunas, 
y por lo que yo he visto en dos vezes que he pasado por parte de ella, ni 
paxaros ni animales hai ; si los espanoles hubiesesses pretendido en algun 
tiempo quitarles su tierra, o entrar en ella o hazerles guerra, no hubiera 
razon alguna que les disculpara ni justificara el hazerles esclavos, pero 
siendo los yndios enemigos, los que vienen a las tierras que estan poseiendo 
los espanoles, y los Yndios cristianos, y que estan de paz y con barvara 
crueldad les rovan sus haziendas, quitan la vida sin distincion de xesso, 
sin que para su fin principal que es rovar, conduzga, en mi sentir con mas 
justificazion se les puede hazer la guerra, y hazerles esclavos, que a los 
Turcos, que siendo los enemigos declarados de toda la cristianidad dan 
quartel a todos los que se rinden sin llegar a ensangrentarse en las vidas 
de los que por su sexo, edad o profession estan indefensos y estas tierras 
nunca fueron de la domination del emperador Montezuma o de otro 
cazique de estos reinos ; y con estos indios se ha procurado en todos tiem- 
pos por los medios de la suavidad y blandura, se combiertan a nuestro 
Santa Fee o por lo menos, se esten en sus tierras, sin salir a hazer darlos 
en las nuestras; y con la fingida paz que en diferentes ocasiones han dado, 
han conseguido el reconocer todas las poblaciones y haziendas de los 
espanoles y yndios amigos, que ya del todo tienen aniquiladas y despobla- 
das, y con el pretexto de la paz, se baptizaron los mas, y hoi todos son 
apostatas, y por las mas ynnumerables muertes que han hecho de espa- 
noles y yndios amigos, no hai indio de arco y flecha, entre ellos, que no 
merezca pena de muerte, porque ademas de ser sin caussa todas las que 
exejutan, son con alenosia l por que jamas han salido a pelear a campana 
rasa mientras no se les hisiere la guerra mui de proposito, y de veras, esta 
a riesgo conozido de perderse todo el Reino de la Vizcaia el de el Nuevo 
Mexico y la Galicia porque a sus espaldas tienen convecinas innumerables 
naciones de otros indios a quien han solicitado traer en su ayuda, y si lo 
que Dios no permita, lograsen el rovar los carros que pasan al Parral y 

h Obviously a miscopy for " perenne ". 
1 " Alevosia ". 



Lope de Sierra Osorio, 1678 213 

demonstrated in the mining camps which, in them, were beginning to be 
settled, but which the hostile Indians have destroyed and entirely anni- 
hilated without its being possible to offer any resistance to them until de- 
termined war may be made upon them. Until it is permitted for them 
to be enslaved, that kingdom will always remain in acknowledged danger 
of being lost. In order that your Majesty may perceive the justification 
with which the one and the other may be done, I shall relate what I have 
seen and learned concerning this matter. 

From the city of Guadiana, capital of [Nueva] Vizcaya, to the camp of 
San Joseph del Parral, the distance must be one hundred leagues, all de- 
populated. On the right side of the camino real are the ranges and moun- 
tains where these eleven nations of hostile Indians live. Because the brav- 
est among them are the Tobosos, all are commonly called by this name, 
although after I arrived in that kingdom all those of this nation were 
reduced to peace and I settled them at San Francisco de Conchos. Our 
Lord has permitted that they should become such enemies to the rebel- 
lious nations that to-day they are the principal defense of [Nueva] Viz- 
caya, and are those whom the hostile Indians fear most. 

In all their land there is no river, arroyo, or spring that is perennial ; 
neither do they have towns nor do they plant crops, and, as far as I ob- 
served on two occasions when I have passed through part of the region, 
there are neither birds nor animals. If the Spaniards had attempted at 
any time to take their land away from them or to enter there and make 
war upon them, there would be no reason that would excuse or justify 
making slaves of them, but since it is the hostile Indians who come to the 
lands that are in possession of the Spaniards and Christian Indians who 
are at peace, and rob them of their farms with barbarous cruelty, taking 
their lives without distinction of sex, and without any halt to their princi- 
pal purpose, which is to rob, there is more justification, in my opinion, 
in making war upon them and making slaves of them than on the Turks, 
for the latter, although they are the declared enemies of all Christendom, 
give quarter to all those who surrender without reaching the point of im- 
bruing themselves in the blood of those who by their sex, age, or profes- 
sion are defenseless. 

These lands were never under the dominion of the emperor Montezuma 
or of any other cacique of these kingdoms. With these Indians attempts 
have been made at all times by gentle and kind means to convert them 
to our holy faith, or at least, to persuade them to remain in their country, 
without coming out to do damage in ours; but, under a feigned peace 
which on various occasions they have made, they have succeeded in secur- 
ing a knowledge of all the towns and farms of the Spaniards and friendly 
Indians, which they have now utterly annihilated and depopulated. Also, 
under the pretext of peace, most of them were baptized, yet to-day they 
are apostates. And on account of the innumerable murders of Spaniards 
and friendly Indians which they have committed there is among them no 
Indian with bow and arrow who does not merit pain of death, for, in 
addition to the fact that all of the murders which they commit are without 
motive, they are treacherous, since they have never gone out to fight in 
the open. Unless very determined and real war is made upon them there 



214 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century 

Nuevo Mexico con ropa como en todos tiempos y en el poco que yo 
governe la Vizcaia, lo han irrtentado, aunque no conseguido, estava a riesgo 
de perderse toda la Nueva Espana, por que con el zeno J de la ropa, que 
tanto apetesen por andar todos desnudos fueran innumerables las na- 
ziones del norte que salieran a innundar estos Reinos y provincias ; y en 
medio de no tener todo este Reino mas que trecientos vecinos se sacan de 
el pasados de ciento y cinquenta mil marcos de plata, en cada un ano de 
que percive k Vuestra Magestad de quintos y diezmos cerca de doscientos 
mill pesos y solo en el Real del Parral, en ano y dos meses se ensaiaron, 
ciento y veinte mill marcos, como constara del testimonio incluso. 

Dentro de la jurisdision del Reino de la Nueva Viscaia, hai muchas 
diversas naziones y algunas de ellas mui numerossas, y solo las de los 
Tepeguanes, Taraumares y Conchos, en lo descubierto llegaran a trecien- 
tos mill familias, y todo estos estan de paz, y algun numero aunque mui 
corto estan ya baptizados, y redusidos a doctrina y aunque Vuestra 
Magestad tiene en sus tierras algun numero de doctrineros para que los 
conbiertan y doctrinen, es mui corto, respecto de la multitud de estas 
naciones, y ocupar cada una ciento y cinquenta leguas de Cordillera, y pre- 
guntados los yndios ultimos a donde han llegado los padres, si en lo de 
adelante y a los lados hai mas indios, responden, que es innumerable la 
multitud, hazia todas partes y solo en el rio del norte, que es la divission 
del Nuevo Mexico y el reino de la Nueva Vizcaya son tantos las naciones 
que hai, que toda la diligencia de los padres que hai por aquellos con- 
tornos, no ha podido comprehender y saver sus nombres, todas estas 
tierras, estan contiguas a las que Vuestra Magestad posee en este Reino 
de la Nueva Viscaia, y por esta misma razon juzgo que es mui propio del 
contrario ' zelo de Vuestra Magestad el proveherlas de los ministros 
nezesarios para la combersion de sus avitadores, y siendo tanto lo que hai 
en estas partes contiguo a lo que Vuestra Magestad posehe me persuado 
que las gastos grandes que se han hecho en la Comberssion de las Yslas 
marianas Xapon y Filipinas las ha ocasionado la falta de noticias y zelo 
indiscreto de las personas que han informado a Vuestra Magestad y que 
esta misma falta de noticias es la que tiene tan atrasado el servicio de Dios 
Nuestro Senor y de Vuestra Magestad en estos reinos. 

Todas las naziones que hai en el de la Nueva Viscaya y Nuevo Mexico 
se podran reducir a nuestro Santa fee com maior facilidad que otras y a 
mucha menos costa porque sobre ser las mas mansas y dosiles por especial 
misericordia de Dios, en todas ellas no hai ydolatria alguna, ni sus avita- 
dores dan adoracion a cossa viviente o no viviente de que podra Vuestra 
Magestad inferir la facilidad con que se podran reducir a nuestra Santa 
fee catholica, no haviendo ydolatrias que fue la maior dificultad y resis- 
tencia que todos los santos apostoles y demas Predicadores del avangelio 
encontraron en todas las partes del mundo, donde le predicaron. 

Estando en el Real de San Joseph de Parral, tube noticia de la horden 
que Vuestra Magestad dio para el quintal de azogue se vendiese de con- 

I This is clearly a miscopy for " zelo ". 

k Obviously a miscopy for " recive ". 

1 This is probably a miscopy for " conocido ". 



Lope de Sierra Osorio, 1678 215 

is evident risk of losing the whole kingdom of [Nueva] Vizcaya, that of 
New Mexico, and that of [Nueva] Galicia, for they [the hostile Indians] 
have to their rear innumerable neighboring nations of other Indians whom 
they have invited to come to their aid. Unless God refuses to permit it, 
they will succeed in robbing the wagon trains that go regularly to Parral 
and New Mexico 10T with clothing. In the short time that I governed 
[Nueva] Vizcaya they attempted it, and, while they did not succeed, there 
was danger of all New Spain being lost, for, because of their desire for 
clothing, which they crave so much since they all go naked, there would 
be innumerable nations from the north which would go out to inundate 
these kingdoms and provinces. 

Notwithstanding that this entire kingdom does not contain more than 
three hundred citizens, there are drawn from it over 150,000 marks of 
silver annually, from which your Majesty receives in fifths and tithes 
nearly 200,000 pesos. At the Real del Parral alone there were extracted 
in a year and two months 120,000 marks, as will appear from the certified 
copy enclosed. 

Within the jurisdiction of the kingdom of Nueva Vizcaya there are 
many distinct nations, some of which are very large. Those of the Tepe- 
guanes, Taraumares, and Conchos alone, in what has been explored, will 
total 300,000 families, all of whom are peaceful, and a certain number of 
them, though very small, is already baptized and reduced to the faith. 
Although your Majesty has in their country a certain number of instruc- 
tors to convert and teach them, it is very small in comparison with the 
multitude of these nations, each one occupying 150 leagues of mountain 
range. When the Indians at the last point to which the padres have gone 
are questioned as to whether there are more Indians further on and on 
either side, they reply that the multitude is innumerable in every direction. 
Solely on the Rio del Norte, which is the boundary between New Mexico 
and the kingdom of Nueva Vizcaya, there are so many nations that with 
all their efforts the padres who are in that vicinity have not been able to 
understand and learn their names. All these lands are contiguous to those 
which your Majesty possesses in this kingdom of Nueva Vizcaya, and for 
this same reason I consider that it is very much in accord with the recog- 
nized zeal of your Majesty to provide them with the necessary ministers 
for the conversion of their inhabitants. Since there is so much in these 
regions which is contiguous to that which your Majesty [already] pos- 
sesses, I am convinced that the great expenses which have been incurred 
in the conversion of the Marianas Islands, 108 Japan, and the Philippines 
have been occasioned by the lack of information and indiscreet zeal of the 
persons who have advised your Majesty and that this same lack of infor- 
mation is what is holding back the service of God our Lord and of your 
Majesty in these kingdoms. 

All the nations in the kingdom of Nueva Vizcaya and in New Mexico 
can be reduced to our holy faith in greater facility than others, and at 
much less cost, for, besides being the most gentle and docile, by special 
kindness of God, there is no idolatry among any of them, nor do the 
inhabitants worship anything living or dead. From this — since they do 
not practise idolatry, which constituted the greatest difficulty and ob- 



216 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century 

tado a los mineros a ciento y veinte pesos y que precissamente bajaren 
por ellos a la Vera Cruz y esta resolucion me persuado, la ha ocasionado 
algun in forme que a Vuestra Magestad se hizo por alguna persona falta 
de noticias, que quisso exponer este Reino, al rriesgo de perderse con esta 
rresolucion; su conserbacion y poblacion depende de la mucha plata que 
se saca de los Reales de minas que hai en el, y faltando estos se concluira 
con todo, yo he estado en diferentes Reales de minas, y en las bocas de 
ellas, hay montones de metales crezidisimos que se benefician por azogue 
y por ser este ingrediente el mas costosso, no se puede costear su benefi- 
cio; y si los azogues mandara Vuestra Magestad que se dieran a los 
mineros por el costo y costas que tienen puestos en los Reales de minas, 
se pudieran beneficiar todos los metales aunque fueran de mui cortas 
leies, y importara a Vuestra Magestad el quinto y diezmo, que se sacara 
de ellos, tres tanto mas que el precio de los azogues que se remiten a las 
yndias, y por su mucha pobreza de los mineros y los excesivos costos de 
los azogues y mas ingredientes, no pueden profundar las minas, porque 
en los primeros treinta, o quarenta estados, no se hallan metales, que sean 
de considerable lei, y los que no son de esta calidad se arrojan, y los 
pobres miserables sin medios no puedan profundar las minas, que hasta 
los cinquenta o setenta regularmente no se encuentra la riqueza, y todos 
los mineros de esta Nueva Espana estan tan pobres, que aunque el azogue 
se les diera de balde, no solo no pudieran personalmente bajar por el a la 
Vera Cruz, pero no hallaran persona que les prestare para los fletes y 
muchos de los Reales de minas, a trecientas, quatrocientas y quinientas 
leguas de la Vera Cruz, y en atencion a esta imposibilidad, Vuestra Mages- 
tad tiene prebenido y mandado que los azogues se pongan en las Caxas 
Reales de donde se les reparta dando fianza de que dentro de quatro meses 
pagaran el precio del azogue y la cantidad correspondiente de quintos de 
cada quintal, y esto precissamente a de ser de la Plata que sacan con aquel- 
los azogues, que se les reparten entonzes. 

He juzgado mui propio de mi obligasion hallandome ministro de Vues- 
tra Magestad y con la ocasion de haber pasado a governar el reino y pro- 
vincias de la Nueva Viscaia, participarle estas noticias para descargo de 
mi consiencia y para que con ellas mande Vuestra Magestad lo que fuere 
servido y juzgare mas combeniente cuia Catholica y Real Persona guarde 
Nuestro Senor, muchos anos, como la Christianidad ha menester, para 
su maior exaltacion. Mexico y septiembre 26 de 1678 anos. Licenciado 
Don Lope de Sierra de Ozorio. [Rubric a do.] 



Lope de Sierra Osorio, 1678 217 

stacle which all the holy apostles and other preachers of the gospel en- 
countered in all parts of the world where they have preached it — your 
Majesty will be able to infer with what facility they may be reduced to 
our holy Catholic faith. 

While I was at the camp of San Joseph de Parral, I received news of 
the order which your Majesty gave that quicksilver should be sold to the 
miners for cash at 125 pesos per quintal, and that it would be necessary 
for them to go down for it to Vera Cruz. I am convinced that this deci- 
sion has been occasioned by some report which was made to your Majesty 
by some person, lacking in knowledge, who wished to expose this kingdom 
to the risk of being ruined by this decision. Its preservation and settle- 
ment depend upon the amount of silver that is taken from its mining 
camps, and if these are gone all will be at an end. I have been at the 
different mining camps, and at their entrances there are the most enor- 
mous heaps of ore which are worked with quicksilver, and since this in- 
gredient is the most expensive, it does not pay for the working. If your 
Majesty would order that quicksilver should be given to the miners at 
the cost as fixed in the mining camps, all the ores could be worked, even 
though they should be of very low quality, and the fifth and tithe which 
would be taken from them would amount to three times as much for your 
Majesty as the price of the quicksilver sent to the Indies. 

Because of the great poverty of the miners and the excessive cost of 
the quicksilver and other ingredients, they are not able to deepen the 
mines, because in the first thirty or forty estados 109 ores of appreciable 
quality are not found. Those that are not of appreciable quality are 
thrown out, and the poor unfortunates, being without means, cannot 
deepen the mines, in which rich ore usually is not found until the fiftieth 
or seventieth [estado is reached]. And moreover, all the miners of this 
New Spain are so poor that even though the quicksilver should be given 
to them free, not only would they not be able to go down for it in person 
to Vera Cruz, but they will not find anyone to lend them the money for 
the freight charges — many of the mining camps being three hundred, 
four hundred, and five hundred leagues from Vera Cruz. In view of this 
impossibility, your Majesty has provided and ordered that the quicksilver 
shall be placed in the royal depositories, from which it is to be appor- 
tioned to them, credit being given for the payment within four months 
of the price of the quicksilver and the corresponding fifth of each quintal. 
This necessarily must be in the silver taken out with that quicksilver 
which at the time may be divided among them. 

I have been very sensible of my obligation — being a minister of your 
Majesty, and because of having gone to govern the kingdom and prov- 
inces of Nueva Vizcaya — to inform you of these matters for the unbur- 
dening of my conscience and in order that with this information your 
Majesty may order that which may suit you and that which you judge 
to be most desirable. May our Lord guard the Catholic and royal person 
of your Majesty for many years, as Christianity, for its greater exalta- 
tion, has need of. Mexico, September 26, 1678. Licenciado Don Lope 
de Sierra de Ozorio. [Signed with a rubric.'] 



218 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century 

Extracto de Papel que formo el Senor Don Lope de Sierra sobre las 
cossas tocantes al Reyno de la Nueba Vizcaya.™ [Sin fecha. Subse- 
cuente al ano de 1683.] 

Por los Auttos Cartas y informes que ha leido se an Visto n en el Con- 
sejo halla, que la Nueba Vizcaya que es Uno de los Reynos mas fertil y 
abundante de todo genero de frutos y minerales de Plata y oro, que ay en 
las Indias y si estubiera igualmente poblado que otros ; contribuyera a su 
Magestad mas tesoros que el resto de ellos, se alia oy 6 perdido, en el todo 
6 en el inmediato riesgo de perderse por haver sublevados 100 naciones 
que contienen innumerable numero ° de Yndios muy belicosos y guerreros, 
las doce de ellas que se comprehenden debajo del nombre Tobosos, son tan 
desesperados y valientes que ni admiten [quartel p ] ni le dan, y a los 
Niiios y mugeres que cojen los hacen esclavos, las tierras donde estas na- 
ciones avitan cojen desde la entrada de la Vizcaya y confines de la Galicia 
siguiendo al Norte y camino de la Nueva Mexico 170 q leguas con poca 
diferencia todos por los terminos de la Vizcaya donde an desppblado y 
destruydo en el todo muchos pueblos haciendas Ranchos y Reales de 
Minas con muerte de muchos Yndios Catholicos, y Espanoles pasando a 
executar estas ostilidades hasta los Reales de Sombrerete y Zacatecas den- 
tro del Reyno de la Nueba Galicia, y el ano de 83 estando Sentados de Paz 
y Recividos algunos a doctrina que les administrava Un Religioso de la 
Compania de Jesus Movidos del exemplo de lo que poco antes hicieron 
las naciones de la Nueba Mexico, que por falta de defensa triumfaron de 
sus avitadores o logradolos r a despoblar en el todo, o en la mayor parte 
atropellando la obediencia, y abandonando la religion con lastimosa per- 
turbacion de los ya reducidos, a costa de tanto trabajo Sudor y desbelo de 
los Ministros Apostolicos se bolbieron a sublebar y hacer al Monte execu- 
tando las hostilidades y atrozidades que se refieren en los autos que pasan 
en el consejo cerrando totalmente la comunicacion de las provincias y 
Reyno de la Nueva Espafia y Galicia con el de la Vizcaya los parajes prin- 
cipals por donde salen ha hacer estos danos, y se rretiran con los robos 
que logran en estas partes son los que llaman del Gallo y Quencame donde 
es preciso se pongan dos presidios de 50 Soldados cada Uno con su capitan 
6 cabo que los govierne para zerrarles estas puertas, y asegurar el comer- 
cio y transito de aquellas provincias dandose la Mano estos dos Presidios 
y el que ya ay que llaman del Cerro gordo en la lignia que forman 
desde sombrerete 6 paraje del mal passo y Rio de Medina hasta el 
Real de San Joseph del Parral donde residen los governadores que incluye 
100 leguas mas 6 menos, y bienen a quedar en proporcionada distancia 
para la comunicacion de Un Presidio a otro, y para correr y rejistrar sus 

m A. G. I., 67-4-1 1. 

n The University of Texas copy of this document, hereinafter referred to as Copy B, 
reads : " que ha tenido y se an Visto." 

Copy B has " multitud ". 

p Words, phrases, or sentences omitted from the Bandelier copy of this expediente 
have been added, in brackets, from the University of Texas copy of this document. 

<i Copy B has " 120 Leguas ". 

r Copy B has " obligandolos ". 



Lope de Sierra Osorio, 1683 219 

Extract of a paper which Don Lope de Sierra wrote in regard to matters 
touching upon the kingdom of Nueva Vizcaya. [Undated; subse- 
quent to the year 1683.] 

By the autos, letters, and reports which he has read and which have 
been examined in the Council, he [Don Lope de Sierra] finds that Nueva 
Vizcaya, which is one of the most fertile kingdoms in the Indies, one most 
abounding in all kinds of fruits and in silver and gold mines, and one 
which, if it were populated proportionately with the others, would con- 
tribute more treasure to his Majesty than all the others, is to-day either 
entirely lost, or is in immediate danger of being lost, by reason of the 
uprising of one hundred nations, which contain uncounted numbers of 
very bellicose and warlike Indians. Twelve of these nations, comprised 
under the name of Tobosos, are so desperate and valiant that they take or 
give no quarter, and they make slaves of all the women and children 
whom they capture. 

The country which these nations occupy extends from the entrance into 
Vizcaya and the confines of Galicia to the north, toward New Mexico, 
for 170 leagues, more or less, all along the boundaries of Vizcaya, where 
they have depopulated and completely destroyed many towns, haciendas, 
ranches, and mining camps, and have killed many Catholic Indians and 
Spaniards. They even proceeded to commit such hostilities as far as the 
settlements of Sombrerete and Zacatecas, within the kingdom of Nueva 
Galicia. In the year '83, although they were in a state of peace, and some 
had accepted the instruction which a religious of the Company of Jesus 
was offering to them, influenced by the example of what had been done 
a little while before by the nations of New Mexico, 110 who triumphed 
over its inhabitants through their lack of defense, and succeeded in de- 
populating it either entirely or in great part — trampling obedience under 
foot and forsaking religion, to the grievous perturbation of those already 
reduced at the cost of so much labor, sweat, and vigilance of the apos- 
tolic ministers — these [Indians of Nueva Vizcaya] rose in rebellion, took 
to the mountains where they committed the hostilities and atrocities which 
are related in the autos that were sent to the Council, and totally shut off 
communication between the provinces and kingdom of New Spain and 
Galicia and that of Vizcaya. 

The principal places from which they sally forth to do this damage, 
and to which they retire with the spoils which they secure in these parts, 
are those which they call El Gallo and Cuencame, where it is necessary 
that there be established two presidios of fifty men each, with a captain 
or corporal to command them, in order to close the doors to these Indians 
and to make safe commerce and travel in those provinces — these two 
presidios and the one that is already there, called Cerro Gordo, to join 
hands in the line formed from Sombrerete, or Paraje del Mai Paso, and 
Rio de Medina, to the Real de San Joseph del Parral, where the gover- 
nors reside. This line measures one hundred leagues, more or less, divided 
off in convenient distances to allow communication from one presidio to 
another, and to reconnoitre and watch the intervening spaces. Another 
place from which they sally forth to commit similar hostilities, following 



220 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century 

intermedios, otro parage por donde salen a executar las mismas ostilidades 
Siguiendo la propia lignia se llama San Francisco de conchos 22 leguas 
a la parte del norte del Parral poco desbiado del camino de la Nueva 
Mexico que es Raya de las referidas naciones, y la de conchos donde se ha 
de poner Presidio como los antezedentes que servira de contener en re- 
specto a Unas y otras naciones privarles de la comunicacion, y obrar la 
execucion de las dafios y Robos que por aquella parte logran y se dan la 
Mano este presidio con 30 soldados y Un cabo que llaman de campafia, y 
tiene el Governador en aquellos contornos para acudir Con prontitud a 
qualquiera imbassion que hagan, y se aseguraran las Poblaciones y Reales 
de Minas de San Joseph del Parral san diego de Minas nuebas, san Fran- 
cisco del oro santa Barvara y otros muchos desamparados pueblos inde- 
fensos que indubitablemente Volberan a tener Veneficio hallandose por el 
medio Referido Resguardados asi los mineros como las haciendas de 
Minas, labor, estancias de Ganado y carboneras de sus contornos precisas 
para su conservacion y beneficio de la mineria. 

Con esta disposicion Se zierra el passo por toda la lignia Referida que 
es la que corta lo poblado, y Reducido de la nueba Vizcaya; y lo divide 
de la tierra de los Yndios barbaros, y alzados que con ser sumamente 
aspera y cassi impenetreable a los espanoles por su maleza es no menos 
seca sin que en todo lo en ella Reconocido se halla rrio, Arroyo, 6 fuente 
sustentandose en ella sus Avitadores, mas como fieras que como Racionales 
beviendo Aguas inmundas y corruptas de algunas pocas lagunas, y las 
que de las lluvias se conserban por algun tiempo en los huecos de las 
penas y a falta, con el humor de frutas silbestres Rayces y Cortegas de 
plantas y Arboles Siendo al mismo passo que boraces quando Roban 
algunos Ganados, 6 caballadas (que es a lo mas que anhela su codicia por 
conseguir con este medio dos fines, el primero es el de su mantenimiento 
pues Su mayor Regalo es este Genero de comida y el segundo por que 
consiguiendo el dejar a pie los Avitados logran sin resistencia el apo- 
derarse de la Provincia) Grandes sufridores de la ambre y sed, y mas 
inclemencias del tiempos a que estan sujetos por su desabrigo en temple 
muy frio no Usando demas Vestido del que les concedio la naturaleza 
ni de poblado o congregacion cultura ni siembra de los Campos caussas 
por que nunca se les ha podido hacer guerra ofensiva ni entrar a buscarles 
en sus tierras sino sobre Avisso a muy poca distancia y esso pocas veces, 
y con poco probecho con que la experiencia a mostrado que el mejor 
medio y Unico para correjir y evitar sus ostilidades es de cortarles los 
transitos de su tierra a la que esta reducida y poblada de Yndios y espa- 
noles ques de la fertilidad y abundancia de todas las cossas dichas. 

Las demas naciones nuebamente sublebadas y que oy tienen el reyno de 
la nueba Vizcaya en el estado que se refiere segun las noticias que ha tenido 
el consejo y constan de los autos y esclamaciones del Governador; con 
diferentes nombres de chizos, Julimes, y otros que no puede retener la 
memoria Se contienen en el Apellido de Conchos, que es el mas General 
Confinan y parten terminos Con otras que llaman Cibolos, Apaches, y 
todas las que se revelaron en la Nueba Mexico y abitan aquellos payses 
con la misma Policia y moda de Vivir que queda dicho de los Tobosos, 
pero la tierra de los conchos es liana fertil y Regada de muchos Rios y 



Lope de Sierra Osorio, 1683 221 

the same line, is called San Francisco de Conchos, a little to one side of 
the New Mexico road and twenty-two leagues to the north of El Parral, 
which is the limit of the above-mentioned nations and that of the Con- 
chos. A presidio should be placed there, as well as at the first-named 
places. It will serve to hold in check some nations, and to deprive others 
of communication, and to prevent the outrages and robberies which are 
common in that district. This presidio will also co-operate with thirty 
soldiers and their leader, comprising a field company, which the governor 
has in that vicinity in order to oppose promptly any invasion that they 
might make. Furthermore safety will be assured to the settlements and 
mining camps of San Joseph del Parral, the new mines of San Diego, 
San Francisco del Oro, Santa Barbara, and many other deserted, de- 
fenseless towns, which undoubtedly will be worked again, provided, in 
the manner referred to, the miners as well as the mine buildings, and the 
farms, cattle ranches, and charcoal pits in their vicinity necessary for 
their conservation and the working of the mines are safeguarded. 

By this arrangement their passage would be stopped all along the line 
referred to, which divides the settled and reduced part of Nueva Vizcaya 
from the country of the barbarous and rebellious Indians. The latter 
region, while it is supremely rough and almost impenetrable to the Span- 
iards by reason of its underbrush, is no less dry, and in the whole of it 
there is not known to be a single river, creek, or spring, its inhabitants 
sustaining themselves on it, more like wild beasts than as rational beings, 
by drinking filthy and corrupt water from some few lagoons, and the 
pools that the rain leaves for a while in the hollows of the rocks. When 
these fail they sustain themselves with the juice of wild fruits, roots, and 
the bark of plants and trees. At the same time they are voracious when 
they steal some cattle or horses (which is what they most eagerly desire, 
since they secure in this way two ends, first, their maintenance, for their 
greatest treat is this kind of food, and second, as a result of the [Spanish] 
inhabitants being forced to go on foot, they are able without resistance 
to obtain possession of the province). And yet they are great endurers 
of hunger and thirst, and other inclemencies of the weather to which they 
are subject through their exposure to a very cold temperature, as they use 
no other dress than that granted them by nature. They have no settlement, 
nor community cultivation or planting of the land, for which reasons it 
has never been possible to make offensive war upon them, nor to enter 
in pursuit of them in their country except very cautiously for a short dis- 
tance, and that only a few times, and with little advantage. Experience 
has therefore shown that the best and only means to chastise and prevent 
their hostilities is by cutting off the exits from their country to that which 
is reduced and settled by Indians and Spaniards, and which is fertile and 
abundant in all the things spoken of. 

The other nations lately in rebellion, which have placed the kingdom 
of Nueva Vizcaya to-day in the condition referred to, according to infor- 
mation that the Council has had and which appears from the antos and 
vehement petitions of the governor, have different names such as Chisos, 
Julimes, and others which it is impossible to remember, included under 
the appellation of Conchos, which is the more general name. They border 



222 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century 

Arroyos Siguiendo la lignea desde San Francisco de Conchos hasta el 
rrio que llaman del Norte que es el que divide la Jurisdicion de la Nueba 
Vizcaya de la de la Nueba Mexico, estos como se rrefiere en las noticias 
que an benido al consejo tienen ocupado todo el camino que ba del Parral 
a Sonora y Salinas de donde inescusablemente se probee toda aquella 
Mineria de este ingrediente sin el qual no se beneficiara plata por Azogue 
que es la que mas abunda y son los que asta aora por su mucho numero, 
llebavan de travajo assi de dicha Mineria Como de las Haciendas de 
Campo a que benian ellos Conbidados de sus propios yntereses, y con su 
falta es yndubitable este parado Uno y otro, a esto, por esta razon por 
ser a los espafioles penetrable su tierra, por rebelados y apostatas de Nues- 
tra santa fee, se les ha de hacer la guerra de proposito Sin algar la Mano 
de ella hasta Reducirlos, y sujetarlos, Mayormente, con lo que Ultima- 
mente Consta por los Autos Referidos an executado con no esperado 
atrevimiento pues parece que por fin de febrero del afio proximo passado 
yendo una quadrilla de carros que constava de 18 cargados de farderia y 
diferentes generos desde la Nueba Espaiia al Real de San Joseph del Par- 
ral y conboyandolos ocho soldados y por su cabo el capitan Antonio 
Rodriguez de cangas saliendo para su Resguardo del Paraje de quencame, 
les salieron al encuentro gran numero de Yndios entre los parajes del 
Gallo y Santo Domingo y acometiendolos con notable Arrojo y osadia 
hiriendo al capitan y algunos de los soldados se llebaron mas de 300 Mulas 
y desbalijaron ocho carros Retirando y llebandose la farderia de ellos y 
tres Indios dos Muchachos y muerto Un Negro y el no haver conseguido 
el Acabar con todos, fue, por haver Sobrevenido la noche, prorrumpiendo 
al tiempo de Retirarse en Palabras de Ultraje contra dichos soldados y 
demas gente amenagando bolverian la Manana Siguiente como lo hizieron, 
Si bien no osaron el bolver acometer, por haverles llegado (ha diligencias 
que se hizieron aquella noche) Socorro de Jente y Bagaje del Presidio de 
Cerro gordo Concurriendo con esto, la hostilidad que por la parte del 
Parral a dos leguas de el, hicieron a 24 de Marco del mismo afio Robando 
mas de 250 bestias, con muerte de 4 personas y aunque para obiar seme- 
jantes perjuicios, y enfrenar el orgullo de aquellos Barbaros se dispusso, 
por el Governador de dicha Provincia, a costa de los vezinos y otros 
efectos, que por principios de Agosto, de mismo ano, hiciesse entrada al 
zentro de los Alzados Juan de Retana Con 100 Arcabuzeros y cantidad 
de Yndios Amigos y Confederados de la nacion Taraumara al cavo de 5 
semanas se bolvieron Sin haver podido hazer efecto de ningun probecho 
continuando esta diligencia en otras ocasiones para evitar los Yntentos de 
los yndios Tobosos que quisieron Matar a su Capitan, y al Religioso que 
los administrava y lo hubieran conseguido, a no haverseles socorrido, y 
aunque pelearon, Ubieron de escapar con mucho travajo los 60 Arcabu- 
ceros que fueron al efecto referido por el crecido numero de los enemigos, 
y por Ultimo haviendo hecho tercera Salida con 70 Arcabuzeros les obligo 
a lo mismo con cuyo desconsuelo por la deshigualdad tan grande de f uer- 
zas para poder hazer ni aun guerra defensiva se hallava resuelto el Gover- 
nador a entrar personalmente por ultimo remedio y acuerdo de los Vezinos 
Interesados del Parral fiando le siguirian los que se hallaren con mayores 
obligaciones pero desconfiando en la persistencia y duracion deste Ultimo 



Lope de Sierra Osorio, 1683 223 

upon others called Cibolos, Apaches, and all those who rebelled in New 
Mexico, and they inhabit those countries with the same government and 
way of living as has already been said of the Tobosos. However, the 
country of the Conchos is level, fertile, and watered by many rivers and 
streams, following the line from San Francisco de Conchos as far as the 
river called Del Norte, which is the one that divides the jurisdiction of 
Nueva Vizcaya from that of New Mexico. These Indians, as is related 
in the reports that have come to the Council, have occupied the entire 
road extending from El Parral to Sonora and Salinas. From the latter 
place all those mines must inevitably be provided with this ingredient 
[salt], without which silver, which is the most abundant mineral, cannot 
be extracted with mercury. 

These were the Indians, who, up to this time, on account of their large 
numbers, were accustomed to work in the mines as well as on the farms, 
to which they came, impelled by their own interests. Lacking these inter- 
ests it is inevitable, as a result, that both mining and farm work will be 
halted. 

For this reason, and since, as of rebels and apostates from our holy faith, 
their country is open to the Spaniards, war must be made upon them reso- 
lutely, without lifting hand from it until they are reduced and subjected, 
especially because of what, from the above-mentioned autos, it appears 
that they have recently done, with unexpected daring. For it seems that 
in the latter part of February of last year, while a train of wagons, 
loaded with eighteen consignments of baggage and different sorts of 
goods, was en route from New Spain to the Real de San Joseph del Par- 
ral, under convoy of eight soldiers, with their leader, Captain Antonio 
Rodriguez de Cangas, who had gone out as an escort from Cuencame, a 
large number of Indians issued forth to meet them between El Gallo and 
Santo Domingo. The Indians attacked with remarkable ardor and bold- 
ness, wounded the captain and some of the soldiers, carried off more than 
300 mules, and plundered eight carts. After killing a negro they retired, 
taking with them the goods and also three Indians and two boys. The 
reason why they did not succeed in destroying the entire train was be- 
cause darkness intervened. However, when they retired they broke out 
in abusive words against the soldiers and the rest of the people, threaten- 
ing to return the next morning. This they did, although they did not 
venture to attack again, because of reinforcements of men and baggage 
having arrived from the presidio of Cerro Gordo (through action that 
was taken in the night). 

Concurrent with this was the attack which they made on March 24 of 
the same year in the vicinity of El Parral, about two leagues therefrom, 
when they stole 250 animals and killed four persons. Despite the fact 
that, with the object of preventing such outrages and bridling the arro- 
gance of those barbarians, it was ordered by the governor of that province 
that an expedition should be made in the beginning of August of the same 
year to the centre of the [country of the] rebels, at the expense of the 
citizens and of other funds, by Juan de Retana, with one hundred harque- 
busiers and a number of friendly and allied Indians of the Taraumara 
nation, they returned at the end of five weeks without having been able 



224 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century 

Recurso por la falta de Medios de socorro De bastimento y cavallada y su 
conduccion respecto de que en dicha Jurisdicion del Parral y su Contorno 
ay mas de 30 Labradores de Regadio no se havian sembrado quatro, por 
la Retirada de las naciones pues con solo ella hacen la mayor Hos- 
telidad por deshacer la Armonia de los sirvuientes y no haver con que 
sustentarlos medio, a que principalmente atienden para conseguir por el 
fin de la despoblagion, y para ocurrir a estos ynconbenientes se ordenara 
al Virrey de la nueba espafia que en caso de no acudir personalmente A 
causa de tanta Urjencia y en que tanto se aventura y interes al Servicio 
de Su Magestad aplique toda su atencion, Celo, y Cuidado a esta expedi- 
zion Asistiendo al Governador de la Vizcaya con el dinero y todos los 
Medios, Gente, Armas, Cavallos, y peltrechos de que necessitare advir- 
tiendole sea estranado y Reparado en la culpable omission Con que en 
cossa de tanta importancia yttambanbista s del riesgo se a portado hasta 
aora y en la desacordada Resolucion de la Junta que formo con vista de 
los avissos y representaciones que le binieron de aquel. aflijido Reino no 
deviendo ygnorar ni dudar que su primera obligacion hera y es la de man- 
tener y conserbar aquellos dominios a su Magestad que los no a su cuy- 
dado y Probidencia y la fee plantada en aquella gentilidad que a su bista 
si no se perdio en el todo a lo menos descaecia y Vacilaba aun antes que 
hacer Remisios de la Real Hazienda a estos Reynos Sin embargo las 
necessidades de que tenian noticia pues deviera Considerar que perdida la 
Vizcaya Cuyo riesgo le he Manifiesto por los avisos y Representaciones 
Referidos [Aqui prosigue lo testado.'] 

Ademas de lo dicho se ha de prebenir Conforme a lo acordado para el 
mejor Govierno de la milicia de aquel Reyno y para evitar fraudes que 
Governadores menos celosos del Servicio de su Magestad pueden cometer 
que la provision de los capitanes 6 cabos de los tres presidios que nueba- 
mente se an de erijir sea perpetuamente del Cargo del Governador y 
Capitan general y que la aya de hacer en soldado que hubiere servido con 
reputacion y credito en qualquiera de los Presidios de aquel Reyno, 6 en 
la que llaman Compania de campafia y no se le pueda remober ni quitar 
si no es por promocion a otra cossa de mayor grado por caussa justa que 
se le aya fulminado 6 por inavilidad, 6 Yneptitud, y que esto mismo se 
obserbe por dicho Governador en los demas presidios que son de su 
provission y con los soldados que llaman de campafia, y por el Vir- 
rey en los de sinaloa, cerro gordo y san sevastian que son de la suya y 
que los ponga siempre y desde aora a la horden de dicho Governador Como 
lo esta mandado por cedula del Afio de 682 para que higualmente tenga el 
superior govierno de todos y se pueda valer destas armas sin contradiccion 
en las Urgencias que se le ofrecieren estando el Virrey a la mira del pro- 
ceder de cada uno para castigar y correjir al que lo mereciere, y dicho 
Virrey a de hacer las provissiones que le tocan en la forma Referida eli- 
jiendo Un soldado de cada presidio precediendo el que el governador le 
proponga quando Siempre se ofresca ocasion y no en otra forma, medio 
que servira de estimulo y aliento para que sirban en aquella Melicia per- 

8 Copy B has " y tarn anbista ". Both copyists apparently have miscopied what was 
meant to be " y tambien a vista ". 



Lope de Sierra Osorio, 1683 225 

to accomplish anything of any consequence. They continued their efforts 
on other occasions with the object of preventing the Tobosos Indians 
from accomplishing their purposes, [as, for example,] when they tried 
to kill their captain and the religious who ministered to them. This they 
would have succeeded in doing if succor had not arrived, for, although 
they fought, it was with great difficulty, on account of the great number 
of enemies, that the sixty harquebusiers who went for the purpose stated 
made their escape. Finally, when a third sally was made with seventy 
harquebusiers, the Indians compelled them to do the same thing. Discour- 
aged by so great an inequality of forces for making even defensive war, 
the governor resolved to enter personally, as a last resort, and by agree- 
ment of the interested citizens of El Parral, trusting that those who were 
under the greatest obligations would follow him. However, he had no 
confidence in the persistence and duration of this last recourse because 
of the lack of provisions and horses and their conduction. 

Despite the fact that in the said jurisdiction of El Parral and its 
vicinity there are more than thirty irrigated farms, not even four have 
been planted, as a result of the retirement of the [Indian] nations. Indeed, 
in this way alone they commit the greatest hostility by destroying the har- 
mony of the servants. As a result of the latter not having their means of 
sustenance, which is their principal aim, the Indians thereby realize their 
purpose of depopulation. 

In order to remedy these difficulties let the viceroy of New Spain be 
ordered, in case he cannot go in person to aid in a cause of such urgency, 
in which so much is at stake, and which so greatly interests the service 
of his Majesty, to apply his whole attention, zeal, and care to this expedi- 
tion, assisting the governor of Vizcaya with money and all character of 
supplies of soldiers, arms, horses, and provisions that he may need. Let 
the viceroy be warned that he will be censured and held accountable for 
the culpable neglect with which he has conducted himself up to now in a 
matter of such importance, especially in view of the danger, and of the 
discordant resolution of the junta which he held, in the face of the infor- 
mation and representations that came to him from that afflicted kingdom. 
He ought not to be ignorant of the fact or doubt that his first obligation 
was, and is, to maintain and preserve those dominions for his Majesty, 
who confided them to his care and management, as well as the faith 
planted among those heathen, which, in his opinion, if it was not lost 
entirely, at least languished and vacillated. Nevertheless before sending 
assistance from the real hacienda to those kingdoms, notwithstanding 
the needs of which they have had information, he should ascertain whether 
Vizcaya is lost, which danger, from the reports and representations re- 
ferred to, I have pointed out to him. [Here follows the testimony.'] 

Besides the aforesaid, measures must be taken, in accordance with 
what was resolved for the better government of the militia of that king- 
dom, in order to prevent frauds which governors less zealous in the ser- 
vice of his Majesty may commit. Let the appointment of the captains or 
chiefs of the three new presidios that are to be erected be perpetually 
under the control of the governor and captain-general, and let him be 
required to give it to a soldier who has served with good repute and 



226 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century 

sonas de onrra y reputacion y los hijos de los vezinos acomodados de 
aquel reyno y porque ya se a esperimentado la abilantes de los Yndios 
enimigos, ha arrojarse a los mismos presidios y Matar los soldados Como 
sucedio por el referido tiempo de la sublevacion, que considerable numero 
de los Tovosos se arrojo al de Cerro gordo encerando en el a los soldados, 
hiriendo a los mas, y dando la muerte a algunos y llebandose mas de 
300 bestias, de su Cavalleria, sin que la inferior fuerza de los soldados, 
pudiese resistir a la de los Yndios ; Y en otras ocasiones los de la nacion 
concha y sus aliados en el paraje de Cassas grandes, y camino del Parral 
a Sonora, Superaron, y pusieron en grave conrlicto escuadras de 60 y 70 
Arcabuceros espafioles, que pudieron juntarse de aquellos contornos, y 
haciendas, intentando resistir, mas que castigar la livertad con que los 
enemigos, Robavan las cavalladas, Ganados y quanto havia ; de suerte que 
ya en ninguna parte de aquel Reyno dejan de estar los espafioles en el 
mayor estremo de la necessidad, Sino es que (lo qual Dios no permita) 
este entregado todo al furor de aquellos barbaros, que se deve temer, mas 
que esperar se aya mantenido la poca Resistencia que avia a sus Cruel- 
dades. 

Se mandara guarnecer a cada uno de los quatro, de quencame, Gallo, 
Cerro Gordo, y. San Francisco de conchos de Veinte y Cinco Mosquetes 
que esten de Prebencion para seme j ante Casso. 

Respecto de que los Arcabuces que Usan aquellos soldados son cortos 
y de poco alcanze y no de tanto efecto como haran las mosquetas, y que 
ansimismo se socorra Cada afio Con dos quintales de Polbora a cada uno 
de dichos quatro presidios. 1 

*F. R. B., Sevilla, Dec. 1, 1914. 



Lope de Sierra Osorio, 1683 227 

credit in any of the presidios of that kingdom, or in what is called the 
field company, who shall not be allowed to be removed or taken away 
unless it be for promotion to a better rank, or for a just cause that may 
be brought against him, either for inability or inaptitude. Let this same 
procedure be followed by the governor in the other presidios that are 
under his control, and with the soldiers called field soldiers, and by the 
viceroy in those of Sinaloa, Cerro Gordo, and San Sebastian, which are 
under his control. Let him henceforth place them under the control of the 
said governor, as is ordered by the cedula in the year of 1682, so that he 
[the viceroy] may have in equal degree the superior government of all 
and may be able to avail himself of these forces without opposition in 
urgencies that may occur. Let the viceroy keep watch over the behavior 
of each one, in order to castigate and correct any who may deserve it. 
The viceroy must make the appointments that fall to him in the manner 
stated, choosing a soldier from each presidio to outrank the one proposed 
to him by the governor in case there should be occasion for it, and not in 
any other way. This measure will act as a stimulus and an encourage- 
ment to serve in that militia to persons of honor and reputation, and to 
the sons of well-to-do citizens of that kingdom, for the boldness of the 
Indian enemies in attacking the presidios themselves and killing the sol- 
diers has now been experienced, as happened at the time of the said up- 
rising when a considerable number of Tobosos attacked the presidio of 
Cerro Gordo, and shut the soldiers up in it, wounded most of them, killed 
some, and carried off more than three hundred animals from their drove, 
the inferior force of the soldiers being unable to resist that of the Indians. 

On other occasions those of the Concha nation and their allies, at Casas 
Grandes, and on the road from El Parral to Sonora, overcame and 
forced into a desperate struggle the squads of from sixty to seventy 
Spanish harquebusiers who were able to assemble from the farms of that 
vicinity, for the purpose of resisting, rather than punishing, the boldness 
with which the enemies were stealing the horses, cattle, and whatever 
there was. Hence there is now no part of the kingdom where the Span- 
iards are not in extremity, unless it has happened (which may God for- 
bid) that all has been delivered over to the fury of those barbarians, which 
is to be feared, rather than any hope that they may have maintained the 
little resistance that was being made to cruelties of the Indians. 

Let orders be given for each of the four presidios, Cuencame, Gallo, 
Cerro Gordo, and San Francisco de Conchos, to be furnished with twenty- 
five muskets, so that they may serve to prevent such occurrences. In view 
of the fact that the harquebuses used by those soldiers are short, and have 
little range, and are not so effective as the muskets, let each of the four 
presidios likewise be supplied every year with two quintals of powder. 



16 



228 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century 

Don Juan Isidro de Pardinas, Governador de la Nueba Vizcaya, A su 
Magestad. Parral, 21 de Noviembre 1688. Recivida por mano de 
Don Bernardino Pardinas su hermano en 16 de Agosto de i68p. u 

Informa de estado de aquel Reyno, Nuebos descubrimientos de miner- 
ales que en el hay, y del excito de la guerra, noticias de estrangeros por la 
parte del Norte de dicho Reino, y providencia que ha dado a todo, de que 
remite testimonio. 

Senor: En quince meses que ha que aprehendi la possession de este 
Govierno de la nueva Vizcaya me he enterado de lo mas notable de el para 
dar a Vuestra Magestad quenta de que se compone, estado en que se halle 
Y tiene al presente, que es un Reyno muy fertil pues en el se cojen todos 
generos Semillas que hay en otra qualquiera parte de la America, Tiene 
ganados mayores y menores los necessarios para mantenersse Es opulen- 
tissimo de minerales de platta y oro por que no hay parte en todo el que 
no manifieste betas que no se labran mas (prometiendo riquezas) porque 
lo hevita el Riesgo de los enemigos que obstilizhan con Repitidas muertes 
a los que deponen el temor por el ynteres ; Verificandosse el que Cessante 
esta Caussa se multiplicaran los descubrimientos Y Tessoros, pues por 
haverse Combertido a nuestra Santa fee Catolica los de la nacion Tara- 
humara se han buscado en sus Tierras, Y despues que entre en este 
govierno se descubrio en aquella partte Un mineral de los mas ricos que 
se han experimentado en estas partes, Y que ba f ructificando mucha platta 
aunque se halla en sus principios, Y estarse haciendo para el veneficio de 
Sacarla Yngenios, assi por fuego como por Agogue, Y mediante la buena 
correspondencia que he procurado se tenga con los naturales, se hallan 
muy bien sin estrafiar el que pueblen en su provincia los Espafioles ; Cossa 
que esta Nacion ha escussado (hasta el tiempo pressente) con Cuya oca- 
sion en el Camino de Sonora se han descubierto otros minerales que se 
van poblando que segun demuestran seran de mucha Utilidad al Real 
haver de Vuestra Magestad y de grande alivio de sus Vassallos que havi- 
tan essas regiones mediante la mineria Y Tessoros de la tierra que es el 
unico fin conque se han poblando, Y porque Vuestra Magestad estara v 
ynformado por mis antecessores de lo que consta este Reyno desde su 
primer descubrimiento no lo expresso Remitiendome a sus ynformes. 

Lo mas deste Reyno es despoblado de Espafioles por que como ha ssido 
continua la guerra en el, no se atreben a poblar, muchas partes que hay 
comodas para Poblaciones, por la poca seguridad que tienen por las 
Ymbasiones de los enemigos, no obstante que en el tiempo que ha que me 
hallo Con este cargo no he dejado las Armas de la mano haciendoles 
guerra Cuya obstinacion ha sido y es, tanta que ni aun por el medio suabe 
de la Paz los he podido Reducir, porque como es todo este Reyno Tierra 
tan abierta y en muy larga distancia por qualquier parte entran ha ymba- 
dir, Robar y matar caussando tanto Perjuicio que quando menos consi- 
guen, se lleban las Cavalladas Y muladas que pastan los campos frus- 
trando el Veneficio de Sacar platta (porque sin ellas no se puede hacer) 

» A. G. I., 66-6-18. 

v Obviously a miscopy for " estaba ". 



Juan Isidro de Pardinas, 1688 229 

Don Juan Isidro de Pardinas, governor of Nueva Vizcaya, to his Majesty. 
Parral, November 21, 1688. Received by the hand of Don Bernar- 
dino Pardinas, his brother, on August 16, i68p. 

Report on the state of that kingdom, on new discoveries of minerals 
in it, and on the outcome of the war ; information concerning foreigners 
in the northern part of the said kingdom, and action which he has taken 
with respect to everything, of which he sends a certified copy. 

Sir: In the fifteen months that have passed since I took possession of 
this government of Nueva Vizcaya I have informed myself of the most 
important part of its affairs, in order to give account to your Majesty 
of what it is composed, and the state in which it is [at present]. It is a 
very fertile kingdom, for in it are grown all kinds of grain that are to be 
found in any other part of America. It has the requisite cattle and sheep 
for its support; it is extremely rich in gold and silver ores, for there is 
no part in the whole of it that does not show veins. These are not worked 
more (despite their promise of riches) because the danger from enemy 
Indians, who carry on hostilities by continually murdering those who 
postpone fear to interest, prevents it. It has been demonstrated that if this 
interference ceases the discoveries and riches will be multiplied, for, as 
a result of the Indians of the Tarahumara nation having been converted 
to our holy Catholic faith, riches have been sought in their lands, and 
after I entered upon this governorship there was discovered in that region 
one of the richest mineral deposits that has been encountered in these 
parts. It is producing a great deal of silver, although it is in its begin- 
ning, and machines, both for fire and for quicksilver, are being utilized 
in the work of extracting the ore. 

As a result of the good relations that I have endeavored to keep with 
the natives, they are pleased and are not alienated by the fact that the 
Spaniards may settle in their provinces, a thing from which this nation 
has been exempt (up to the present time). As a result other mineral 
deposits have been discovered on the road to Sonora. At these, settle- 
ments are being made, and, according to the showing that they are mak- 
ing, they will be of great profit to the royal income of your Majesty, and 
a great aid to your subjects who live in those regions, by virtue of the 
minerals and treasures of the region, which is the only object for which 
they have settled [there] . Since your Majesty was informed by my prede- 
cessors of what this kingdom, since its first discovery, is composed of, I 
do not relate it here but refer to their reports. 

The greater part of this kingdom has no Spanish population, for, since 
the war in it has been continuous, the Spaniards do not venture to settle 
many parts that are very suitable for towns because of their lack of 
security against attacks by the Indian enemies. Notwithstanding that 
during the time that I have had this charge I have not been without arms 
in my hands and have made constant war upon the Indian enemies, their 
obstinacy has been and is so great that not even by the mild method of 
peace have I been able to reduce them. For, since this entire kingdom is 
such an open country, and the distance is very great across whatever sec- 



230 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century 

Y para que la guerra les contenga, he hecho por mi persona diversas en- 
tradas a las propias Tierras de los enemigos Y con deseo de obligarles 
con las Armas a apetecer la Paz, que solo he Consequido con la nacion 
Pima que haviendo negado la devida Obediencia que tenian dada a Vues- 
tra Magestad (aunque gentiles) despoblaron Sus Ymbaciones las me j ores 
Minas que se labravan en la Provincia de Sonora a la qual provey con 
gente espanola y Yndios Auxiliares en mucho numero por ser muy neces- 
sarios y ynescussables, Y la nacion Revelada muy Numerosa y de mucho 
Valor que se experimento con haver acometido en su aloxamiento al 
Campo de los espanoles Y yndios Auxiliares Con animo de que Rompidos 
los que se les oponian con mayor facilidad lo harian a toda la Provincia 
que mediante el haver yo Reforgado al alcalde mayor de aquel partido 
con Una Compania de gente espanola de Valor Y experiencia, Resistieron 
La furia del enemigo Y Recobrada le apretaron haviendo havido de Una 

Y otra parte muchos muertos obligando a los Reveldes ha apetecer la Paz 
que se les concedio Y se han asentado en sus pueblos Y Rancherias pidi- 
endo los mas ministros que los ynstruyan en la Santa ffe Catolica (cossa 
que no se ha podido consequir en mas de quarenta anos. ) La Provincia 
de Sonora tubo en esta ocasion el Riesgo que padecio en nuevo Mexico Y 
huviera sido de las grandes perdidas que pudiera haver en estas partes, 
pues fuera de perderse La christiandad de tantos naturales como tiene 
Reducidos se destruyan minerales muy Ricos Y que Rinden muchos 
haveres a Vuestra Magestad en Reales quintos ha sse obviado sin gasto 
de Vuestra Real hacienda, porque pretendo escussarlo Y en la asistencia 
que se me da para gastos de paz Y guerra proveeo de Yndios Auxiliares 
sus pagos Y mantenimientos por ser muy necessarios para la guerra Y 
de qualquiera manera es ynescusable mantenerla para ympedir las entra- 
das que hacen los enemigos como duenos de las Campaiias, porque aunque 
los soldados de los presidios aseguran el camino y entradas del Comercio, 
son muchas las partes que son acometidas, Y por lo difuso de ellas no es 
facil ni superable guarnecerlas todas, aunque fuera con muy copiossa 
manera w de soldados, Y assi continuo traer gente de guerra en Campafia 
con mucho numero de Espanoles Vezinos de estos partidos que me parece 
medio mas eficaz para moderar este genero de gentes tan Yrreducibles ; 
que aunque en mi tiempo en Varias ocasiones de Requentros a muerto 
gran numero de ellos, no ceden de su obstinacion En medio de estar at- 
tendiendo personalmente a lo Referido me ha sido necessario dar provi- 
dencias a los puertos del Mar del Sur de este Reyno para la defensa de 
las Ynbassiones que yntenta el Pirata en ellos, por haver Saqueado en el 
Reyno de la Nueva Galicia Un Pueblo nombrado Acapaneta que confina 
con poca Ynmediacion con este Reino. 

Los Indios del Rio del Norte con quien tengo Confidencia me han dado 
noticia como se ve en tierra por aquella parte de este Reino gentes Estran- 
geras que pretenden Yntroducirse, con los naturales como consta del tes- 
timonio ad junto, Y por ser materia que pide remedio con brevedad me ha 
parecido precisso despachar como despacho LTna compania de nobenta 
espanoles Arcabuceros con mucho numero de Yndios Auxiliares a Re- 

w Obviously this is a miscopy for " numero ". 



Juan Isidro de Pardinas, 1688 231 

tion they enter in order to attack, rob, and kill, they do so much damage 
that even when they accomplish least, the horse and mule herd that are 
grazing in the fields are carried off, thereby preventing the working of 
the silver mines (for without the horses and mules this work cannot be 
done). 

In order to stop them from making war I have personally made several 
expeditions into the very country of the hostile Indians, for the purpose 
of compelling them, by force, to crave peace. In this I have only been 
successful with the Pima nation. These Indians have repudiated the due 
obedience which they had given to your Majesty (although heathens) and 
their invasions resulted in the depopulation of the best mines that were 
being worked in the province of Sonora. [Accordingly] I sent to that 
province a large number of Spaniards and Indian auxiliaries, for they 
were necessary and indispensable, and the rebellious nation was very 
numerous and brave. This [fact] was experienced when, in their quar- 
ters, in the camp of the Spaniards and Indian auxiliaries, they began an 
attack in the belief that when those who were opposed to them were routed 
they could the more easily rout the whole province. But as a result of 
my having reinforced the alcalde mayor of that district with a company 
of Spanish soldiers of valor and experience, they resisted the fury of the 
enemy; having recuperated, they harassed the enemy after many deaths 
had occurred on both sides. This obliged the rebels to crave peace, which 
was granted to them, and they have settled down in their towns and ran- 
cherias and are asking for the largest number of ministers to instruct 
them in the holy Catholic faith (a thing which it has not been possible 
to accomplish in more than forty years). 

On this occasion the province of Sonora faced the same peril that was 
experienced in New Mexico, 111 and the losses that might have occurred 
in these parts would have been enormous, for, in addition to the loss of 
the Christianity of so many natives who have been reduced, very rich 
mineral deposits, which render great profits to your Majesty in royal 
fifths, 112 might have been destroyed. This has been obviated without 
expense to your real hacienda because I try to prevent it. From the allow- 
ance that is given me for expenses of peace and war I provide the Indian 
auxiliaries with their pay and provisions, for they are very necessary for 
the war, which it is absolutely indispensable to keep up in order to pre- 
vent the expeditions which, as masters of the country, the hostile Indians 
make. For, although the soldiers of the presidios guard the roads and 
commercial expeditions, the districts that are attacked are many, and 
the commercial expeditions are so diffuse that it is not easy or practicable 
to guard them all, although it might be done with a very large number of 
soldiers. Therefore I am continuing to lead a military force into the field 
made up of a great many Spanish residents of these districts, which 
seems to me the most efficacious means to subdue this kind of intractable 
people. 

Although during my incumbency, in various encounters, a great num- 
ber of them have been killed, they refuse, through obstinacy, to submit. 
In the midst of attending personally to what has been related, it has been 
necessary for me to take action at the ports of this kingdom on the South 



232 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century 

conocer este genero de gentes Estrangeras Y obviar al que hagan pie, 
con orden que para que por el Rio del Norte aba jo se solicite Saver donde 
estan alojados, Y siendo la Baya del Espiritu Sancto, porque este Rio 
(hay noticias) entra en la Baya, Y por este Reyno se esguassa con mas 
facilidad que por otras que no se puede hacer. 

Esto es el estado en que he hallado este Reino el qual si gozara Paz 
Rindiera a Vuestra Magestad muchos Thesoros Reduplicados que hasta 
ahora ha fructificado y con deseo de lograr yo cossa tan del Real servicio 
de Vuestra Magestad no omitto, ni, omittere diligencia alguna en pro- 
curarlo conseguir Cumpliendo con mi obligacion guarde Dios La catho- 
lica persona de Vuestra Magestad Como la Christiandad ha menester. 
Parral Y Nobiembre 21 de 1688 afios. Don Juan Ysidro de Pardinas 
Villar de Francos [Rubricas] . 

[Decreto del] Consexo [de Indias]. 

Consejo a 20 de Octubre de 1689. Al Senor Fiscal. [Rubrica.] 

Respuesta del Fiscal. [Madrid, 25 de Enero de i6po.'] 
El fiscal ha visto esta carta y testimonio Inclusso; Y dice que se debe 
aprobar a este Governador el celo Con que obra Y providencias que ha 
dada para la Seguridad Y defensa de Aquel Reyno; ordenando le de 
quentta con auttos de lo que hubiere resultado de la compania que embio 
a reconozer los estrangeros que se han descubierto a los Indios de el Rio 
del Norte mandandole que conforme lo que de dichas diligencias se ofre- 
ciere digno de providencia Y de puntual reparo ; lo comunique Y participe 
al Virrey para que aplique los medios mas eficaces Y promptos que fueren 
necesarios ; Y que este governador por su parte Y en lo que le toque, las 
solicite Y execute Y de todo de quenta Madrid Y enero 25 de 1690. 
[Rubrica] Para todo el consejo [Rubrica~]. 

[Decreto del~\ Consejo [de Indias']. 

Consejo a 31 de Henero de 1690. Como lo dice el Senor fiscal fecho. 
[Rubric a.] 



Juan Isidro de Pardinas, 1688 233 

Sea with respect to the attacks which the pirate 11S contemplates on them, 
for he has plundered a town, in the kingdom of Nueva Galicia, called 
Acaponeta, which is almost on the borderline of this kingdom. 

The Indians of the Rio del Norte, in whom I have confidence, have in- 
formed me that some foreign people are in territory in that part of this 
kingdom and are trying to thrust themselves upon the natives, as appears 
from the enclosed certified copy. As it is a matter that calls for prompt 
action, it has seemed to me to be necessary to despatch, as I am despatch- 
ing, a company of ninety Spanish harquebusiers, with a large number of 
Indian auxiliaries, to inquire into the character of these foreign people 
and to prevent them from getting a foothold; also it has orders to en- 
deavor to learn, in the lower Rio del Norte, where they are established 
and whether it is on the bay of Espiritu Santo 114 because (there are 
rumors that) this river empties into the bay, and because it can be forded 
more easily through this kingdom than through others, where it cannot 
be done. 

This is the state in which I have found this kingdom, which, if it en- 
joyed peace, would render to your Majesty much wealth — double what 
it has produced up to now. And with the desire of accomplishing a thing 
so greatly to the royal service of your Majesty, I do not omit, nor shall, 
any effort in an endeavor to procure peace, thus complying with my duty. 
May God keep the Catholic person of your Majesty, as Christianity needs. 
Parral, November 21, 1688. Don Juan Isidro de Pardinas Villar de 
Francos. [Rubrics. ~\ 

[Decree of the'] Council [of the Indies]. 

The Council, October 20, 1680. To the senor fiscal. [Rubric] 

Reply of the fiscal. [Madrid, January 25, 1690.] 

The fiscal has examined this letter and the enclosed certified copy. He 
says that the zeal with which this governor works and the measures he 
has taken for the security and defense of that kingdom ought to be ap- 
proved ; that he should be ordered to give an account, with autos, of what 
may have resulted from the company that he sent to investigate the 
foreigners who have revealed themselves to the Indians of the Rio del 
Norte; that he should be commanded to adjust himself to whatever may 
develop from the said efforts that is worthy of taking action and worthy 
of prompt repair; that he communicate it and report it to the viceroy in 
order that he may apply the most efficacious and prompt means that may 
be necessary; and that this governor, on his part, shall search for and 
put them into practice. Let him give account of everything. Madrid, 
January 25, 1690. [Rubric] For all the Council. [Rubric] 

[Decree of the] Council [of the Indies]. 

The Council, January 31, 1690. Done as the senor fiscal says. [Rubric] 



234 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century 

Autos Fechos por el Sehor Gobernador y Capitan General de la Nueba 
Vizcaya Don Juan Ysidro de Pardihas Villar de Francos sobre las 
Noticias que Dieron los Yndios del Rio del Norte de que Subian por 
el Naciones Extrangeras y Providencia que Dio sobre ello. x [j de 
Noviembre de 1688 hast a 8 de Julio de 1692.'] 

(Vino con carta de Juan Ysidro de Pardifias de i° de Abril de 1693.) 
El General Juan Fernandez de Retana Capitan del Presidio de San 
Francisco de Conchos por su Magestad y Justicia Mayor de esta Juris- 
diccion : Por cuanto a llegado a mi noticia se hallan en la mision de San 
Pedro de Conchos dos religiosos que han bendido de la Junta del Rio del 
Norte y asi mismo algunos yndios de dicho religioso y y que unos y otros 
dan noticia de como los yndios correos que llegan a dicha junta de los rios 
dizen haber visto nacion de gentes extrangeras para tomarles noticia com- 
beniente al mayor serbicio de su Magestad y dar noticia al Senor Gover- 
nador y Capitan General de este Reyno se exsaminen dichos religiosos 
escribiendoles para ello se lleguen a este presidio u el que me aguarden 
en dicha mision y digan lo que supieron [u] z han oido dezir a los naturales 
de dicho Rio u a los sibolos en razon de dicha nacion estrangera y lo 
demas que supieren y para que en todo tiempo conste lo firme en veinte 
de Noviembre de mil seiscientos y ochenta y ocho anos con los testigos de 
mi asistencia que lo fueron Martin de Zarate y el Sarjento Martin Aldai 
y escribano de guerra Fernando de Hinojos. Juan de Retana. Martin 
de Zarate. Martin de Aldai. Ante mi Fernando de Ynojos escrivano 
de guerra. 

En el presidio de San Francisco de Conchos en veinte y uno de Noviem- 
bre de mill y seissientos y ochenta y ocho anos Yo el General Juan de 

Retana Capitan de dicho Presidio habiendo 
llegado a el este dia el Theniente don Nicolas 
de la Junta de los Rios del Rio del Norte 
con su gente que es de su cargo en con- 
formidad del auto antescedente por mi pro- 
veido hize comparecer a quien rescevi juramento que lo hizo por dios 
nuestro senor y la serial de la cruz de dezir verdad de lo que supiere y le 
fuere preguntando [que diga y declare, fuele preguntado] que diga si por 
la parte del rio del norte a bisto algunas naziones estranjeras usi an a oido 
dezir a los yndios sibolas u otras naziones de que ayan bisto dichas na- 
ciones estranjeras quien estado b enterado por medio del interprete Mathais 
del hierro dijo que lo que sabe es que quedan en dicho rio del norte unos 

X A. G. I., 67-4-1 1. 

yThe University of Texas transcript of this expediente, hereinafter referred to as 
Copy E, reads " de dicho Rio". This is probably correct. 

z The letter enclosed in brackets above is not in the original Bandelier transcript of 
this expediente, but it appears in the University of Texas transcript of the same 
expediente. Hereinafter letters, words, or phrases which appear in the latter and not 
in the former transcript will be added, in brackets, without attention being directed to 
their source. 

a Copy B reads " a oido ". 

b Copy B reads " quien estando ". This is probably correct. 



Declaracion de Don Nico- 
las Yndio. 



Autos from Pardinas, 1 688-1 692 



235 



Autos drawn up by the senor governor and captain-general of Nueva 
Vizcaya, Don Juan Isidro de Pardinas Villar de Francos, concerning 
the information which the Indians of the Rio del Norte gave, namely, 
that foreign nations were ascending the river, and the measures 
taken in regard to it. [November 3, 1688, to July 8, 1692.] 

(It came with a letter from Juan Isidro de Pardinas of April 1, 1693.) 
General Juan Fernandez de Retana, captain for his Majesty of the pre- 
sidio of San Francisco de Conchos and chief justice of this jurisdiction, 
says : Inasmuch as it has come to my knowledge that two religions are 
in the mission of San Pedro de Conchos who have come from La Junta 
del Rio del Norte, and also some Indians from the same river, and that 
both the religious and the Indians report that the Indian runners who 
come to the said La Junta de los Rios say that they have seen men of a 
foreign nation ; in order to secure information useful for the greater ser- 
vice of his Majesty, and in order to give notice to the senor governor and 
captain-general of this kingdom, let the said religious be examined, and 
let them be advised in writing that for this purpose they shall come to 
this presidio, or that they shall await me at the said mission and relate 
what they may know or what they have heard the natives of the said 
river, or the Cibolos [Indians] say in regard to the said foreign nation, 
and whatever else they may know. 

In order to place it on record for all time, I signed this on November 20, 
1688, with the witnesses assisting me, namely, Martin de Zarate, Martin 
Aldai, and the secretary of war, Fernando de Hinojos. Juan de Retana. 
Martin de Zarate. MartIn de Aldai. Before me, Fernando de 
Hinojos, clerk of war. 

In the presidio of San Francisco de Conchos, November 21, 1688, I, 
General Juan de Retana, captain of the said presidio, in conformity with 

the preceding auto which I drew up, caused 
to appear before me Lieutenant Don Nico- 
las, since he has this day arrived at this 
pueblo from La Junta de los Rios, on the 
Rio del Norte, with the people in his charge. 
I administered to him the oath, which he made by God, our Lord, and 
the sign of the cross, to tell the truth concerning what he might know 
and what might be asked him. This let him state and declare. 

He was asked to state whether he has seen in the vicinity of the Rio 
del Norte any foreign people, or whether he has heard the Cibolos Indians 
or other nations say whether they may have seen the said foreigners. 
Having been instructed through the medium of the interpreter, Matias 
del Hierro, he said that what he knows is that there are some friendly 
Cibolos Indians on the said Rio del Norte; that they [the Indians at La 
Junta de los Rios] trade and bargain with these couriers sent by Don 
Nicolas, the Cibolo ; that he notifies them that he is coming with his people ; 
that with them a Spaniard is coming who has been separated from the 
others who, they say, are marching near the kingdom of the Texas In- 



Declaration of Don Nico- 
las, an Indian. 



236 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century 

indios sibolos amigos que tratan y contratan con estos correos despachados 
por don Nicolas el sibolo e que les da noticia de como biene saliendose con 
su gente e que con ella viene un espanol que se desagrego de los demas que 
dizen andan junto al Reyno de los tejas y que dicho espanol se hizo cortar 
la melena a usansa de los yndios como el tambien el raj arse c y cortar la 
barba que dize se juio porque lo querian matar y que asi mismo hay oydo 
dezir a dichos yndios correos que traen cartas de los espafioles u estran- 
geros que andan junto [s] a los texas para los padres de las misiones de 
dicho Rio del Norte y que asi mismo les ha oido dezir en otras ocasiones 
a dichos yndios sibolos y a su Capitan Don Nicolas que entran espafioles 
si bien no lo saben destinguir en los texas y que rescatan cavallos por 
hachas y que se buelben a yr y que no saben tengan hechas casas ni asis- 
tencia fija cerca de dicho Reyno de los tejas y que esto es la verdad de lo 
que sabe y a oido desir so cargo del juramento que fecho tiene en que se 
afirmo y ratifico y dijo ser de edad de cuarenta afios poco mas o menos 
y para que conste lo firme con los testigos de mi asistencia que lo son el 
Capitan Martin de Zarate y el Sargento Martin [de] Aldai presentes. 
Juan de Retana. Martin Ortiz de Zarate. Martin de Aldai. Ante 
mi Fernando de Ynojos escrivano de Govierno. d 

En dicho presidio dicho dia yo dicho Capitan hize comparezer ante mi 
a Don Juan de Salaises yndio que biene en la compania del Theniente Don 

Nicolas [a quien Recivi juramento en forma 
que lo hizo por Dios nuestro Senor y la 
Serial de la cruz de decir verdad de lo supiere 
y le f uere preguntado] . Fuele preguntado si 
ha visto u ha oydo dezir de las naciones es- 
tranjeras que andan por la parte del Rio del Norte dijo que lo que sabe 
es que ha oido dezir a los yndios sibolos que bienen de la parte del oriente 
a tratar y contratar con ellos como amigos que son que ha tiempo que 
entran en el Reyno de los Tejas extrangeros a rescatar cavallos y otras 
cosas con los naturales de la tierra y que les dan achas y ropa y que agora 
nuebamente sabe han venido a la junta de los Rios unos yndios sibolos 
despachados por su Capitan Don Nicolas avisando a la gente del Norte 
como se biene saliendo con su gente y que con su nacion viene un espanol 
que dize se huio de los demas que andan junto[s] a los tejas porque lo 
quieran matar y que dijo a los yndios le cortasen e el cabello a su usanza 
y lo ragaran f como lo hizieron como tambien la barba y que el arcabus 
que traia se le hecho a perder y que dijo lo compondria y que esto es la 
verdad de lo que sabe so cargo del juramento que fecho tiene en lengua 
castellana por ser ladino en que se afirmo y ratifico y dijo ser de edad de 
treinta y seis .afios. [ Y para que conste lo firme con los testigos de mi 

c Obviously this is a miscopy for " raparse ". 

d Copy B reads " escrivano de Guerra ". This is probably correct, since elsewhere 
in the Bandelier transcript the title of Fernando de Inojos appears as "escrivano de 
guerra". See pp. 234, 238, 240, 242, 244. 

e Copy B reads " le cortaran ". 

f Obviously this is a miscopy for " raparse ". 



Declarassion de Juan de 
Salaises Yndio. 



Autos from Pardinas, 1688-1692 237 

dians ; that the said Spaniard caused his hair to be cut in the fashion of 
the Indians and also cropped and cut off his beard ; and that the Spaniard 
says that he fled because they wished to kill him. 

He has also heard the said Indian couriers say that they are bringing 
letters from the Spaniards, or foreigners, who are near the Texas Indians, 
for the padres of the missions of the said Rio del Norte. Also he has 
heard the Cibolos Indians and their captain Don Nicolas say on other 
occasions that Spaniards — though they do not know how to differentiate 
[between] them and other foreigners; — go among the Texas Indians and 
trade axes for horses, that they go away again, and that they do not know 
whether they have built houses or have any fixed residence near the said 
kingdom of Texas Indians. 

He said that under the burden of the oath which he has taken this is 
the truth concerning what he knows and has heard stated. This statement 
he affirmed and ratified. He said that he was forty years old, a little more 
or less. And in order to place it on record I signed it, with the witnesses 
assisting me, who were present, namely, Captain Martin de Zarate and 
Sergeant Martin Aldai. Juan de Retana. Martin Ortiz de Zarate. 
Martin de Aldai. Before me, Fernando de Hinojos, clerk of gov- 
ernment. 

At the said presidio, on the said day, I, the said captain, caused to ap- 
pear before me Don Juan de Salaises, an Indian who comes in the 

company of the lieutenant, Don Nicolas. 
To him I administered the oath, in proper 
form — which he made by God, our Lord, 
and sign of the cross — to tell the truth of 
what he might know and what might be 
asked him. He was asked whether he has seen or heard [anything] con- 
cerning the foreign people who are travelling in the neighborhood of the 
Rio del Norte. He replied that what he knows is that he has heard the 
Cibolos Indians, who come from the direction of the east to trade and 
bargain with them as friends, as they are, say that some time ago strangers 
entered the kingdom of the Texas Indians to trade for horses and other 
things with the natives of the country, and that they gave the natives axes 
and clothing. He has just lately learned that some Cibolos Indians have 
come to La Junta de los Rios who were sent by their captain Don Nicolas, 
to inform the people of the [Rio] del Norte that he is coming with his 
people, and that with his nation a Spaniard is coming who says that he 
fled from others, who are among the Texas Indians, because they wished 
to kill him, that he told the Indians to cut off his hair in their fashion, 
and crop it, as they did, and likewise his beard, and that the harquebus 
which he was carrying had been damaged, but he said he would repair it. 
He says that this is the truth concerning what he knows, under burden 
of the oath which he has made. [He spoke] in the Castilian language, 
because he understood it. He affirmed and ratified [his statement], and 
said he was thirty-six years of age. And in order to place it on record 
I signed it with the witnesses assisting me, who were present, namely, 



[Declaration of Juan de 
Salaises, an Indian.] 



Declaracion de Salv[ador] 
Yndio. 



238 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century 

asistencia que lo son el Capitan Martin de Zarate y el sargento Martin de 
Aldai presentes. Juan de Retana. Martin de Zarate. Martin de 
Alday. Ante mi Fernando de Inojos escrivano de Guerra.] 

En el presidio de San Francisco de Conchos dicho dia yo dicho Capitan 
hize comparecer ante mi al yndio Salvador de los que bienen del Norte 

con el Theniente Don Nicolas a quien rescivi 
juramento en forma para que diga y declare 
lo que save y ha oido dezir tocante a las na- 
ciones extrangeras que dicen los sibolos han 
visto dijo que lo que sabe es lo que es publico 
a todos los yndios de la junta de los Rios de que dicen los sibolos que en 
el reyno de los tejas entran espafioles u extrangeros a rescatar cavallos y 
otras cosas y que en retorno les dan hachas y ropa y que agora acabaron 
de llegar unos yndios sibolos a la junta de los Rios despachadas por Don 
Nicolas los cuales dan noticia de un espafiol que biene con su nacion y que 
dice haberse huido de los demas que andan junto a los tejas y que trae su 
arcabus y que ajado a dar el vaso g a una nacion que no cor re con dichos 
sibolos y que dicho arcabus se le maltrato y que se hizo cortar el cabello 
y raj arse h a usanza de dichos yndios como tambien la barba y que esto 
es lo que sabe so cargo del juramento que fecho tiene en que se afirmo y 
dijo ser de edad de veinte y ocho afios y para que conste lo firme con los 
testigos de mi asistencia con que son [el capitan Martin de Zarate y el 
Sargento Martin de Alday presentes. Juan de Retana, Martin Ortiz 
de Zarate, Martin de Aldai. Ante mi Fernando de Ynojos escrivano 
de Guerra]. 

En este presidio de San Francisco de Conchos a veinte y dos dias del 
mes de Noviembre de mil y seiscientos y ochenta y ocho afios yo el General 

Juan de Retana Capitan de dicho Presidio 
hize comparezer ante mi a dos yndios del Rio 
del Norte llamados Pedro y Alonso a quienes 
les mande saliesen luego con recaudo y man- 
sage de parte de el Senor Governador y Capi- 
tan General de este Reyno y mia para los yndios de su nacion de la 
junta de los Rios del Rio del Norte para que les digan como los padres 
que se hallavan con ellos en sus misiones se buelben conmigo para que 
les asistan en la ensefianza y doctrina en los Misterios de Nuestra Santa 
Fee y que tengan todo consuelo y que asi mesmo les digan a todos los 
Capitanes del Rio arriva como boy a hazer entrada por aquel lado para 
castigar a los enemigos que les inquietan matan y rroban amparandolos 
como vasallos del Rey Nuestro Senor que dichos Capitanes me salgan a 
encontrar para que me den razon de lo que ubiere y asi mismo di orden 
a dichos yndios para que de los sibolos que ubiere en dicha Junta de los 
Rios salgan algunos a encontrar a su Capitan Don Nicolas y le digan de 
mi parte que las cartas y el espafiol que traen dichos yndios llos traigan 

s Copy B reads " y que ayudo a dar alvaso ", which obviously is correct. 
h Obviously this is a miscopy for " raparse ". 



Ymbianse dos Yndios a los 
del Norte. 



Declaration of the Indian 
Salvador. 



Autos from Pardinas, 1688- 1692 239 

Captain Martin de Zarate and Sergeant Martin de Aldai. Juan de 
Retana. Martin Ortiz de Zarate. Martin de Aldai. Before me, 
Fernando de Hinojos, clerk of war. 

At the presidio of San Francisco de los Conchos, on the said day, I, 
the said captain, caused to appear before me the Indian Salvador, one of 

those who come from the north with Lieu- 
tenant Don Nicolas. To him I administered 
the oath, in proper form, in order that he 
might state and declare what he knows and 
has heard concerning the said foreign na- 
tions which the Cibolos say they have seen. 

He said that what he knows is that it is well known to all the Indians 
of La Junta de los Rios that the Cibolos say that in the kingdom of the 
Texas Indians, Spaniards, or foreigners, come to trade for horses and 
other things, and that in return they give them axes and clothing, and 
that some Cibolos Indians had just arrived at La Junta de los Rios, 
having been sent by Don Nicolas. These brought information of a Span- 
iard who is coming with their nation who says that he had fled from the 
others who are among the Texas ; he carries a harquebus, and aided them 
in an attack on a nation that is not united with the said Cibolos. His 
harquebus was broken, and he caused his hair to be cut and cropped in 
the fashion of the said Indians, and likewise his beard. 

He says that this is what he knows, under burden of the oath which he 
has taken. He affirmed his statement and said that he was twenty-eight 
years old. In order to place it on record I signed it with Captain Martin 
de Zarate and Sergeant Martin de Aldai. Juan de Retana, Martin 
Ortiz de Zarate, Martin de Aldai. Before me, Fernando de 
Hinojos, clerk of war. 

At this presidio of San Francisco de Conchos, on the twenty-second day 
of the month of November, 1688, I, General Juan de Retana, captain of 

the said presidio, caused to appear before me 
two Indians from the Rio del Norte, named 
Pedro and Alonso. And I ordered that these 
should be sent immediately with a present 
and a message, in behalf of the sefior gov- 
ernor and captain-general of this kingdom and myself, to the Indians of 
their nation at La Junta de los Rios on the Rio del Norte, to tell them 
that the padres who were with them in their missions are returning with 
me in order to assist them with instruction and discipline in the mysteries 
of our holy faith, and that they may be entirely consoled. Likewise I 
ordered them [Pedro and Alonso] to tell all the captains of the upper Rio 
[del Norte] that I am going to make an expedition through that region 
in order to chastise the enemies who are disturbing, killing, and robbing 
them, and that I will protect them as vassals of the king, our lord, and 
that the said captains are to come out and meet me in order to report to me 
concerning what might be going on. 



Two Indians are sent to 
those of the North. 



240 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century 

con todo cuydado y me bengan a rogar ' al Rio del Norte sin que pase la 
palabra de mi entrada para la parte de los tejas y asi mismo para los chi- 
chitames salineros ni tobosos que me dizen asisten por aquella deresera 
para que en todo tiempo conste lo firme con los testigos de mi asistencia 
que son [el Capitan Martin de Zarate y el sargento Martin de Aldai pre- 
sentes. Juan de Retana, Martin Ortiz de Zarate, Martin de Aldai. 
Ante mi Fernando de Ynojos escrivano de guerra.] 

En este pueblo de San Pedro de Conchos en veinte y tres de Noviembre 
de mil y seiscientos y ochenta y ocho anos yo el General Juan de Retana 

Capitan del Presidio de San Francisco de 



Declaration del Padre 
Fray Agustin de Colina del 
Horden de San Francisco. 



Conchos en virtud del auto de veinte de el 
corriente por mi proveido hize notorio al 
Reverendo Padre Predicador y Presidente 
Fray Augustin de Colina que lo es de las 
misiones de la junta de los Rios del Rio del Norte para que su paternidad 
fuere J y declare como lo hizo yn bervo sacerdotis puesta la mano en el 
pecho de lo que sabe y ha oido dezir en orden a las naciones extrangeras 
que dicen los naturales de aquellos paises han visto quien estando enterado 
de todo dijo que lo que save y ha oido dezir es en la manera siguiente. 
Que el ano pasado de ochenta y siete los yndios sibolos y jumanas le 
pidieron a su paternidad carta para los espafioles que dezian dichos yndios 
salian y entraban en los tejas y que a esto les dijo dicho Padre trujesen 
ellos carta de dichos espafioles que entonces responderia a ella a lo cual 
prometieron los yndios traer carta de los tales espafioles y que este ano 
por el mes de septiembre vinieron cinco yndios sibolos a la junta de los 
Rios y estuvieron con dicho Padre a quienes oyo dezir por medio de los 
yndios de su mision qu sirbieron de interpretes (que un moro que de esta 
manera lo apellidan) asiste con una nacion ynmediata a los tejas el cual 
dicen trae su arcabus largo y bestido de hierro con su morrion y que ese 
tal ayudo a la nacion con quien asistia a dar alvaso a la nacion Michi que 
dijeron dichos yndios asolaron la mitad de ellos y que despues llegaron 
diferentes yndios sibolos y que estos dijeron que entraban a tratar y con- 
tratar en los tejas dandoles ropa por cavallos y frutos de la tierra y que 
de noche yban a dormir al agua donte tenian casas de palo y que los tales 
andan bestidos de hierro y que se les hundio una x:asa de palo y que les 
desian a los naturales de aquella tierra como tambien a los sibolos jumanas 
que los espafioles del parral no eran buenos y que ellos habian de entrar 
con carros por toda esta tierra y que esto es lo que su paternidad sabe y 
ha oido dezir so cargo del juramento que fecho tiene en que se afirmo y 
para que conste lo firme con los testigos de mi asistencia el Padre Presi- 
dente Fray Gabriel de Burgos y Joseph Nabarro. Juan de Retana. 
Fray Agustin de Colina. Fray Gabriel de Burgos. Joseph Nabarro. 
Ante mi Fernando de Ynojos Escrivano de Guerra. 

1 Copy B has " topar ", which obviously is correct, 
i Copy B has "jure", which obviously is correct. 



Declaration of Father 
Fray Agustin de Colina, of 
the Order of Saint Francis. 



Autos from Pardinas, 1688-1692 241 

Likewise I gave an order to the said Indians for some of the Cibolos 
who may be at the said La Junta de los Rios to go and meet their captain, 
Don Nicolas, and tell him in my behalf that the said Indians shall bring 
with all care the letters and the Spaniard which they have with them, and 
that they shall come to meet me at the Rio del Norte, without passing the 
word of my coming through the district of the Texas Indians nor among 
the Chichitames, Salineros, or Tobosos, who they tell me live along that 
road. 

In order to place it on record for all time, I signed it with the wit- 
nesses assisting me, who were present, namely, Captain Martin de Zarate 
and Sergeant Martin de Aldai. Juan de Retana. MartIn Ortiz de 
Zarate. Martin de Aldai. Before me, Fernando de Hinojos, clerk 
of war. 

At this pueblo of San Pedro de Conchos, on November 23, 1688, I, 
General Juan de Retana, captain of the presidio of San Francisco de Con- 
chos, in virtue of the auto of the twentieth 
of the current month promulgated by me, 
made known this auto to the reverend father 
preacher and president, 115 Fray Agustin de 
Colina, president of the missions of La Junta 
de los Rios, on the Rio del Norte, in order that his paternity might swear 
and declare — as he did in verbo sacerdotis, 116 placing his hand on his 
breast — concerning what he knows and has heard with regard to the 
foreign people whom the natives of those countries say they have seen. 
Having been instructed concerning everything, he said that what he 
knows and has heard said is as follows : In the past year, 1687, the 
Cibolos and Jumanos Indians asked his paternity for a letter to the Span- 
iards who, the said Indians stated, were going and coming among the 
Texas Indians. To this the said padre replied that they should bring a 
letter from the said Spaniards and he would then answer it. The Indians 
thereupon promised to bring a letter from these Spaniards, and this year, 
in the month of September, five Cibolos Indians came to La Junta de los 
Rios and visited the said padre, and he heard them say, by means of the 
Indians of his mission who served as interpreters, that a Moor (for in 
this manner they referred to him) is living with a nation adjacent to the 
Texas Indians. They say this man carries his long harquebus and his 
plate armor, with a helmet, and that he so aided the nation with whom 
he is living in making an attack on the Michi nation, that they said that 
the Indians with whom he lived destroyed half of the Michi Indians. 

Afterwards other Cibolos Indians arrived who said that the strangers 
went to trade and bargain with the Texas Indians, giving them clothing 
for horses and fruits of the land, that at night they went to sleep on the 
water where they had wooden houses, that they went about in plate armor, 
that one of their wooden houses was sunk, that they told the natives of 
that country, as well as the Cibolos and Jumanos, that the Spaniards of 
El Parral were not good people, and that they themselves were going to 
penetrate all of that country in wagons. 



242 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century 

En el Pueblo de San Pedro de Conchos en veinte y tres de Noviembre 
de mil seiscientos y ochenta y ocho anos yo el General Juan de Retana 
Capitan del Presidio de San Francisco de 



Declaracion de Joachin de 
Ynojosa del Horden de San 
Francisco. 



Conchos e justicia mayor de esta jurisdic- 
cion para efecto de aclarar y verificar las 
diligencias que constan en estos autos por 
ser tan del servicio de su Magestad pase a 
recebir juramento al Padre Predicador Fray Joachin de Hinojosa Mision- 
ero en la junta de los Rios del Rio del Norte en orden a lo que sabe y ha 
oido dezir tocante a las naziones extrangeras que dicen haber visto los 
naturales hacia el Reyno de los Tejas quien estando enterado juro yn 
bervo sacerdotis puesta la mano en el pecho de dezir la verdad de lo que 
supiere y hubiere oido en esta razon. 

Fuele preguntado si ha visto su Paternidad algunos extrangeros por 
aquel rumbo a lo cual dijo que lo que sabe es por noticios de los yndios 
sibolos y jumanos que asisten hacia la parte de los tejas gente extrangera 
y que tratan y contratan con los naturales de dicho Reyno de los tejas y 
que de noche se buelven a sus casas de palo que tienen en el agua y que 
asi mismo dijeron dichos yndios que dezian los extrangeros que los 
espanoles no heran buena gente, que ellos si y que han de entrar al Parral 
con carros y que andan bestidos de hierro y que asi mesmo les ha oido 
dezir a dichos yndios que un moro asi les llaman se desagrego de los 
demas y que este tal asiste con una nacion de yndios que asiste junto a 
los tejas que trae su arcabus largo y bestido de hierro y con su ayuda 
suelen dar algunos albasos los yndios que con el asisten y habiendole pre- 
guntado a dicho Padre Predicador si les oyo a los sibolos que a que 
generos se reducia el comercio que tienen los tejas con los extrangeros 
dijo que lo que les oyo dezir fue que los yndios les davan cavallos frutos 
de la tierra como tambien porsiones de tierra colorada y que en retorno 
le[s] dan a los yndios hachas ropa y otras cosas y que esto es la verdad 
de lo que sabe y ha oido dezir so cargo del juramento que fecho tiene en 
que se afirmo conmigo y los testigos de mi asistencia [que lo son el Rever- 
endo Padre Predicador y presidente fray Gabriel de Burgos y Joseph 
Nabarro presentes. Juan de Retana, fray Gabriel de Burgos, Joachin 
de Ynojosa, Joseph Nabarro. Ante mi Fernando de Ynojos escri- 
vano de guerra.] 

En el Presidio de san f rancisco de Conchos en veinte y cinco de nobiem- 
bre de mill y seiscientos y ochenta y ocho anos Yo el General Juan de 

Retana Capitan de dicho presidio por su 
Magestad Abiendo bisto estos autos y Como 
de ellos consta el que los estranjeros en- 
tran a tratar y Contratar Con los naturales 
de los Yndios l que Caen del norte a ori- 
ente que se Componen de muchas y distintas naciones Como son la 

k A copy of this document was omitted entirely from the Bandelier transcript of this 
cxpediente. As herewith printed, the copy of this document is that in the University 
of Texas transcript of the same expediente. 

1 Evidently a miscopy for " las yndias ". 



Auto Remitiendo estos al 
senor governador. k 



Autos front Pardinas, 1688-1692 243 

This is what his paternity knows and has heard said, under burden of 
the oath which he took. He affirmed his statement. In order to place it 
on record I signed it, with the witnesses assisting me, namely, the father 
president, Fray Gabriel de Burgos, and Joseph Navarro. Juan de 
Retana. Fray Agust! n de Colina. Fray Gabriel de Burgos. Joseph 
Navarro. Before me, Fernando de Hinojos, clerk of war. 

At the pueblo of San Pedro de Conchos, on November 23, 1688, I, 
General Juan de Retana, captain of the presidio of San Francisco de Con- 
chos, and chief justice of this jurisdiction, 



Declaration of Joachim de 
Hinojosa, of the Order of 
Saint Francis. 



for the purpose of clarifying and verifying 
the measures that appear in these antos, 
since it is so greatly to the service of his 
Majesty, proceeded to administer the oath 
to the father preacher, Fray Joachim de Hinojosa, missionary at La Junta 
de los Rios, on the Rio del Norte, in respect to what he knows and has 
heard concerning the foreign people whom the natives say they have seen 
in the direction of the kingdom of the Texas [Indians]. Having been 
instructed, he swore in verbo sacerdotis, with his hand placed on his breast, 
to tell the truth concerning what he might know and had heard relative 
to this matter. 

His paternity was asked whether he had seen any foreigners in that 
direction. To this he replied that what he knows from reports brought 
by the Cibolos and Jumanos Indians is that strange people are living in the 
direction of the Texas Indians; that they trade and bargain with the 
natives of the said kingdom of Texas ; that at night they return to their 
wooden houses which they have on the water; that the Indians also said 
that the strangers said that the Spaniards were not good people, but they 
themselves were, and that they were going to enter El Parral in wagons ; 
and that they go about in plate armor. Also he has heard the said Indians 
say that a Moor, for they designated him thus, withdrew from the others, 
and that this man is living with a nation of Indians that resides near the 
Texas Indians, and that he carries his long harquebus and plate armor, 
and that with his assistance the Indians with whom he is living are in the 
habit of making attacks. 

When the question was asked the said father preacher if he had heard 
the Cibolos say in what goods was the trade which the Texas Indians car- 
ried on with the strangers, he said that what he heard them say was that 
the Indians give them horses and fruits of the land, and also some portions 
of red earth, and that in return they give the Indians axes, clothing, and 
other things. 

He says that this is the truth as to what he knows and has heard said, 
under the burden of the oath that he has made. He affirmed and ratified 
his statement, which he signed with the witnesses assisting me, who were 
present, namely, the reverend father preacher and president, Fray Gabriel 
de Burgos, and Joseph Nabarro. Juan de Retana. Fray Gabriel de 
Burgos. Joachim de Hinojosa. Joseph de Nabarro. Before me, 
Fernando de Hinojos, clerk of war. 
17 



Carta de Fray Agustin de 
Coliria. 



244 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century 

nasion Sibola y los tejas naciones todas muy domesticas y afectas a nues- 
tra debocion y teniendo presente yo dicho Capitan Como leal Vasallo de 
Su Magestad el cuidado que puede dar el que dichas naciones estranjera 
acarreen a su debocion a los naturales Como Jente docil Como el que pue- 
den penetrar tierra adentro y que de ello puede resultar en grabe per- 
juicio de su Magestad y todo este Reyno hise Remission de estos Autos 
originales al Sefior Governador Y Capitan General deste Reyno el Sefior 
Don Juan.Ysidro de Pardinas Villar de francos Cavallero de orden de 
Santiago para que su ssenoria Como tan seloso del servicio de Su Mages- 
tad ordene lo que mas combenga al Real Servicio y que el presente escri- 
vano de guerra Saque testimonio d estos autos para que queden en mi 
poder y para que conste lo firmo con los testigos de mi asistence que lo 
son el Capitan Martin de Zarate y el sargento Martin de Aldai presentes. 
Juan de Retana, Martin Ortiz de Zarate, Martin de Aldai, ante 
mi Fernando de Ynojos esscrivano de guerra. 

Muy Sehor mio: la de Vuestra Senoria de trece del corriente recivi en 
esta Mision de San Pedro de Conchos despues de haber ydo al presidio 

de San Francisco en persona a dar relacion 
al General Juan Fernandez de Retana de las 
razones y motibos de los superiores para 
salir de aquella tierra donde asistimos un 
ano y siete meses donde siempre vivimos con 
el consuelo de la obediencia porque en semaj antes parages fuera herror 
grave correr largo tiempo sin que se afiadiera a tan santo Exersicio el 
esmalte de la obediencia que en la religion es lo seguro Y pues el Rever- 
endo Padre Custodio esta en ese Real por escusado tengo el esperar mi 
resolucion pues la dara mi prelado atendiendo siempre al mejor serbicio 
de las dos Magestades que yo hasta ahora no he salido de este parage 
para el paso por habermelo asi representado de parte suya el General 
Retana a quien pase luego a besar la mano por responder a su carta boca 
a boca no representando desconsuelo de nuestra parte porque no cabe 
quando han precedido ynformes que [se] han hecho a los superiores 
serio m conpasion y lastimar n aquellos pobres naturelas que yban tomando 
amor a la ensenanza y aunque para el logro de la doctrina ay muchos in- 
conbenienetes que embarazan a su efecto y no esta el quitarlos de nuestra 
mano pues en retiradas tierras y desamparadas de todo fabor no se puede 
apretar con ello por habernos hallado sin justicia que lo haga y alii Sefior 
aunque los naturales son los de mas dosil natural rodean la tierra muchas 
naciones enemigas y mas facilmente se unen unos con otros que con sus 
ministros que esta ya experimentado en otra ocasion que estubieron alii 
dos religiosos de la Santa Custodia los cuales salieron maltratados a buen 
librar perdiendose los ornamentos sagrados los cuales ° no obstante ha 
instado la Santa Custodia en poner Ministros todo a fin de aprovechar 
en el servicio de Dios y util de la Monarquia y hoy se halla el prelado 

m Copy B has " sino " ; apparently this is correct. 

n This might be a miscopy for abbreviations for the two words " lastima para ". 

Copy B reads " los ornamentos sagrados ; lo cual ", etc. 



Auto transmitting these 
documents to the sefior 
governor. 



Autos from Pardinas, 1688- 169 2 245 

At the presidio of San Francisco de Conchos on November 25, 1688, 
I, General Juan de Retana, captain of the said presidio, for his Majesty, 

in view of these autos, and, since from them 
it appears that foreigners are entering to 
trade and bargain with the natives of the 
Indies, extending from the north to the east, 
and comprising many different nations, such 
as the Cibolo nation, and the Texas nations, all of whom are very domes- 
tic and receptive to our attentions, and because I, the said captain, as a 
loyal vassal of his Majesty, am as solicitous as possible concerning the 
fact that the said foreigners may win the affection of the natives, since 
they are a people as docile as they are, and because the foreigners are 
able to penetrate inland, from which serious damage might follow to 
his Majesty and to this entire kingdom, I remitted these original autos 
to the sefior governor and captain-general of this kingdom, Sefior Don 
Juan Isidro de Pardinas Villar de Francos, knight of the Order of San- 
tiago, in order that his lordship, as one so zealous for the service of his 
Majesty, may decree whatever may be suitable for the royal service. 

Let the present clerk of war make a certified copy of these autos in 
order that they may remain in my possession. In order to place it on 
record I signed it with the witnesses assisting me who were present, 
namely, Captain Martin de Zarate and Sergeant Martin de Aldai. Juan 
de Retana. Martin Ortiz de Zarate. Before me, Fernando de 
Hinojos, clerk of war. 

My Dear Sir: I received your lordship's letter of the thirteenth of the 
current month at this mission of San Pedro de Conchos, after having 

gone to the presidio of San Francisco in 
person to give account to General Juan Fer- 
nandez de Retana concerning the reasons and 
motives of the superiors for leaving that 
country, where we were for a year and seven 
months, and where we always lived with the consolation that comes from 
obedience, for it would be a grievous error to spend a long time in such 
places unless there were added to such holy exercise the satisfaction of 
obedience which is the certain thing in religion. Since the reverend father 
custodio 11T is at that camp on leave, I must await the resolution concern- 
ing myself, for my prelate, always attentive to the service of the two 
Majesties, will give it. I have not yet left this place for El Paso on ac- 
count of General Retana, on his part, having thus represented it to me. 
I went immediately to kiss his hand and to respond to his letter by word 
of mouth. 

I do not express discouragement on our part, because it is not proper, 
when reports, which have been made to the superiors, devoid of com- 
passion and pity for those poor natives who were acquiring a love for 
the instruction, have already gone on ahead. And although for success 
in the teaching of the doctrine there are many obstacles which hinder its 
realization, it is not taking them off our hands, for, in distant lands, and 



Letter of Fray Agustin de 
Colina. 



246 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century 

como obligado a sacarnos por cuanto la nacion suma esta alborotada y no 
era facil el ampararnos de otra manera ultra de que aun suponiendo que 
no hubiera alsamiento la salida a[l] trabajo de las haziendas tan sin el 
concierto que quiere el Rey Nuestro Senor para la conserbacion de los 
pobres yndios por quedarse por aca fuera los mas sin saber el Ministro 
como reducirlos a la doctrina nasido solo de los tenientes y Governadores 
naturales que solo tiran a sacar el numero de gente necesaria y otrofs] 
se queda[n] mucho tiempo solo por cobrar el precio de su trabajo en hor- 
den a lo cual tengo escrito a Vuestra Excelencia p una carta que entregara 
Don Nicolas teniente pidiendo con todo rendimiento a Vuestra Excelen- 
cia q les haga pagar porque nuestra injusticia no los escandalize que es 
muy ymportante el que nosotros seamos los que debemos para hazerlos 
a ellos cuales sean conviene y en fin hay Senor mucho que remediar y no 
con los yndios todo lo cual omito por ahora que es cansar a Vuestra Ex- 
celencia r solo lo apunto porque conozca Vuestra Excelencia s algo de los 
motivos que puede tener mi superior y para que se conozca que sin reme- 
diar estas cosas se hace insuperable el Ministerio por cual poniendome en 
medio pasando hasta la interpretativa voluntad del superior (que no debia 
si yo fuera el Religioso que debo) dixe al dicho General l que lo que es 
para la Jornada fuera con muchisimo gusto y esto no teniendo conoci- 
miento de contraria voluntud en mi prelada que debo suponer y supongo 
leal vasallo de Su Magestad que Dios guarde a cuyo fin tiramos todos y 
yo promptisimo espero muchas ordenes de Vuestra Excelencia u y aguardo 
en esta mision de San Pedro de Conchos el mandato del Reverendo Padre 
Custodio que con el ire con notable consuelo pues afianza solo en la obe- 
dencia el logro de mi perfeccion v cuando veo que como es ninguna mi 
observancia eso solo saneara en los riesgos de mi conciencia y aunque 
[es] grande el merito de la administracion prepondera el de sacrificar 
la propia voluntad y alvedrio e yo juzgo mi superior hara con mucho 
gusto todo lo que fuere combeniente en orden al mejor logro de la en- 
trada que espera por la cual no paso adelante en mi viaje que con deseo 
en todo a asertar ni puedo negarme al mandato de Vuestra Sefioria menos 
de todo resolverme; pido a Nuestro Senor lo dispongo como mas com- 
benga y me guarde a Vuestra Excelencia w los anos que deseo San Pedro 
de Conchos y Noviembre diez y ocho de mil seiscientos y ochenta y ocho. 
Besa la Mano de Vuestra Excelencia su humilde capellan y serbidor. 
Fray Agustin de Colina Senor Governador Capitan General don Juan 
y Pedro x de Pardinas Villar de Francos mi duefio. 

p Copy B has " sefioria ", which probably is correct. 

< Ibid. 

'Ibid. 

8 Ibid. 

1 Copy B reads " dixo el dicho General ". 

u Copy B has " sefioria ". 

v Copy B has '! profesion ", which probably is correct. 

w Copy B has " sefioria ". 

x Copy B has " ysidro " ; this is correct. 



Autos from Pardirias, 1688- 1692 247 

forsaken of all favor, it is not possible to be more rigorous concerning it 
on account of having found ourselves without justice, as I find myself. 
There, Sir, although the natives are of the most docile disposition, many 
enemy nations surround the country and more readily they unite with one 
another than with their ministers, as has already been experienced on 
another occasion when two religious of the holy custodia 118 were there. 
These, being maltreated, left, and fortunately escaped, but lost the sacred 
ornaments. 

Notwithstanding this, the holy custodia has insisted on sending minis- 
ters there, all for the purpose of promoting the service of God and the 
benefit of the monarchy. But in this instance the prelate finds himself 
obliged to withdraw us, for the reason that the Suma 119 nation is in a 
tumult, and it was not easy to protect us otherwise. Besides this, even 
supposing that there were no uprising, the departure of the poor Indians 
to work on the haciendas, under conditions not such as our lord, the king, 
wishes for their conservation, [is bad] on account of the most of them 
remaining outside without the minister knowing how to induce them to 
accept Christian teaching. [This state of affairs] only originates with 
the native lieutenants and governors, whose sole aim is to draw out the 
required number of people. Others remain a long time merely to collect 
the price of their labor, in regard to which I have written a letter to your 
lordship which the lieutenant, Don Nicolas, will deliver, and in which 
I ask with all humility that your lordship will cause them to be paid, so 
that our injustice may not scandalize them, for it is very important that 
we shall be what we ought to be, in order to make them be what they 
ought to be. 

In short, sir, there is much to remedy, but not as regards the Indians, 
all of which I now omit in order not to weary your lordship ; I only state 
it so that your lordship may know something of the motives which my 
superior may have, and in order that you may perceive that unless these 
things are remedied the ministry will become impossible. For this reason, 
going so far as to interpret the will of my superior (which I ought not to 
do if I were the religious that I ought to be) I told the said general that 
in so far as the journey was concerned I would go with much pleasure 
This I did without having any knowledge of any wish to the contrary on 
the part of my prelate, whom I ought to suppose, and whom I do sup- 
pose, to be a loyal vassal of his Majesty, whom may God guard. 

Toward this end we are all striving, and I am hoping very promptly 
for many orders from your lordship, and am awaiting at this mission of 
San Pedro de Conchos the orders of the reverend father custodio with 
whom I will go with notable consolation, for there is security solely in 
obedience [which is] the attainment of my perfection. When I realize 
that my observance is imperfect, the above fact alone will make amends 
for risking my conscience, for although the merit of action is great, the 
sacrifice of one's own will and freedom is greater. I judge that my supe- 
rior will do with great pleasure all that may be necessary for the greater 
success of the expedition which he awaits. For this reason I do not go 
on with my journey; desiring to do right in everything, I cannot oppose 



Autos promovidos * por el 
governador con las prime- 
ras noticias. 



248 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century 

En el Real del Parral en dos dias del mes de Noviembre de mil y seis- 
cientos y ochenta y ocho anos el Senor Sargento Mayor Don Juan Ysidro 

de Pardinas Villar de Franco [s] Cavallero 
de la Horden de Santiago Governador y 
Capitan General de este Reyno de. la nueba 
Viscaya por su Magestad. Dijo que porque z 
la nacion de los yndios chisos a muchos anos 
que ostilizan estas fronteras y que lo van continuando no solo en perjuicio 
de las vidas y haziendas de los vezinos espanoles sino de los pueblos de 
yndios catolicos que estan debajo de la Real obedencia fiados en el retiro 
que tienen en sus tierras muy distantes de estas fronteras y coligacion 
que tienen hecha con las demas naciones reveladas y que es necesario qu 
se ocurra al remedio mas conbeniente mejor a se despache orden en forma 
al General Juan de Retana para que con noventa hombres espanoles los 
cuarenta de los que son de su cargo veinte de los de la compania de cam- 
pana y treinta vezinos de su Senoria le proveera saiga el dia quinze de 
este presente mes con la cantidad de yndios amigos que f ueren suficientes 
y vaya a la parte que llaman la junta de los Rios y busque a los enemigos 
en las partes donde estubiere[n] y les haga guerra con toda ostilidad ob- 
servando con la nacion chisa el no admitirlos de paz aunque b se sujeten 
a las poblaciones que su Senoria les asignase por cuanto por autos y or- 
denes de los senores Governadores sus antecesores estan declarados por 
enemigos los mas perniciosos que tiene este Reyno. Y por cuanto los 
yndios de la nacion sibola que abitan a la parte del Rio del Norte han dado 
noticia que llegan por dicho Rio unas gentes que parescen extrangeros y 
pueden ser de los que asisten en el puerto de el Espiritu Santo en atencion 
a que Su Senoria tiene noticias que por la parte de este Reyno tiene paso 
el dicho Rio y ser combeniente tomar noticias y lengua de estos generos de 
gentes para darle a su Magestad y al Excelentisimo Senor Virrey de la 
Nueba Espafia para que se provea de lo mas conbeniente y se reconozca 
la parte por donde fuese mas facil desalojar al enemigo del dicho Puerto 
mandaba y mando que asi mismo se incluia en dicha orden que el dicho 
General Juan de Retana pasa el dicho Rio c del Norte y haga las diligen- 
cias combenientes para coger algun prisionero de las dichas gentes que 
suben por el dicho Rio del Norte procurando pasarle y reconocer el 
puesto donde estubieren alojados y fortificaciones que tubieren hechas 
[y de] todo lo demas que fuere combeniente reconocer trayendo de todo 
relacion en forma que de dicha orden se tome razon a la letra al pie de 
este auto asi lo probeyo mando y firmo don Juan Ysidro de Pardinas 
Villar de Franco [s] ante mi Miguel de Aranda [esscrivano Real]. 

y Copy B has " proveidos ". 

z Copy B reads " que por quanto ", which is probably correct. 

a Copy B has " mando ". This is obviously correct. 

b Copy B has " Sin que ". This apparently is correct. 

c Copy B reads " pase a dicho Rio ". From the context, this appears to be correct. 



Autos from Pardinas, 1688-1692 249 

the mandate of your lordship, but still less can I decide to do it. I pray 
that our Lord will arrange all for the best and that he will keep your lord- 
ship for all the years that I desire. San Pedro de Conchos, November 18, 
1688. Your humble chaplain and servant kisses the hand of your lord- 
ship. Fray AgustIn de Colin a. For the senor governor and captain- 
general, Don Juan Isidro de Pardinas Villar de Francos, my master. 

At the camp of El Parral on the second day of the month of November, 
1688, the senor sargento mayor, Don Juan Isidro de Pardinas Villar de 

Francos, knight of the Order of Santiago, 



Autos promulgated by the 
governor on receipt of the 
first notices. 



governor and captain-general of this king- 
dom of Nueva Vizcaya for his Majesty, de- 
clared that inasmuch as Indians of the Chizas 
nation have been committing hostilities upon 
these frontiers for many years, and are still continuing to do so, not only 
to the prejudice of the lives and property of the Spanish residents, but 
also to the prejudice of the pueblos of Catholic Indians who are under 
royal authority, but who feel secure in the privacy which they enjoy in 
their lands, which are very distant from these frontiers, and because of 
the alliance which they have made with the other rebel nations, and since 
it is necessary that the most efficient remedy shall be anticipated, he com- 
manded that an order, in legal form, shall be sent to General Juan de 
Retana to set out with ninety Spaniards — forty of them to be those of 
his own command, twenty from the field company and thirty to be citi- 
zens that his lordship will provide him with — on the fifteenth day of this 
present month, together with a sufficient number of friendly Indians. 
Let him proceed to the place called La Junta de los Rios, and look for the 
hostile Indians, wherever they may be, and make war upon them with all 
vigor, being particular not to agree to peace with the Chiza nation unless 
they shall agree to congregate in the settlements which his lordship may 
assign to them, inasmuch as through autos and orders of the senores gov- 
ernors, his predecessors, they are declared to be the most pernicious ene- 
mies which this kingdom has. 

And inasmuch as the Indians of the Cibolo nation, who live in the re- 
gion of the Rio del Norte, have given information that some people, who 
appear to be foreigners, are approaching by way of the said river, and 
may be of those who are at the port of Espiritu Santo, and in view of 
the fact that his lordship has knowledge that the said river has passage 
through a part of this kingdom, and since it is necessary to obtain infor- 
mation and tidings as to the sort of people these are, in order to [be able 
to] report it to his Majesty and to the most excellent senor viceroy of 
New Spain, 120 so that whatever is most proper may be done and the 
district through which the enemy may the easiest be dislodged from the 
said port may be reconnoitred, that likewise it shall be included in the 
same order that the said General Juan de Retana shall proceed to the said 
Rio del Norte and take the necessary steps to secure a prisoner from the 
said people who are ascending by way of the said Rio del Norte, and that 
he shall endeavor to cross it and reconnoitre the place where they may be 



Horden para que se vaya 
a reconocer el rio del Norte. 



250 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century 

El sargento mayor [Don Juan Isidro de Pardinas Villar de francos 
Governador y Capitan General de este Reino y probincias de la nueva 

Viscaia por su Magestad]. Por quanto los 
indios rebelados de las naciones Tovosos 
salineros cabesas chisos e chichitames cho- 
lemes y otras naciones sus congregadas os- 
tilisan este reino con muertes y robos asal- 
tando los pueblos de los indios de paz o que estan obedientes debajo del 
real amparo y que es reconocido que la guerra defensiva contra dichos 
rebeldes no evita en el todo los danos que causan ni se pueden estorbar 
respecto a ser la tierra abierta y tener el enemigo muchas entradas sin 
ser sentido[s] y [que] para aplicar el remedio que parece mas exsequible 
ha parecido combeniente buscar a dichos enemigos en sus tierras y har- 
cerles guerra ofensiva por tanto ordeno y mando al General Juan Fer- 
nandez de Retana Capitan del Presidio de Conchos que el dia quince de 
este presente mes saiga para las tierras del enemigo con noventa hom- 
bres espafioles alcabuceros que llebara en esta manera los cuarenta de los 
de su cargo y presidio los veinte de la compania de campana de ese Reyno 
y los treinta de los vezinos de estas jurisdicciones que tengo prevenidos 
y dispuestos para dicho efecto y los yndios auxiliares que les parecieren 
necesarios y buscara dichos enemigos en las partes donde tuvieren sus 
retiros y les hara la guerra ofensiva con toda ostilidad hasta reduxirlos 
o dejarlos castigados para que con el temor deseen la quietud executando 
en las naciones mas protervas y nosibas lo que esta mandado y hordenado 
por autos y hordenes de los Senores Governadores mis antescesores y 
constan por las que tiene el dicho General Juan Fernandez de Retana 
executandolas ynviolablemente como si aqui fueran expresas. 

Y porque los yndios sibolos y otros de otras naciones me an dado no- 
ticia que han visto en el Rio del Norte gentes extrangeras que suben por 
el y estando poblado de franceses el puerto y bahia del Espiritu Santo es 
muy necesario reconocer que jentes son las que suben por el dicho Rio 
y donde tienen la asistencia y con que fuerzas prebencion y jentes estan 
y que no se a podido conseguir por la parte del mar ni del Reyno de Leon 
aunque se han hecho diversas diligencias y en atencion a que por la parte 
de este Reino se pasa el dicho [Rio] con mas facilidad que con d otra 
alguna el dicho General Juan Fernandez de Retana en llegando al puerto 
nombrado la junta de los Rios pasara el del Norte esguasandolo por las 
partes donde se puede hacer el respecto e a las naciones numerosas que ay 
en el y que es necesario atraerlos para que sean fieles y no se colegen con 
dichos extrangeros como gente facil asentara con ellos buena paz tratan- 
dolos con todo carino afabilidad y urbanidad para que con ella se conser- 
ben con dicho General y se reduscan a la obediencia de su Magestad 
asiendosela jurar en cuyo Real nombre tomara posesion de las tierras que 
por aquella parte descubriere y en serial de ella lebantara y pondra la 
serial de la Santa Cruz en todas partes que le pareciere haciendo el auto 

d Copy B reads " que por otra ". 

e Copy B reads " donde se puede aser y Respecto a ". From the context it appears 
that this is correct. 



Autos from Pardinas, 1688- 1692 251 

lodged, the fortifications that they may have made, and everything else 
that it may be advisable to reconnoitre, bringing a report of all in proper 
form. 

Let a literal record of the said order be made at the foot of this auto. 
Thus did he provide, order, and sign. Don Juan Isidro de Pardinas 
Villar de Francos. Before me, Miguel de Aranda, royal clerk. 

The sargento mayor, Don Juan Isidro de Pardinas Villar de Francos, 
governor and captain-general of this kingdom and these provinces of 

Nueva Vizcaya for his Majesty, [said that] 



Order for an expedition 
to reconnoitre the Rio del 
Norte. 



nasmuch as the rebellious Indians of the 
Tobosos, Salineros, Cabesas, Chizos, Chichi- 
tames, and Cholemes nations and other al- 
lied nations are committing hostilities against 
this kingdom by murdering and robbing, and are attacking the pueblos 
of peaceful Indians who are living obediently under royal protection, 
and since it has been learned that defensive war against the said rebels 
does not entirely prevent the harm that they cause, nor can the Indians 
be held back because the land is open and the enemy has many places 
where he can enter without being perceived, and in order to apply the 
remedy that seems the most attainable, it has seemed best to seek out the 
said hostiles in their own lands and make offensive war upon them. 

Therefore, I order and command General Juan Fernandez de Retana, 
captain of the presidio of Conchos, to set out on the fifteenth day of this 
present month for the country of the enemy with ninety Spanish harque- 
busiers, whom he will take in this manner : forty of them from his own 
command and presidio, twenty from the field company of this kingdom, 
thirty from the citizens of these jurisdictions whom I have provided and 
prepared for the said purpose, and such Indian auxiliaries as may appear 
to be necessary. He will seek the said enemy in the places where they may 
have their hiding places and make offensive war on them with all vigor 
until they are reduced or punished so that through fear they may desire 
peace ; and he shall execute upon the nations that are most stubborn and 
obnoxious that which is commanded and ordered in the autos and orders 
of the sefiores governors, my predecessors, and the orders which are con- 
tained in the said autos given by the said General Juan Fernandez de 
Retana, executing them inviolably as though they were stated here. 

And since the Cibolos Indians and other Indians of other nations have 
informed me that they have seen foreigners on the Rio del Norte, who 
are ascending it, and since the port and Bay of Espiritu Santo are occu- 
pied by Frenchmen, it is very necessary to find out what men they are 
who are ascending by way of the said river, where they have their resi- 
dence, and what forces, supplies, and men they have. Since it has not 
been possible to obtain this information by way of the sea or by way of 
the kingdom of Leon, although many attempts have been made, 121 and 
in view of the fact that in a section of this kingdom the said river may 
be crossed more easily, General Juan Fernandez de Retana, upon .reach- 
ing the place called La Junta de los Rios, shall cross the Rio del Norte, 
fording it wherever possible. With regard to the numerous nations living 



252 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century 

y autos juridicos que estan dispuestos por leyes Reales en casos de esta 
calidad y para aprehenderla y tomarla por nuestra Santa Madre Yglesia 
lo hara el Reverendo Padre Fray Juan de Jumeta del horden de San 
Francisco Ministro doctrinero del valle de San Bartolome persona apro- 
bada por el ordinario de este obispado ynteligente en las lenguas del dicho 
Rio del Norte y en quien concurren virtud y demas calidades necesarias 
para el dicho efecto y el dicho General reconocera para reconocer f la 
parte y puesto a donde suben los dichos extrangeros y de donde y pondra 
toda diligencia en cojer a las manos alguno o algunos de ellos para tomar 
lengua de todo lo que f uere necesario cobrando g en esta materia con toda 
cautela procurando y precautelandose de que los yndios no den noticia 
a dichas gentes de su llegada y si tubiere razon que por aquella parte ubiere 
alguna nazion de yndios que vivan en policia como los texas que tengan 
Rey cacique o Jefe a quien obedezcan hara liga y confederacion con ellos 
para que no lo consigan los dichos extrangeros y les dara a entender por 
medio del religiosos h las cosas de Nuestra Santa Fee y derecho que Su 
Magestad tiene a todas las Yndias occidentales y que su Real yntencion 
es de la propagacion del Santo Evangelio y no de oprimirles la livertad de 
la qual gozaran debajo de su Real obediencia con los cuales hara ligas y 
confederaciones las que le parecieren conbenir para que no admitan otros 
de dichas gentes extrangeras y pondra todo cuydado en que sus soldados 
den buen exemplo a las dichas naciones haziendoles frecuentar en actos 
de virtud y caridad con dicho naturales sin entrar en sus casas sin hazer- 
les molestia en mugeres hijos y familias teniendolos como quienes han de 
ser espejos de naciones barvaras para la introducion de Nuestra Santa 
Religion haziendolos confesar y hazer otros actos de catolicos y que todos 
acaricien a dichos naturales con mucha urbanidad sin altibez ni mayoria 
alguna y asi mismo reconocera el puerto o bahia del Espiritu Santo u otro 
cualquier puerto donde tubieren noticia esta poblada alguna nacion ex- 
trangera procurandolo conseguir con espias que den buena razon y fide- 
digna de todo y de las fortificaciones que tubieren hechas y numero de 
gente que paresciere haver en lo que estuviere poblado obrando como 
dicho es y con forme la ynstruccion que asi mismo lleva y sobre todo 
obrara como quien tiene la cosa presente tomando razon de los puestos 
jornadas r umbos alturas y rios de las partes que reconociere y de las 
conbeniencias o yncombeniencias que hallare para conseguir por la parte 
mas facil desalojar dichos extrangeros trayendome relacion autentica de 
todo para que con ella se la de yo a Su Magestad y al Exelentisimo Senor 
Virrey de la nueba espafia para que se provea de lo mas conbeniente al 
Real servicio en materia que amenaza tan malas consecuencias a todos 
estos Reynos que fio de las obligaciones del Dicho General Juan Fernandez 
de Retana lo executara con el selo que le asiste del mayor servicio de Su 
Magestad en lo cual se lo hara muy sefialado y mando a los Capitanes 
Antonio de Medina y otras cualesquiera que fueren a dicha Jornada y a 

f Copy B reads " Reconosera o ara Reconoser ". 
* Copy B has " obrando " ; obviously this is correct. 
h Copy B has " Religioso ". This is obviously correct. 



Autos from Pardinas, 1688-1692 253 

on it, and because it is necessary to attract them, so that they will be 
faithful, and will not associate themselves with the said foreigners, like 
the facile people that they are, he will arrange a satisfactory peace with 
them, treating them with all affection, affability, and urbanity, so that 
they will keep it with the said general, and in order that they may be 
reduced to the obedience of his Majesty. 

This obedience sworn to, he will take possession, in the royal name, of 
the lands which he may discover in that region. In sign of this he shall 
raise and erect the form of the holy cross in all places that may seem 
proper to him, drawing up the legal auto or autos that are ordered by the 
royal laws 122 in cases of this sort. The act of taking possession of it for 
our holy mother Church shall be done by the reverend father, Fray Juan 
de Jumeta, of the Order of Saint Francis, minister doctrinero of the 
valley of San Bartolome, a person approved by the ordinary of this 
bishopric, versed in the languages of the said Rio del Norte, and one in 
whom are united the virtue and other qualities necessary for the said pur- 
pose. Also the said general will take steps to reconnoitre the locality and 
place toward which the said foreigners are proceeding up the river, and 
the place whence they come. He will use all diligence to lay hands on some 
one or more of them in order to get information of all that may be neces- 
sary, working in this matter with all caution, and taking care that the 
Indians do not give notice to the said people of his coming. And if he 
should have information that in that region there is any nation of Indians 
living under an organized government like the Texas Indians, with a 
king, cacique, or chief whom they obey, he shall form a league and con- 
federation with them, in order to prevent the said strangers from doing 
it, and he will cause them to know, by means of the religious, the things 
of our holy faith and the right that his Majesty has over all the western 
Indias, and that his royal purpose is the propagation of the holy gospel, 
and not to deprive them of liberty, which they will enjoy under his royal 
obedience. With these he will make such leagues and confederations as 
may seem best to him in order that they may not make other leagues and 
confederations with the foreigners. 

He shall take great care that his soldiers shall set a good example to 
the said nations, forcing them to the frequent performance of acts of 
virtue and charity toward the said natives, without entering their houses 
and without molesting their women, children, or families, and conducting 
themselves like persons who have to be mirrors to the barbarous nations 
for the introduction of our holy religion, making them confess and per- 
form other Catholic acts, and taking care that all shall treat the said na- 
tives with much courtesy, without haughtiness or any show of superiority. 

Also he shall reconnoitre the port or Bay of Espiritu Santo, or any 
other port that they may learn that any foreign nation is settled at; he 
shall endeavor to obtain through spies good and reliable information con- 
cerning everything, of the fortifications that they may have made and 
the number of men that they appear to have where they are settled; he 
shall work along the above lines and in conformity with the instructions 
which he also carries. 



254 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century 

toda la gente espafiola soldados y vezinos que a ella fueren y yndios 
auxiliares esten a sus hordenes y obedezcan y cumplan las que las diere 
so las penas que les ympusiere las cuales executara en los ynobedientes a 
usanza de guerra que para ello les doy tan amplia comision como la que 
en mi reside por convenir asi al servicio de su Magestad. Y porque con 
los yndios auxiliares y espafioles que ha de llevar haran mucho numero y 
es necesario que se dilaten mas de cien dias en la Jornada y se necesita 
que vayan bastantemente proveydos de municiones bastimentos y requas 
de mulas que los conduzcan y sin embargo que no hay medios de efectos 
de paz y guerra se les proveera a mi credito de todo lo referido hasta que 
los dichos efectos se paguen y el dicho General Juen Fernandez de Retana 
tendra cuenta y razon judicial de la destribucion que hisiere en la dicha 
campafia para que conste en las quentas que se han de dar de dichos efec- 
tos de paz y guerra y no omitira representarme todos los que fueren 
necesarios para que yo lo provea por ser en cosa tan del Real servicio y de 
esta horden y despacho se tomara la razon a la letra como esta mandado 
por auto de ese dia dada firmada de mi mano sellada con el sello de mis 
armas y refrendada del presente escrivano en dos dias del mes de Noviem- 
bre de mil seiscientos ochenta y ocho afios. Bachiller Juan Ysidro de 
Pardinas Villar de Francos. Por mandado de Su Senoria. Miguel 
de Aranda Escrivano Real. 

Concuerda este traslado con la orden y comision original de que se 
haze mension de a donde lo saque a que me remito que se le entrega origi- 
nal al dicho General Juan Fernandez de Retana para su execucion y cum- 
plimiento va cierta y verdadera correxido y concertado y para que de ello 
conste de mandato del Senor Governador y Capitan General de este 
Reyno doy el presente en el Real y Minas de San Joseph del Parral en tres 
dias del mes de noviembre de mil y seiscientos y ochenta y ocho afios 
siendo testigos el Capitan Francisco de Escarzega y Joseph de Solorzano 
presentes y vezinos de este Real y lo signe en testimonio de verdad. 
Miguel de Aranda Escrivano Real. 

En quinse de henero de mill seiscientos y ochenta y nuebe afios de man- 
dato del Senor Governador y Capitan General de este Reino se saco tes- 
timonio de estos autos aqui. 

Senor Governador y Capitan General. Tengo remitido a Vuestra 
Senoria los autos y mayor averiguacion de que la nacion extrangera sube 

a los tejas y mas arriba y que pretenden 
yntroducirse entre los yndios que tocan a 
este Reyno y estan de paz y hechas las di- 
chas diligencias que ya Vuestra senoria ha- 
bra visto a pocas jornadas de mi biaje tube 
noticia de que una rrancheria de los enemigos que ymbaden este Reyno se 
hallaban alojados en una sierra llamada guapagua y aunque fue fuerza el 
estranar mi derota pase a la dicha sierra donde los rrompi y desbarate 
con muerte de muchos por hallarse juntas las tres naciones mas perni- 
ciosas que son Cocoiones l y los que llaman hijos de las piedras y Gavi- 

1 Copy B has " cocotomes " ; this is probably correct. 



Carta del Capitan Juan de 
Retana. 



Autos from Pardinas, 1688-1692 255 

Above everything he will work as one who has the matter before him, 
placing on record the places, day's marches, routes, altitudes, and rivers 
of the districts which he may reconnoitre, and the conveniences and in- 
conveniences that one may encounter in proceeding through the most 
suitable section for dislodging the said foreigners. He shall bring me an 
authentic account concerning everything so that with it I can report to 
his Majesty and to the most excellent senor viceroy of New Spain, so 
that whatever is best for the royal service may be provided concerning 
a matter which threatens such evil consequences to all these kingdoms. 

In view of the integrity of the said General Juan Fernandez, I have 
confidence that he will carry it out with the zeal which characterizes him 
for the greatest service of his Majesty, by which he will be made very 
famous, and I order Captain Antonio de Medina and any other captains 
who may go on the said journey, and all the Spanish people, soldiers as 
well as citizens, who may go on it, and the Indian auxiliaries, who are 
under his orders, to obey and comply with those orders which he may 
issue to them, under the penalties that he may impose upon them ; these 
penalties he will execute upon the disobedient ones according to the usage 
of war, for which I give him as ample commission as that which resides 
in me, since thus it comports to the service of his Majesty. 

And because there will be a large number, counting the Indian auxili- 
aries and the Spaniards, that he will have to take along, and because it is 
necessary that they spend more than a hundred days on the journey, and 
that they must go sufficiently provided with munitions, supplies, and herds 
of mules to conduct them, and notwithstanding the fact that there are no 
funds for the expenses of peace and war, all the above-mentioned will 
be furnished them, on my credit, until the said accounts are paid. The 
said General Juan Fernandez de Retana will keep a record and accurate 
memorandum of the distribution that he may make in the said campaign, 
so that it may appear in the accounts that must be given of the said 
expenses of peace and war; he will not fail to inform me of all that may 
be necessary, so that I can provide it, since it is in an affair so greatly to 
the royal service. 

Of this order and despatch he will take a literal copy, as is ordered by 
the auto of this day, given and signed by my hand, sealed with the seal of 
my arms, and countersigned by the present clerk, on the second day of 
November, 1688. Bachiller Juan Isidro de Pardinas Villar de 
Francos. By order of his lordship, Miguel de Aranda, royal clerk. 

This copy agrees with the original order and commission referred to, 
from which I copied it and which I remit so that the original may be 
delivered to the said General Juan Fernandez de Retana for its execution 
and fulfillment. The copy is exact and true, corrected, and compared. 
In order that it may go on record as a mandate of the senor governor and 
captain-general of this kingdom, I issue the present writing at the camp 
and mines of San Joseph del Parral, on the third day of the month of 
November, 1688, the witnesses being Captain Francisco de Escarzega and 
Joseph de Solorzano, citizens of this camp who were present. And I 
signed it in testimony of its truth. Miguel de Aranda, royal clerk. 



256 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century 

lanes cuyos hechos son tan costosos y esperimentados en este Reyno qui- 
teles grande suma de cavallos yda j que es la que remito para que se 
restituya a sus duefios cuyas senales son conocidas y asi mismo la chusma 
y prisioneros que aprese y al cabo le dy orden para que ynformase a Vues- 
tra Senoria como me he dicho lo ha hecho y aunque me detube algunos 
dias en los alcanzes volvi a tomar el camino para el Rio del Norte en 
cumplimiento del orden de Vuestra Senoria a reconocer el camino para 
la vahia del Espiritu Santo y ynformarme de la derrota que es la materia 
que tanto cuydado le da a Vuestra Senoria y con tanta razon y haviendo 
llegado a la Junta del Rio del Norte y de Conchos despache yndios de los 
mas practicos de la tierra para que reconociesen las partes y rumbos por 
donde habia de marchar y que fuesen mas faciles para los casos que se 
ofrecieren en adelante si persiste el franzes porque me ha causado cuidado 
el que hayan dicho a los yndios que con facilidad y con carros han de 
entrar al parral materia muy corruta para k entre los yndios de todo este 
pays porque aseguro a Vuestra Senoria que no hay arriva de ochenta 
leguas de ese Real a la Junta de los Rios esto es viniendo via recta y sin 
discreccion l como me sucedio. A pocos dias de haber salido estos esplo- 
readores me trujeron noticia de que la tenian de que un Governador a 
quien estan sujetas estas naciones venia ya de los tejas qui en me daria 
razon de todo y biendo que se dilataba resolvi el salir .de la Junta de los 
Rios algunas jornadas a encontrarle porque tambien me dijeron me traia 
cartas y porque no se entendiese que el gran numero de naciones acobar- 
daba nuestras armas y a cuatro jornadas encontre con el dicho Gover- 
nador cuio nombre es Don Juan Xaviata que es el Capataz Principal de 
las naciones zivola y Jumana que se alegro mucho de ver espanoles en su 
tierra y preguntandome el fecto a que entraba y dandole noticia de ello 
me dijo que los moros que asi llaman a los franzeses los yndios no m heran 
muertas porque las naciones inmediatas a ellos los asaltaron y consumieron 
y que tubiese entendido que no habia ya ninguno vibo donde residian y 
que bido algunos despojos de dichos franzeses y los yndios que los tenian 
por verificasion de su verdad le entregaron unos papeles y un nabio pin- 
tado en un pergamino escripto de mano en lengua f ranzesa enbuelto todo 
en una corbata de encajes grandes lo cual lleva a Vuestra Senoria el 
dicho Governador Don Juan Xaviata de quien tome particulares noticias 
del camino para los tejas que es cuando mucho diez y ocho marchas con 
carruage desde este puesto abundante de rios y aguaxes sin impedimentos 
de sierras por ser todo tierras liana con mucha abundancia de ganado 
zibolo y f rutas sirbestres de todo da razon a Vuestra Senoria y lo que yo 
Puedo dezir es que en cualquiere tiempo se puede entrar segun parece 
hasta los tejas y bahia del Espiritu Santo. No solo he tornado razon de 
dicho Don Juan Xabiata sino de otros yndios que ban con el de que es 

1 Copy B reads " de Cavallada que ". This is probably correct. 

k Copy B has " Corrutapa {sic)". 

1 Copy B has " Digresion ". This probably is correct. 

m Copy B has " ya ". From the context it appears that " ya " is correct. 





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Letter of Captain Juan de 
Retana. 



Autos from Pardinas, 1688-1692 257 

On January 15, 1689, by order of the sefior governor and captain- 
general of this kingdom, a certified copy of the autos herein was made. 

Senor governor and captain-general: I have sent to your lordship the 
autos and the principal proof that a foreign people is ascending to the 

Texas Indians and beyond, and that these 
foreigners are attempting to establish them- 
selves among the Indians who live on the 
borders of this kingdom and are at peace. 
The measures having been taken of which 
your lordship will have already learned, I ascertained, a few days after 
I had begun my journey, that a rancheria of the hostiles who invade this 
kingdom was located on a sierra called Guapagua, and although it was 
necessary to turn off from my course I went to the said sierra, where I 
defeated and routed them, killing many, because the three most perni- 
cious nations were there together, namely the Cocotomes and those whom 
they call Sons of the Stones, and Sparrow-hawks, whose acts have been 
so costly and expensive in this kingdom. 

From these I took a large number of horses, which I am returning so 
that they may be restored to their owners, whose brands are well known ; 
at the same time I am sending the rabble and the prisoners whom I cap- 
tured. Finally, I gave an order that your lordship be advised, as you told 
me to do, of what has been done. Although I remained some days at 
Los Alcances, I resumed the journey toward the Rio del Norte, in fulfill- 
ment of the order of your lordship to reconnoitre the road to the Bay of 
Espiritu Santo and to inform myself of the route, which is the matter 
that is giving such anxiety to your lordship, and with much reason. 

Having arrived at the junction of the Rio del Norte and the Conchos 
River, I sent some of the most experienced Indians of the country to 
ascertain the regions through which I had to march, and the directions 
which might be the easiest for events that might happen in the future if 
the Frenchmen persist, for the fact that they have told the Indians that 
easily and with carts they are going to enter El Parral, a report that is 
very current among the Indians of all this country, has caused me much 
anxiety. For I assure your lordship that there are not over eighty leagues 
from that camp to La Junta de los Rios, that is, coming by a direct road 
without diversion, as was the case with me. 

A few days after these explorers had gone out, they brought me news 
that they had heard that a governor to whom these nations are subject 
was already en route from the Texas Indians and that he would give me 
an account of everything. But, seeing that he delayed in coming, I re- 
solved, because they also told me that he was bringing me letters, and in 
order that it might not be thought that the great number of nations terri- 
fied our forces, to go out from La Junta de los Rios some days' journey 
to meet him. At four days' journey I met the said governor, whose name 
is Don Juan Xaviata, 123 and who is the principal chief of the Cibolo and 
Jumano nations. He was delighted to see Spaniards in his country and 
asked me the purpose of my entrance. When I told him of it he said that 
the Moors, for it is thus that the Indians call the French, were already 



258 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century 

cierto lo que refieren pero dicennos n que han quedado hasta cuatro o 
cinco franzeses retirados entre los tejas que es nacion larga esta que debe 
de confinar con la florida segun discurro ya Vuestra Senoria reconocera 
por el tiempo el estado en que puedo hallarme de mantenimientos y asi 
con este puesto he determinado aguardar orden de Vuestra Senoria de lo 
que tengo de executar y sin ° con esta noticia le parece sera conbeniente que 
pase a ocupar el puesto que los franceses han perdido y me socorra con 
bastimento para conserbar la gente porque son muchos los yndios que 
saque por lo necesario que son entre naciones no conocidas que aseguro 
a Vuestra Senoria son numerosas de jentes pero hallome con la que traigo 
en disposicion de penetrar cuanto se ofreciere esto digo por el rezelo que 
a Vuestra Senoria se le puede ofrecer y sobre todo estoy al cumplimiento 
de la horden que aguarda el Reverendo Padre Fray Juan de Zumete Besa 
a Vuestra Senoria la Mano Guarde Dios a Vuestra Senoria muchos anos 
como deseo Rio Salado y Marzo tres de mil y seiscientos y ochenta y 
nuebe anos. Sefior Governador y Capitan General. Besa la mano de 
Vuestra Senoria su mas seguro servidor. Juan de Retana. Sefior Sar- 
hento Mayor Don Juan Ysidro de Pardinas Villar de Francos. 

En el Parral en treinta dias del mes de Marzo de mil y seiscientos y 
ochenta y nuebe anos el Sefior Sargente mayor Don Juan Ysidro de Par- 
dinas Cavallero del horden de Santiago Governador y Capitan General de 
este Reyno y provincias de la nueba vizcaya por Su Magestad Dijo que 
por cuanto acaba de recibir carta del Capitan Juan De Retana en la que 
le noticia que viene a este Real un Governador de las naciones de yndios 
que llaman sibolos y jumanas y porque combiene examinarlos con par- 
ticular cuydado y que sea con la mayor brebedad que sea 
posible manda su Senoria que la carta se ponga con los autos 
en esta razon fechos y se despache horden al alferez del Pre- 
sidio de San Francisco de Conchos para que con presteza re- 
mita a este Real al Dicho Governador Juan Javiata y los caciques que 
trujere en su compania hasiendoles probeer de mantenimiento y cabal- 
gaduras para la mayor brebedad de su venida que la costa que hiciere en 
ello se le satisfara; y asi mismo porque en este Real no hay ynterprete 
de las lenguas sibola y xumana mandara pasar con los contenidos a Don 
Nicolas Governador de la nasion Xulime y a otro que tambien los enti- 
enda y que se les haga a dicho Governador y cacique todo buen pasage y 
tratamiento y asi lo probeyo mando y firmo. Don Juan Ysidro de Par- 
dinas Villar de Francos. Ante mi Don Luis de Valdes Secretario de 
Govierno p y Guerra. 

Dicho dia se despacho la horden contenida en este auto. 

n Copy B reads " pero dicen mas que ". 
°Copy B has "si". Obviously "si" is correct. 
p Copy B has " escrivano de gobernacion ". 



Auto 



Autos from Pardinas, 1688- 1692 259 

dead, for the neighboring nations attacked and killed them, and that I 
should know that there was not now one alive where they resided, and 
that he saw some spoils taken from the said Frenchmen, and that the 
Indians who had them as proof of the truth, gave him some papers and a 
ship painted on a parchment written by hand in the French language, all 
wrapped up in a neckcloth of wide lace, which the said governor, Don 
Juan Xaviata, is taking to your lordship. 124 I took detailed information 
from him in regard to the road to the Texas Indians which is at the most 
eighteen marches by wagon from this place, and it abounds with rivers 
and springs, without the impediment of mountains, for the entire country 
is level, with a great abundance of buffalo and wild fruits. Concerning 
everything he gives account to your lordship, and what I can say is that 
it is possible to enter at any time, apparently, as far as the Texas Indians 
and the Bay of Espiritu Santo. 

Not only have I secured information from the said Don Juan Xaviata, 
but also from other Indians who are travelling with him, from which it 
is true what they report, but they tell us further that as many as four or 
five Frenchmen have remained hidden among the Texas Indians, which 
is an extensive nation that ought in reason to border on Florida. 

On account of the time [that has elapsed] your lordship will realize in 
what state I now am for supplies, and therefore I have determined to 
await the orders of your lordship at this place as* to what I am to do and 
whether with this information it seems best to you that I shall go on to 
occupy the place which the Frenchmen have lost. Succor me with provi- 
sions for maintaining the people, for the Indians whom I took out are 
many, as was necessary among unknown nations, which, I assure your 
lordship, are very populous, but I am ready, with those whom I brought, 
to penetrate as far as may be necessary. This I say because of misgivings 
that may occur to your lordship, and above all I am ready to carry out 
the order which the reverend father, Fray Juan de Zumete, awaits. 

I kiss your lordship's hand. May God preserve your lordship for many 
years, as I desire. Rio Salado, March 3, 1689. Sefior governor and 
captain-general, your most faithful servant kisses the hand of your lord- 
ship. Juan de Retana. To the sefior sargento mayor, Don Juan Isidro 
de Pardinas Villar de Francos. 

At El Parral on the thirtieth day of the month of March, 1689, the 
sefior sargento mayor, Don Juan Isidro de Pardinas, knight of the Order 
of Santiago, governor and captain-general of this kingdom 
and provinces of Nueva Vizcaya for his Majesty, declared that 
inasmuch as he has just received a letter from Captain Juan de 
Retana in which he informs him that a governor of the nations 
of Indians called Cibolos and Jumanos is coming to this camp, and since 
it is necessary to examine them with special care and as early as possible, 
his lordship orders that the letter shall be placed with the autos made con- 
cerning this matter, that an order shall be despatched to the alferec of the 
presidio of San Francisco de Conchos for him to send quickly to this 
camp the said governor, Juan Xaviata, and the caciques that he may have 
in his company, and that he shall cause them to be provided with provi- 
18 



Auto. 



Llega el governador del 
rio del nortec 



260 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century 

En el Real del Parral en dies dias del mes de abril de mill seiscientos 
y ochenta y nuebe afios Ante el Sefior Governador y Capitan General 

paresieron Don juan Xabiata Governador 
que dijo ser de los Yndios de las naciones 
Sibolos y jumanas y Miguel que dixo ser 
Capitan de dichas naciones que son naturales 
del rrio del norte y otros Casiques que dix- 
eron ser Gentiles y asistir en sus Rancherias el dicho Rio aba jo los quales 
hicieron a su Usanza Reberencia a dicho Seiior Governador dandole la 
obediencia y por medio de Don Nicolas Governador de la nasion Xulime 
que vino en su Compania por Ynterprete que se dio a entender en lengua 
mexicana la qual dio a entender Joseph de Villalva espafiol que su sefioria 
nombro por Ynterprete de ella aviendo jurado en forma de usar fiel y 
lealmente dicho oficio lo aseto, dixeron dichos Yndios que por medio de 
algunos que han llegado a sus Rancherias que an ydo de este Real y del 
servicio de las hasiendas del an savido el buen agasajo que los naturales 
tienen de dicho Seiior Governador que an deseado verle y lo ubieran echo 
anttes pero que se interpuso el tiempo de ir a la tierra adentro a sus ferias 
Con las naciones del Rio aba jo texas, y otras muchas y que aora al venir 
de ellas encontraron a Un Capitan y muchos espafioles a quienes dixeron 
su deseo y le facilitaron su pasage y que vienen con mucho gusto por que 
los Moros (que asi en su Idioma llaman a los franceses o estrangeros) 
quedan consumidos de las nasiones de Yndios Gentiles de los Contornos 
donde estaban y que para testimonio de esta verdad traen dos ojas de 
papel que paresen de algun libro escripto de mano en lengua francesa al 
pareser, y una fragata pintada en un pergamino Con algunos anotaciones 
escriptas lo qual entregaron a dicho Seiior Governador embuelto en una 
corbata de encaxes finos grandes y dicho Sefior Governador los abrazo 
y mando aloxarlos y regalarlos y los sito para el dia siguiente porque 
descansasen y ser ya tarde y lo mando poner por diligencia y lo firmo el 
ynterprete espafiol que solo supo y asi lo proveyo y mando su sefioria. 
Don Juan Ysidro de Pardinas Villar de francos. Joseph de Vi- 
llalva. Ante me Don luis de Valdes escrivano de gobernacion y guerra. 

En el Real del Parral en once dias del mes de abril de mill seiscientos 
y ochenta y nueba afios el sefior Sargento mayor Don Juan Ysidro de 

Pardinas Villar de francos Cavallero del 
horden de Santiago Governador y Capitan 
General deste Reino y probincias de la nueba 
Viscaya por su Magestad Dixo que por 
quanto Don Juan Xaviata Governador de 
las naciones del Rio del norte A llegado a este Real Con otros tres casi- 
ques o Capitanes de las nasiones de dicho Rio y Combiene tomar Razon 
de dichos Yndios de la distancia del camino que ai de este Real a los texas 
y Puerto del espiritu Santo y la Calidad del y si tiene algunas dificultades 

i This document, not in the Bandelier transcript of this expediente, is printed from the 
University of Texas transcript. 

r This document is printed from the University of Texas transcript of this expediente. 



Auto para que se examine 
el governador y Casiques del 
Rio del norte/ 



The governor arrives from 
the Rio del Norte. 



Autos from Pardinas, 1688-1692 261 

sions and horses, for the greater expedition of their coming, the cost of 
which will be made up to him. 

Likewise, since there is no interpreter of the Cibolo and Jumano lan- 
guages in this camp, he shall order Don Nicolas, governor of the Julime 
nation, and one other who also understands them, to come with the afore- 
said. Accordingly let the said governor and caciques be given good passage 
and treatment. Thus did he promulgate, order, and sign. Don Juan 
Isidro de Pardinas Villar de Francos. Before me, Don Luis de 
Valdes, secretary of government and war. 

On the said day the order mentioned in this auto was despatched. 

There arrived at the camp of El Parral on the tenth day of the month 
of April, 1689, Don Juan Xaviata, who said that he was governor of the 

Indians of the Cibolos and Jumanos nations, 
and Miguel, who said that he was captain 
of the said nations that reside on the Rio 
del Norte, and other caciques, who said that 
they are heathens and that they live at their 
rancherias on the lower Rio del Norte. These, in their usual custom, made 
obeisance to the said senor governor and promised to obey him. 

Through Don Nicolas, governor of the Julime nation, who came with 
them as interpreter, and who was addressed in the Mexican language by 
Joseph de Villalba, a Spaniard whom his lordship appointed as interpreter 
of the Mexican language and who, having been duly sworn to perform 
faithfully and legally the duties of the said office, accepted the appoint- 
ment, the said Indians stated that through some Indians who have come 
to their rancherias from this camp and from the labor on its hacienda, 
they have learned of the good opinion that the natives have of the said 
senor governor ; that they have desired to see him ; that they would have 
come earlier but for the fact that the time for going into the interior 
to the fairs which they conduct with the nations of the upper Rio del 
Norte, the Texas, and many other Indian nations, prevented them from 
doing so; that recently on returning from these fairs they met a captain 
and many Spaniards to whom they made known their desire, and the 
latter facilitated their journey; that they come with great pleasure because 
the Moors ( for thus in their Indian languages do they call the French or 
foreigners) have been destroyed by the nations of heathen Indians near 
the place where they were; and that in testimony of this truth they bring 
two sheets of paper which appear to be from some book printed by hand, 
apparently in the French language, and a frigate painted on a parchment, 
with some written annotations. This they turned over to the said senor 
governor tied up in a neckcloth of fine wide lace. 125 

The said senor governor embraced the Indians and instructed that they 
be given lodging and refreshments, and because it was already late, and 
in order that they might rest, he cited them to appear before him on the 
following day. He ordered that this be recorded as a judicial proceeding, 
and the Spanish interpreter, who alone understood [what had been said], 
signed it. Thus did his lordship dispose and command. Don Juan Isidro 
de Pardinas Villar de Francos. Joseph de Villalba. Before me, 
Don Luis de Valdes, clerk of government and war. 



[Declarassion del gover- 
nador de los sibolos.] 



262 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century 

o los Rios para esguasarse y que nasiones y de que numeros los avitan y si 
an visto f ranzeses o otros estrangeros en las partes del dicho Rio del Norte 
y si saben si permanesen o no en el dicho puerto los dichos estranjeros y 
les han ablado a los naturales del dicho rio del norte y lo que les an dado 
a entender asiendoles a dichos Yndios sobre esta materia las preguntas y 
Repreguntas que paresieren combenientes para la aberiguasion de la ver- 
dad y probeer sobre todo lo que fuere del servicio de Su Magestad Y que 
hagan las dichas declarasiones al tenor de este auto y asi lo proveyo mando 
y firmo. Don Juan Ysidro de Pardinas Villar de francos. Joseph 
de Villalva. Ante mi Don luis de Valdes escrivano de governacion 
y guerra. 

En el Parral en onse dias del mes de Abril de mil y seiscientos y 
ochenta y nuebe anos el Sefior Sargento mayor Don Juan ysydro de Par- 
dinas Villar de Francos Cavallero del hor- 
den de Santiago Governador y Capitan Gen- 
eral de este Reyno de la Nueba Vizcaya por 
su magestad hizo parecer ante si a don juan 
xaviata indio governador de los cibolos y 
jumanes del rio del norte del qual su escelencia s rescivio juramento me- 
diante don nicolas governador de la nacion xulime y Joseph de villalva 
espafiol interpretes nombrados que lo hizo por dios nuestro senor y la 
serial de la cruz so cuio cargo prometio [de] decir verdad en lo que fuere 
preguntado y siendolo al tenor del auto antecedente dixo lo que sabe y 
pasa es que el capitan juan de retana le inbioun recaudo al rio del norte 
donde el t governador de los cibolos y jumanes avisandole como iba a 
dicho rio y que le aguardase con un numero bastante de flecheros y por- 
que habia de pasar por donde habia gentes estrangeras que vienen a en- 
gafiar a los indios y que este recaudo le dio un religioso de san f rancisco 
que esta en la junta de los rios del norte y de conchos y aunque lo aguardo 
muchos dias tuvo razon de que habia ido a la tierra de los tobosos alzados 
y que como era tan asentado que por el rio del norte subian en canoas y 
por tierra los meses antecedentes algunos hombres de otras tierras pare- 
ciendole que los iba a buscar el dicho capitan y porque era tiempo de ir 
a sus ferias y resqates a los texas y a otras naciones que abitan aquellos 
rios se resolvio a entrar como tienen de costumbre y tambien por traer 
mejor razon de todo y que el rio aba jo y a la otra parte de el en una ran- 
cheria de indios de su nacion alio a Miguel capitan que trae consigo el 
qual le dijo como asimismo le dijeron los de dicha rancheria que habia 
mas de tres lunas que habian llegado por alii unos hombres con jubones 
de fierro y que venian por el rio ariva en canoas y que traian un indio 
que les hablo en la lengua a los de dicho rio y les decia lo que aquellos 
hombres le decian y que les pregunto si estaban muy lexos los espanoles 
y que haviendoles dado noticia de la distancia les pregunto lo que havia 
a donde se acava u la plata y otras muchas preguntas que diran el dicho 

8 Copy B has " su senoria ". 

1 Copy B has " es governador ". 

u Copy B reads " a donde se sacaba ". 



Autos from Pardinas, 1688-1692 263 

At the camp of El Parral on the eleventh day of the month of April, 
1689, the sefior sargento mayor, Don Juan Isidro de Pardinas Villar de 

Francos, knight of the Order of Santiago, 



Auto commanding that 
the governor and caciques 
of the Rio del Norte be 
examined. 



governor and captain-general of this king- 
dom and [these] provinces of Nueva Viz- 
caya for his Majesty, said that inasmuch as 
Don Juan Xaviata, governor of the nations 
of the Rio del Norte, has arrived at this 
camp with three other caciques, or captains, of the nations on the said 
river, and since it is proper to ascertain from the said Indians and to 
place on record the length of the road which there is from this camp to 
the Texas Indians and to the port of Espiritu Santo, the condition of this 
road, whether it has some obstacles or rivers to be forded, what nations 
and how many live along it, whether they have seen Frenchmen or other 
foreigners in those regions of the Rio del Norte, if they know whether 
or not the said foreigners are still at the said port, whether they have 
talked to the natives of the said Rio del Norte, and what they have told 
them — the said Indians at the same time being questioned and reques- 
tioned concerning this matter in such manner as may appear to be neces- 
sary to ascertain the truth and above everything to take such action as 
may be for the service of his Majesty — let them make the said declaration 
according to the tenor of this auto. 

Thus did he dispose, order, and sign. Juan Isidro de Pardinas Villar 
de Francos. Joseph de Villalba. Before me, Don Luis de Valdes, 
clerk of government and war. 

At El Parral, on the eleventh day of the month of April, 1689, the 
sargento mayor, Don Juan Isidro de Pardinas Villar de Francos, knight 

of the Order of Santiago, governor and 
captain-general of this kingdom of Nueva 
Vizcaya for his Majesty, caused to appear 
before him Don Juan Xaviata, Indian gover- 
nor of the Cibolos and Jumanos of the Rio 
del Norte. His lordship administered the oath to him through Don 
Nicolas, governor of the Julime nation, and Joseph de Villalba, a Span- 
iard, who were appointed as interpreters ; he made the oath by God, our 
Lord, and the sign of the cross, under burden of which he promised to 
speak the truth concerning what might be asked him. 

In compliance with the preceding auto, he stated that what he knows is 
that Captain Juan de Retana sent a notice to him at the Rio del Norte, 
where he is governor of the Cibolos and Jumanos, informing him that he 
was going to the said river, and that he should await him with a sufficient 
number of bowmen, as he was going where there were foreign people 
who had come to deceive the Indians. A religious of [the Order of] 
Saint Francis who is at the junction of the Del Norte and Conchos rivers 
gave this notice to him, but, although he awaited him many days, he 
learned that he had gone to the country of the rebellious Tobosos, and, 
as it was well established that by the Rio del Norte some men of other 
countries were, during the preceding months, approaching in canoes and 



Declaration of the gover- 
nor of the Cibolos. 



264 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century 

Miguel y muy en particular los otros capitanes gentiles que trae consigo 
a quienes se remite, fuele preguntado que cuantas leguas de la junta de 
los rios del norte y de conchos hubo la dicha razon que dixo por sus 
cuentas a su usanza que camino siete dias desde la junta de los rios a la 
rancheria donde tubo esta noticia y los dichos interpretes sacaron seria 
la distancia como de sesenta a setenta leguas, y dize que parte de esto abia 
oydo en la junta de los rios que otros yndios le abian dado razon de ello 
al padre y que con los que trae en su compafiia paso asta serca de la mar 
y estubo en sus rescates con las naciones de yndios que por alii havitan 
y que procuro saber donde asistian los extranjeros dichos y que les dijeron 
los yndios que ia los abian muerto a todos y que solo quedaron ocho o 
nueve que abian ido en aquella sazon a resqatar a los Texas donde se es- 
taben y que vido despojos de vestido y ropa entre los yndios y de otros 
trastes que se mostraron asegurandoles no tuviesen miedo que ya los 
abian consumido y que lo abian de hazer de cuantos vinieran en casas de 
palo y que abiando pasado a otra rancheria distante de aquella un dia de 
camino alio a los yndios de ella festejando con sus bailes el aver con- 
sumido aquellas gentes y que tambien vido ropas de vestidos y una capa 
que le parece que era de algun rreligioso de San Francisco con que se 
persuadio a que le dezian la verdad y que abiendo passado a donde estan 
los yndios que llaman Texas vido cuatro o cinco honbres blancos entre 
ellos que quiza supieron que este declarante y los que yban en su com- 
pafiia eran de tierra junto espafioles y les hicieron agasajo y se llegaron 
a ellos y les dieron a entender como se querian benir con el declarante y 
que con efecto salieron y a la tercer Jornada se arrepintieron y se bol- 
vieron y que al venirse el declarante lo ymbiaron a alcansar los dichos 
hombres blancos con un yndio deciendole que ya se abian quedado llevasen 
a los espafioles la noticia de ellos para que los fuesen a sacar. Y fueles 
preguntado que quien le dio las dos ojas de papel escripto en navio pin- 
tado y el lienso en que venia dixo que un yndio capitan de las rancherias 
de junto a los Texas y que le dio mas numero de papeles para que trujese 
porque en los despojos que vido abia buen bulto de papeles y que abiendo 
hecho noche en un rancheria se ospedo el declarante y sus compafieros 
con un yndio que hablava el castellano tambien y se llama don Tomas el 
cual le quito del emboltorio casi todos los papeles aquella noche que lo que 
sabe es que el tal yndio es le asia coaguila que asi no le dixo T mas de los 
que trae. Y siendoles preguntado los inconbenientes del camino o si tiene 
dificultades que benser o que allanar para llegar al puerto del espiritu 
santo dijo que desde la punta de los rios se van algunas jornadas por el 
al norte w avajo buen camino llano y que de alii al otro rio aunque ay sierra 
no se sube a ella por que tiene puertos llanos y que lo demas lo es y tierra 
desbastecida x de ganado que llaman sibolos que hay noeses y otras f rutas 
y por su tiempo muchas uvas. Fuele preguntado que razon dieron los 
franzeses para haberse buelto desde el camino dixo que le preguntaron 
que cuantos dias habian de caminar y si habia mucha gentilidad en el 

▼ Copy B has " dexo ". 

w Copy B reads " por el del norte ". This obviously is correct. 

x Copy B has " abastesida ". From the context this obviously is correct. 



Autos from Pardinas, 1688-1692 



265 



by land, and he was of the opinion that the said captain was coming to 
look for them, and because it was time to go to their fairs with the Texas 
Indians and other nations that live along those rivers, he resolved to enter, 
as they did, according to custom, and also to bring more certain news 
concerning everything. 

On the lower river, and on the other side of it, at a rancheria of Indians 
of his nation, he met Miguel, a captain who is with him, who told him, as 
did the others of the said rancheria, that it was more than three moons 
since the arrival there of some men wearing doublets of steel, and that 
they came up the river in canoes and brought with them an Indian who 
spoke to them in the language of those of the said river, and who repeated 
to them what these men said to him. The Indian asked them if the Span- 
iards were very far away, and having given them information concerning 
the distance, he asked them what the distance was to where silver was 
being mined, and many other questions which the said Miguel will relate, 
and especially the other heathen captains whom he brought with him, to 
whom he refers. 

He was asked how many leagues from the junction of the Del Norte 
and Conchos rivers he had had this news, and he said that according to 
their method of reckoning he travelled seven days from La Junta de los 
Rios to the rancheria where he received this news; the said interpreters 
estimated that this distance would be sixty-seven leagues. He says that 
apart from this he had heard at La Junta de los Rios that other Indians 
had given information concerning it to the padre. 

With those in his company he says that he went on nearly to the sea 
and was at the fairs held with the nations of Indians who live there. He 
endeavored to find out where the said foreigners were living, and the 
Indians told them that they had killed all of them, and that only eight or 
nine, who had gone at that time to trade with the Texas Indians, where 
they then were, had escaped. He says that he saw plunder of garments 
and clothing, and other articles among the Indians, which they showed 
them, and that they assured them that they need have no fear, for they 
had now destroyed them, and that they were going to do likewise with as 
many as might come in wooden houses. 

Having gone on to another rancheria, the distance of one day's travel 
from there, he found its Indians celebrating with their dances the destruc- 
tion of those people, and he also saw clothing and a cape which he be- 
lieved to belong to some religious of [the Order of] Saint Francis, 126 by 
which he was convinced that they were telling him the truth. Having 
gone on to where the Indians called Texas are, he saw four or five white 
men 127 among them, who perhaps knew that this declarant and those who 
were in his company were from the country adjacent to the Spaniards, 
for they received them courteously, and, coming to them, gave them to 
understand that they wished to go with the declarant. They did, in fact, 
start out [with him] but on the third day's journey they repented and 
returned, and when the declarant continued on his way the said white 
men sent an Indian to overtake him and to tell him that since they had 
remained behind they should carry information of their presence to the 
Spaniards, so that they might go and take them out. 



266 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century 

camino a que respondio el declarante que veinte y seis dias y que todo 
estaba lleno de yndios y que entoces le dijeron que no se atrevian y en 
mal pronunciadas palabras en la lengua de los yndios le dixeron que aun- 
que el papel que le habian dado los yndios que mataron a sus compafieros 
no lo habia de entender sino algun vizcaino y que le hizieron a el y sus 
compafieros decir el nombre muchas vezes para que se acordasen y no 
se les olvidese y que por el camino todos los dias lo estudiaban y asi no 
se les esto cuydado y que al venir encontraron con muchos soldados y el 
Capitan que les dijeron los yndios amigos que se llamaba retana a quien 
le dieron razon de todo y dixeron se volviese pues ya no habia la gente 
con quien yba a pelear y que ellos venian a dar noticia de todo al Sefior 
Governador y que el dicho Capitan les dijo los aguardaria de buelta en 
aquel parage que procurasen bolber brebe que mirasen si hera verdad el 
que ya los franzeses se habian consumido por que de no le hera fuerza 
pasar y que habiendole afirmado ser verdad se resolvio a aguardar en el 
puesto donde le dexaron que en todo lo demas no sabe dar mas razon que 
los que trae consigo la daran de lo que han visto desde el tiempo que 
subieron por dicho Rio los estrangeros y que lo que dicho tiene es la ver- 
dad y lo que sabe para el juramento que fecho tiene en que se afirmo y 
ratifico siendole dado a entender esta su declaracion y dijo t>er de edad 
de mas de cinquenta afios no firmo por no saber firmolo el interprete con 
el Seiior Governador. Don Juan Ysidro de Pardinas Villar de Fran- 
cos. Jose de Villalba. Ante mi Don Luis de Valdes escribano de 
gobernacion y Guerra. 



y Copy B reads " no se les A olvidado ". 



Autos from Pardinas, 1688-1692 267 

He was asked who gave him the two sheets of paper with writing 
thereon, the picture of a ship, and the cloth 12S in which the latter came. 
He replied that an Indian captain of the rancherias near the Texas In- 
dians gave it to him, and that he gave him more papers to bring, for in 
the plunder that he saw there was a good bundle of papers. Night having 
come on at a rancheria the declarant and his companions lodged there 
with an Indian who spoke Castilian also and who was called Don Tomas. 
This man took almost all of the papers out of the wrapping that night, 
and what he knows is that the said Indian is from near Coahuila. Thus 
he left with this Indian more papers than those which he has with him. 

Being asked concerning the difficulties of the road, or if it has any 
obstacles to overcome or smooth out in order to reach the port of Espiritu 
Santo, he said that from La Junta de los Rios one goes some days' jour- 
ney along the lower Rio del Norte by a good level road, and thence to the 
other river, and, although there is a sierra, one does not have to climb it, 
as it has level passes; the rest of the way is level. The country has an 
abundance of cattle called buffalo, and there are nuts and other fruits, 
and, in their season, many grapes. 

He was asked what reason the Frenchmen gave for turning back from 
the road. He replied that they asked him how many days they would 
have to travel and if there were many wild Indians on the way, to which 
the declarant replied that [it was a journey of] twenty-six days and that 
it was all full of Indians, whereupon they told him that they would not 
venture to go, and in ill-pronounced words, in the language of the Indians, 
they told him that although the Indians who had killed their companions 
had given him the paper, no one but a Biscayan would understand it, and 
they made him and his companions repeat the name many times in order 
that they might remember and not forget it, and said that they should 
study it along the road every day, and in that way they would not for- 
get it. 

On the return they met many soldiers and the captain who, the friendly 
Indians told them, was called Retana, to whom they gave information 
concerning everything, and they told him to return, since the people with 
whom he was going to fight were no longer there, and that they were going 
to make a report of it all to the senor governor. The said captain told 
them to await his return at that place, where he would try to come back 
soon, and that they were going to see if it were true that the Frenchmen 
had already been destroyed, for if it were not true it was necessary to 
go on. 

Having confirmed the truth of the story, he [the captain] resolved to 
wait at the place where they left him. He does not know anything more 
about the rest ; those whom he is bringing with him will give information 
concerning what they have seen since the time when the foreigners as- 
cended the said river. 

What he has said is the truth and what he knows, by the oath that he 
has made. This, his declaration, having been explained to him, he af- 
firmed and ratified it. He said that he is more than fifty years of age. 
He did not sign because he did not know how, but the interpreter signed 
with the senor governor. Don Juan Isidro de Pardinas Villar de 



Declaracion de Miguel 
Capitan de Sibolos. 



268 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century 

En el Real del Parral en onse dias del mes de Avril de mil y seiscientos 
y ochenta y nuebe anos el Senor Sargento Mayor Don Juan Ysidro de 

Pardinas Villar de Francos Cavallero del 
horden de Santiago Governador y Capitan 
General de este Reyno y probincias de la 
nueva Vizcaya por su Magestad hizo parezer 
ante si a Miguel Yndio que dijo ser Capitan 
de los de la nacion de sibolos y que hera cristiano que le bautizo el Padre 
Fray Agustin de Colina del horden de San Francisco que asiste en el 
puesto de la Junta de los Rrios de conchos y de Norte y mediante Don 
Nicolas yndio Governador de los Xulonies z y Jose de Villalba Espafiol 
que fueron ynterpretes les rescivio juramento al dicho Miguel que lo hizo 
por Dios Nuestro Senor y la Sefial de la Cruz so cuio cargo prometio 
dezir verdad en lo que fuese preguntado y siendolo al thenor del auto de 
los foxas antesedentes dixo. Que este declarante tiene sus rancherias y 
gente de la otra parte del Rrio del Norte donde hay mucho ganado mayor 
que llaman sibolas sobre cuya matanza suelen tener guerras con otras 
naciones del rio arriba y que oyo decir a algunos indios de su nacion como 
abia por alii cerca moros que asi llaman los yndios a los estrangeros y que 
no les hacian dano con lo cual y por enterarse de la verdad y por ver 
aquel genero de gente camino tres dias el rio aba jo y que alio alii mas 
clara noticia por que le dixeron los yndios de aquella rancheria como 
abian estado en ella y echos sus amigos y que les dieron unas achas y 
algunos abalorios que llaman los yindios quentas y que quedaron en a 
volver dentro de dos lunas que los aguardara alii el declararse b que ya se 
abian pasado las lunas y que bendrian y que no asian mal ni dano que 
antes corrian y bailaban con ellos y que asi aguardo toda una luna y que 
un dia queriendose bolver a sus rancherias cansado de aguardar les dio 
noticia un yndio como estaban en una rancheria que estaba un dia de 
camino mas abajo y que de alii a dos dias los vio llegar que venian por el 
rio arriba en una canoa que eran seis y que dentro de poco rato llegaron 
otros quatro por tierra y que todos fueron abrasando a los yndios que 
conocian y les dieron algunos casos de cobre chicos a algunos listones 
cuchillos y nabajas y que traian un yndio que traian un yndio que les 
ablava a los de la rancheria lo que le decian los estrangeros y que a este 
declarante y a otros que an estado en el valle de san Bartolome al tiempo 
de las cosechas les hicieron barias preguntas del camino y si era largo y c 
corto y si habia rios grandes y que enterados de que era bueno el camino 
y no largo les preguntaron si habia munchos espafioles en la tierra del 
parral donde see sacaba plata y que abiendole dado razon de todo los 
dichos estranjeros le dojeron d a los naturales que los espafioles no era 
buena gente que ellos si y que se arian hermanos de los yndios y que 
bendrian con bastimentos y con caros y entrarian asta el parral pues era 

1 Copy B has " Xulimes ". Obviously this is correct. 

a Copy B has " de ". 

b Copy B has " declarante ". 

c Obviously a miscopy for " o ". 

d Copy B reads "les dijeron". 



Declaration of Miguel, 
captain of the Cibolos. 



Autos from Pardiiias, 1688-1692 269 

Francos. Jose de Villalba. Before me, Don Luis de Valdes, clerk 
of government and war. 

At the camp of El Parral, on the eleventh day of the month of April, 
1689, the senor sargento mayor, Don Juan Isidro de Pardinas Villar de 

Francos, knight of the Order of Santiago, 
governor and captain-general of this king- 
dom and the provinces of Nueva Vizcaya 
for his Majesty, caused to appear before 
him Miguel, an Indian, who said that he was 
captain of the nation of Cibolos Indians, that he was a Christian, and that 
the padre, Fray Agustin de Colina, of the Order of Saint Francis, who 
lives at the post at the junction of the Conchos and Del Norte rivers, bap- 
tized him. Through Don Nicolas, Indian governor of the Julimes, and 
Jose de Villalba, a Spaniard, who served as interpreters, the oath was 
administered to the said Miguel, who made it by God, our Lord, and the 
sign of the cross, under burden of which he promised to speak the truth 
concerning what might be asked him. 

In compliance with the auto recorded in the preceding folio, he said 
that this declarant has his rancherias and people on the opposite side of 
the Rio del Norte, where there are many large cattle called buffalo, over 
the killing of which they often have wars with other nations on the upper 
river, and that he heard some Indians of his nation say that there were 
Moors — for thus do the Indians call foreigners — but they were not doing 
them any harm. Whereupon, and in order to ascertain the truth and see 
what kinds of people they were, he travelled for three days' journey 
down the river, and there he got clearer news, for the Indians of that 
rancheria told him that they [the foreigners] had been there and had 
become their friends, that they gave them some hatchets and some glass 
beads, called quentas by the Indians, that they would return within two 
moons, that this declarant should await them there, that already the two 
moons had passed, but that they were coming and that they were not doing 
any evil or harm, but, on the contrary, they ran and danced with them. 
Accordingly he waited for them for an entire moon, when, one day, tired 
of waiting, and desiring to return to his rancheria, an Indian told them 
that they [the foreigners] were at a rancheria one day's journey below 
there, from where, two days later, he witnessed their arrival. 

They came up the river in a canoe, and there were six of them; shortly 
afterwards four others came by land. All were embracing the Indians 
whom they knew, and they gave them some small copper ladles, and some 
ribbons, table-knives, and pocket-knives. They brought an Indian who 
said what the strangers told him to say to those of the rancheria. They 
asked many questions of this declarant, and of those who have been in 
the valley of San Bartolome at the time of the harvests, and concerning 
the road — whether it was long or short, and if there were great rivers. 
Having learned that the road was good and not long, they asked them if 
there were many Spaniards in the region of El Parral, where silver was 
being taken out. After giving the said strangers information concerning 



270 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century 

el camino tan bueno y que no biniesen aca que ellos les traerian de sus 
tierras muy buenos generos para que se bistiesen y que les dieron a los 
capitanes algunas camisas y dentro de tres dias se bolbieron a ir por el 
rio aba jo abiendolos abrasado a todos con mucho gusto. Fuele pregun- 
tado que si no conocieron que eran dichos estranjeros enemigos nuestros 
y que los benian a enganar dixo que como los vido que en la color eran 
como lo de unos e espanoles entendieron que eran unos mismos que tam- 
bien les vieron rosarios y que les desian de Dios lo mismo que los Padres 
y que como no les quitaban nada los tubieron por buena gente que algunos 
de ellos traian jubones de hierro que solo eso estranaron. Fuele pregun- 
tado que si solo en esa ocasion vido a dichos estranjeros o si en otra 
llegaron a sus rancherias dijo que poco tiempo despues se vino de aquella 
rancheria f para las mas cercanas a la junta de los rios y que paso a ber a 
los padres y que les dixo lo que abia bisto y entonses se citaron el decla- 
rante y D. Juan Xaviata su Governador para yr al tiempo de sus res- 
qates a donde estaban los dichos estranjeros y que llegado el tiempo en- 
traron por el rio del norte abajo llebando en su compania otros de los 
quales son los dos que se allan con ellos en este real que sabiam mas bien 
aquella tierra y que no se atrebian a ir derechamente a donde estaban los 
estranjeros porque el padre les g dixo a este declarante que aquellos los 
querian enganar y que se fueron asta los Tezas donde en una rancheria 
pequena y de poca jente tubieron noticia de que los yndios de la parte de 
donde nace el sol abian consumido y muerto a los dichos estranjeros y 
que no avian quedado vivos mas que quatro o sinco y eso porque estaban 
entre los texas que abian ido a comprar mais conque abiendo pasado a 
las demas rancherias de los texas vieron en una a los sinco y que les pre- 
guntaron si era lexos la tierra de los espanoles y que diciendoles que no 
era muy lexos trataron de benirse con ellos y que abiendose puesto en 
camino se arrepintieron porque supieron que abia h munchos yndios gen- 
tiles y de gerra en el camino y que entonses le dieron a Don Juan Xaviata 
unos papeles y el pergamino con el nabio pintado todo enbuelto en el pafio 
que lo truxo conque entonses el declarante y sus compafieros trataron de 
pasar a sus resqates al rio abajo que entrando entre otras naciones su- 
pieron con mas claridad el que eran muertos los estranjeros porque vieron 
los Mitotes que asian los yndios con la ropa que les quitaron y que de alii 
adelante fueron reconociendo en las demas rancherias mas despojos i 
entre ellos vieron una capa que les parecio de religioso de san francisco 
y aunque el declarante y don Juan Xaviata no quisieron ir a donde fueron 
muertos los estranjeros pasaron tres de sus compafieros que de ellos son 
los dos que estan aqui los quales les dieron despues mas razon que ellos 
la daran de lo que vieron y que en aquel ynterin se ospedaron en una ran- 
cheria donde estaba un yndio que dijo ser de coaquila el qual les llebo 
todos los papales que traian y solo les dexo los que an entregado. Fue 
repreguntado que si los dichos papeles y lienso lo entregaron los estran- 

e Copy B reads " como los demas ". 
f Copy B reads " aquellas Rancherias ". 
k Copy B reads " le dixo ". 
h Copy B has " abian ". 



Auios from Pardinas, 1688- 1692 271 

everything, they told the natives that the Spaniards were not good people, 
but that they themselves were, and that they would be brothers to the 
Indians and would come with provisions and wagons and would enter 
as far as El Parral, since the road was so good; that they [the Indians] 
should not come here [to trade] for they would bring to them from their 
country very excellent goods with which to clothe themselves. They gave 
the captains some shirts, and within three days set out on their return 
down the river, after having embraced all with much pleasure. 

He was asked whether they did not know that the said strangers were 
our enemies, and that they came to deceive them. He replied that as he 
saw that they were like other Spaniards in color, they thought that they 
were one and the same ; furthermore he saw that they also had rosaries, 
and that they spoke to them of God, the same as the padres, and, since 
they took nothing from them [the Indians], they took them to be good 
people. The only thing that seemed strange to them was that some of 
them wore doublets of steel. 

He was asked whether he only saw the strangers on this occasion or 
whether they came to their rancherias at some other time. He replied 
that a little while afterwards he came from that rancheria to those nearer 
La Junta de los Rios, and that he went to see the padres and told them 
what he had seen, and that then the declarant and Don Juan Xaviata, 
their governor, were appointed to go at the time of their fairs to where 
the said strangers were. When the time came they proceeded by way of 
the lower Rio del Norte, taking in their company some others, two of 
whom are among those with them at this camp, who were better ac- 
quainted with that country. They did not venture to go directly to the 
place where the foreigners were, for. the padre told this declarant that 
they were trying to deceive them. They went as far as the Texas Indians, 
where, at a small rancheria, containing only a few people, they learned 
that the Indians of the region where the sun rises had destroyed and killed 
the said foreigners, and that not more than five or six had remained alive, 
because they were with the Texas Indians, where they had gone to buy 
maize. 

Whereupon, having passed on to the other rancherias of the Texas In- 
dians, they saw in one of them the five [Frenchmen], who asked them if 
the country of the Spaniards was far away. When they told them that 
it was not very far away, they agreed to come with them, but after they 
had begun the journey they repented, for they learned that there were 
many warlike heathen Indians along the way. They then gave to Don 
Juan Xaviata some papers and the parchment with the ship painted on it, 
all wrapped up in the cloth, 129 which he brought with him. Thereupon 
the declarant and his companions started to go on to their fairs on the 
lower river, and, entering among other nations, they learned more posi- 
tively that the strangers were dead, for they saw the celebrations which 
the Indians were making with the clothing which they had taken from 
the foreigners. Henceforth they were constantly seeing more plunder in 
other rancherias, among them a cape which seemed to them to be that 
of a religious of [the Order of] Saint Francis. And although the declar- 
ant and Don Juan Xaviata did not wish to go to the place where the 



272 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century 

jeros y si los vido entregar [Dijo que no los vido entregar] y que no 
estubo en lo que dixo o no le entendieron bien porque asta que llegaron 
a las rancherias que estan en una sierra no los tenian que Don Juan 
Xaviata dara razon donde las adquirio que le parece fue entre los que 
mataron a los dichos estrangeros porque alii estaban bailando muchos 
despojos y que habian puesto en palos banderas de tafetan que alii le 
darian a Don Juan Xaviata el lienzo y papeles y que cuando volvieran l 
por los texas hablaron otra vez con los estrangeros y que les dixeron que 
el papel no lo habian de entender los de esta tierra sino alguno cuyo nom- 
bre no se acuerda como dixeron. Fuele preguntado si es mucho el camino 
que hay desde la junta de los Rios a la tierra de los texas y de las naciones 
que consumieron a los extrangeros y si es tierra aspera y dificultosa de 
caminar dijo que el camino es corto que el haberse dilatado ellos tanto 
tiempo fue por que yban con rezelo por lo que les habia dicho el Padre de 
la Junta de los Rios y que asi se trasviaban por diferentes rancherias 
de yndios y por coxer noticias pero que les parece que caminando derecha- 
mente no hay ocho dias de camino que aunque hay algunas sierras no sube 
a ellas porque tienen entradas lianas pero empezando las aguas no es facil 
salir y entrar a aquella tierra por las crecientes de rios y pantanos que 
no dejan caminar y que este declarante y los dos gentiles sus companeros 
se lo adbirtieron al Capitan Juan de Retana porque ya no es tiempo de 
pasar alia y que empesando a Hover en aquellas partes no se puede salir 
hasta que entra el invierno y que esto que ha dicho es la verdad para el 
juramento que fecho tiene en que se afirmo y ratifico siendole dado a 
entender [no] lo firmo por no saber firmolo el ynterprete que supo con 
el Senor Governador y no supo dezir su edad el declarante es al parecer 
de mas de cuarenta y cinco aos. [Don Juan Ysidro de Pardinas Villar 
de Francos. Joseph de Villalva. Ante my Don Luis de Valdes 
escrivano de gobernacion y guerra.] 

En el Parral a onse dias del mes de Abril de mil y seiscientos y ochenta 
y nuebe anos el Senor Sargento mayor Don Juan Ysidro de Pardinas 

Villar de Francos Cavallero del horden de 
Santiago Governador y Capitan General de 
este Reyno y Probincias de la Nueba Viz- 
caya por su Magestad hizo parescer ante si 
a un yndio gentil que dizo llamarse Cuis 
Benive i de nacion sibolo y mediante los ynterpretes fue preguntado al 
tenor del auto que esta por cabeza de esta ynformacion y habiendo pro- 
metido de dezir verdad dixo que ha mucho y no supo dezir que tiempo 
que en diferentes ocasiones llegaron en canoas a las rancherias de la otra 
parte del Rio del norte unos hombres blancos que traian arcabuces y 
binieron en canoa por el Rio y que traian un yndio que les hablava en 
su lengua lo que ellos le desian y que hizieron amistades diziendoles que 
se harian parientes y que les dieron hachas y cuchillos listines y otras 
cosas y a las mugeres abalorios que llaman los yndios cuentas y que 

1 Copy B has " bolvieron ". 

i Copy B reads " que dixo llamarse cuisbimue ". 



Declaracion de un yndio 
gentil. 



Autos from Pardiiias, 1688- 169 2 273 

strangers were killed, three of their companions, two of whom are among 
those here, went, and they afterwards gave them more information. They 
themselves will tell what they saw. In the interim they lodged at a ran- 
cheria where there was an Indian who said he was from Coahuila. He 
took from them all the papers that they were carrying except those that 
they have delivered. 

On cross-question he was asked if the strangers handed over the said 
papers and cloth, and whether he saw them hand them over. He replied 
that he did not see them hand them over, and that he was not present at 
what he has narrated or they did not understand him well, for until they 
arrived at the rancherias, which are in a sierra, they did not have them. 
Don Juan Xaviata will give account of where he acquired them, which 
it seems to him was among those who killed the said strangers, for they 
were dancing around much plunder there and had placed banners of silk 
on sticks. There they gave the cloth and papers to Don Juan Xaviata, and 
that when they returned to the [region of] the Texas Indians they spoke 
again with the strangers and they told them that those of this country 
would not understand it except some one whose name was not remem- 
bered, as they said. 

He was asked whether it is a long way from La Junta de los Rios to 
the country of the Texas Indians, and the country of those Indian nations 
who destroyed the strangers, and whether the country is rough and 
difficult to travel over. He replied that the road is short, and that the 
reason they took such a long time was because they travelled with caution 
because of what the padre at La Junta de los Rios had said to them, and 
also because they made side trips to the different rancherias of Indians 
to collect news, but that they were of the opinion that by going straight 
it is not more than eight days' journey, and that although there are some 
sierras one does not climb them, for they have level passes, but that when 
the rains begin it is not easy to enter or come out of that land because 
of the flooded rivers and marshes which do not permit passage. This 
declarant and his two heathen companions informed Captain Juan de 
Retana of this, because this is not the time to go there. After it begins 
to rain in those parts it is not possible to come out until winter sets in. 

This which he has told is the truth, by the oath which he has made. 
His statement having been read to him, he affirmed and ratified it. He did 
not sign it because he did not know how. The interpreter, who knew how, 
signed it with the senor governor. The declarant did not know his age. 
He is, apparently, more than forty-five. Don Juan Isidro de Pardinas 
Villar de Francos. Joseph de Villalba. Before me, Don Luis de 
Valdes, clerk of government and war. 

At El Parral on the eleventh day of the month of April, 1689, the senor 
sargento mayor, Don Juan Isidro de Pardinas Villar de Francos, knight 

of the Order of Santiago, governor and 
captain-general of this kingdom and prov- 
inces of Nueva Vizcaya for his Majesty, 
caused to appear before him a heathen In- 
dian who said he was called Cuis Benive, of 
the Cibolo nation. Through the interpreters he was questioned in corn- 



Declaration of a heathen 
Indian. 



274 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century 

comian con ellos y bailaban en sus bailes y que no les hazien mal nin- 
guno conque quedaron contentos con ellos y que esto susedio dos veces 
y que este declarante se lo refirio a Miguel Capitan de los Sibolos a quien 
le dijo que benian cada dos lunas y que por ser ya tiempo fue con el 
declarante el dicho .Miguel y que esta tercera vez se tardaron mas en 
venir pero que a tres lunas vinieron y los vido el dicho Miguel y que le 
preguntaron que si era de tierra de espanoles porque por el nombre cono- 
cieron que hera cristiano y que le preguntaron muchas cosas y lo rodearon 
entre todos para hablarle que el declarante no sabe lo que le dixeron por- 
que con otro[s] se fue a ver la canoa que despues que se fueron no vol- 
vieron mas y que al cabo de munchas lunas volvio el dicho Miguel Con 
Don Juan Xabiata a la rancheria del declarante y que le preguntaron que 
si habian buelto y que sabiendo que no determinaron el ir a los resgates 
con las otras naciones y a reconocer donde habitaba aquel genero de 
gentes y por saberlo fueron haciendo algunos rodeos por diversas ran- 
cherias donde no les dieron noticia alguna hasta que llegaron a una ran- 
cheria de pocos yndios de nacion texas que les dixeron que ya se habian 
acabado aquellos hombres porque los yndios de la sierra los habian muerto 
que solo estaban sinco entre los texas en una rancheria [a] donde al se- 
gundo dia llego el declarante y sus companeros que alii les hablaron y 
supieron ser verdad la muerte de los demas y que quisieron venirse con 
ellos y salieron pero se arepintieron porque tubieron miedo; y que Don 
Juan Xaviata Miguel y demas companeros pasaron adelante porque en 
otras ocasiones el declarante habia estado en la sierra y por todo aquello 
se habla una misma lengua y llegaron a las rancherias de los yndios que 
quitaren la vida a los extrangeros y vieron que tenian los despoxos de la 
ropa y otras cosas de las que sacaron y papeles y que en una de estas ran- 
cherias le dieron algunos a Don Juan Xaviata enbueltos en el lienzo que 
los trujo y que deseando saber lo cierto el declarante se resolvio a ir a 
ver la parte donde estubieron los extrangeros y que el y dos companeros 
gentiles como el llegaron a ella y la hallaron despoblada y casi aruinada 
que vieron unos arcabuces muy grandes (genero de esplicarse estas 
gentes para dezir piesas de artillaria) y no vieron cosa viva mas que 
algunos puercos de los que tenian y que por todo aquel pais no habia 
yndios aunque por las sierras tenian munchos vinasos k y que luego se 
volvieron a alcanzar a Don Juan Xabiata y le dieron noticia de lo que 
habian visto que se determino a benirla a dar y que adelante del Rio del 
Norte encontraron con el Capitan y soldados y munchos yndios de su 
nacion que llebaba consigo y le dieron esta noticia y la del camino que 
no es largo pero que hay dos Rios grandes y que por este tiempo empieza 
a llober y se hacen grandes pantanos y por asi cuando van a resgates se 
tardan muncho porque por el frio y su rigor salen para alia cuando en- 
piezan a retonar los arboles y vienen cuando se les cae la hoja que ahora 
lo han hecho a toda diligencia porque don Juan Xaviata dijo yba a re- 
conocer para avisar al Sefior Gobernador que asi se lo dijo el Padre y 
que aunque entre ahora el Capitan no ha de pedir vol ver tan presto que 
a su tiempo podra hazerlo porque es muy cerca de la junta de los Rios. 

k Copy B reads " munchos Umasos " ; this probably is correct. 



Autos from Pardinas, 1688- 169 2 275 

pliance with the auto that stands at the head of this judicial process, and, 
having promised to speak the truth, he said that a long time ago — he did 
not know how long — on several occasions some white men, who carried 
harquebuses, came in canoes to the rancherias on the opposite side of the 
Rio del Norte. They came up the river in a canoe, and they brought an 
Indian who told them [the Indians] in their language what they said 
to him. 

The white men made friends with them, telling them that they would 
be their relatives, and they gave them axes, knives, ribbons and other 
things, and to the women beads, which the Indians call cuentas ; they ate 
with them and danced at their dances and did them no harm at all, and 
for this reason they [the Indians] were very happy with them. This 
occurred twice, and this declarant reported it to Miguel, captain of the 
Cibolos. The declarant told Miguel that they came every two moons, and, 
since it was already time for their return, the said Miguel accompanied 
the declarant. This third time, however, they were later in coming, but 
in three moons they came, and the said Miguel saw them. They asked 
him if he was from the land of the Spaniards, for they knew by his name 
that he was a Christian, and they asked him many things and all sur- 
rounded him in order to talk to him. The declarant does not know what 
they said to him because he went with another to see the canoe. 

After they went away they did not return again, and at the end of 
many moons the said Miguel returned with Don Juan Xaviata to the 
rancheria of the declarant, and they asked him if they [the white men] 
had returned. When they learned that they had not, they resolved to go 
to the fairs with the other nations and to find out where those people were 
living. 

In order to get this information they made the rounds among several 
rancherias, but they learned nothing until they reached a rancheria of a 
few people of the Texas nation, who told them that an end had been put 
to those men, for the Indians of the sierra 130 had killed them, and that 
there were only five on a rancheria among the Texas Indians, where the 
declarant and his companions arrived on the second day. There they 
spoke with these five and verified the death of the others, and they [the 
Frenchmen] wished to come with them, and, in fact, they started, but 
repented because they were afraid. 

Don Juan Xaviata, Miguel, and the rest of their companions pro- 
ceeded on their way, because on other occasions the declarant had been 
in the sierra and knew that in all that region the same language is spoken. 
They arrived at the rancherias of the Indians who took the lives of the 
strangers, and they saw that they had spoils of clothing, papers, and other 
things that they took from them, and that at one of these rancherias they 
gave some of the papers, wrapped up in a cloth, 131 to Don Juan Xaviata, 
which he brought with him. 

Desiring to know the exact truth, the declarant resolved to go and see 

the place where the strangers had been, and he and two companions, 

heathen like himself, reached it; they found it abandoned and almost in 

ruins. They saw some very large harquebuses (the way these people 

19 



276 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century 

Fuele preguntado que dias de camino hay de la Junta de los Rios a los 
texas y demas naciones que refiere y a la parte donde estubieron los f ran- 
zeses dixo que caminando desde que sale el sol hasta que se pone en doze 
dias se puede llegar a donde estaban los f ranzeses y que lo que ha dicho es 
la verdad y lo que pasa y ha visto no supo dezir su edad es al parecer de 
poco mas de cuarenta anos no firmo por no saber firmolo el ynterprete 
con su Senoria. [Don Juan Ysidro de Pardinas Villar de Francos. 
Joseph de Villalva. Ante mi Don Luis de Valdes escribano de gober- 
nacion y guerra.] 



Declaracion de otro yndio 
gentil. 



En el Parral a onse dias del mes de Abril de mil y seiscientos y ochenta 
y nuebe anos el Sefior Sargento Mayor Don Juan Ysydro de Pardinas 

Villar de Francos Cavallero del horden de 
Santiago Governador y Capitan General 
deste Reyno y probincias de la nueba Viz- 
caya por su Magestad hizo parecer ante si 
a un yndio que dixo ser gentil y que a su 
usansa se llama Muygisofac ! el cual se le previno dixese la verdad medi- 
ante los ynterpretes de lo que fuese preguntado y siendolo por el tenor 
del auto. Dijo que es el de la nacion de los sibolos y que asiste en una 
rancheria que suele tener todos los anos guerra con otros yndios caribes 
por las matansas de los ganados que llaman sibolas que estan tiempos del 
ano entre el Rio del Norte y el de las noeses y que por esta razon vido 
mucho veces llegar por el Rio y por tierra algunos hombres vestidos y 
con arcabuses a quienes llamaban moros porque traian cotas o petos de 
acero y morriones en las cabezas que alii se introdujeron munchas veces 
con los yndios y que les daban hachas cuchillos abalorios calderetas de 
cobre y algunas veces ropa y regalaban a las mugeres con listones y otras 

1 Copy B has " Muygitojac". 



Autos from Par dims, 1688-1692 277 

have of describing pieces of artillery), but they saw no living thing ex- 
cept some of the pigs which they had. In all that country there were no 
Indians, although in the sierras there were many smokes. They returned 
immediately to overtake Don Juan Xaviata and inform him of what they 
had seen, and he resolved to come and deliver this news. 

Before reaching the Rio del Norte they met the captain and soldiers 
and many Indians of their nation whom he was bringing with him, and 
they gave him this news and the information that the road is not long, 
but that there are two large rivers, and that at this time the rainy season 
is just beginning and great morasses are being formed. For this reason 
when they go to the fairs they are delayed a long time by the cold and 
its rigors; accordingly they set out to go to them when the trees begin 
to sprout, and return when the leaves are falling. This they have now 
done with all diligence, because Don Juan Xaviata said he was going 
to reconnoitre in order to inform the sefior governor, for thus the said 
padre told him to do. Although the captain ought not to ask to return 
now, as soon as the time comes he can do it, for it is very near La Junta 
de los Rios. 

He was asked how many days' travel it is from La Junta de los Rios 
to the Texas Indians and the other nations which he mentions and the 
region where the Frenchmen were. He replied that by travelling from 
sunrise to sunset it is possible to arrive in twelve days at the place where 
the Frenchmen were, and that what he has said is the truth and is what 
occurred and what he has seen. He could not tell his age. Apparently he 
is a little more than forty years. He did not sign because he did not know 
how. The interpreter signed it with his lordship. Don Juan Isidro de 
Pardinas Villar de Francos. Joseph de Villalba. Before me, Don 
Luis de Valdes, clerk of government and war. 

At El Parral, on the eleventh day of the month of April, 1689, the 
sefior sargento mayor, Don Juan Isidro de Pardinas Villar de Francos, 

knight of the Order of Santiago, governor 
and captain-general of this kingdom and 
provinces of Nueva Vizcaya for his Majesty 
caused to appear before him an Indian who 
said that he was a heathen, and that in his 
language he was called Muygisofac. 132 Through the medium of inter- 
preters he was warned to speak the truth concerning what he might be 
asked and in compliance with the auto. 

He said that he is of the nation of Cibolos, and that he lives at a ran- 
cheria which usually has a war every year with the Caribes Indians over 
the killing of the cattle that they call buffalo, which are at certain times 
of the year between the Rio del Norte and the Nueces River. For this 
reason he often saw some men, clothed and with harquebuses, arrive by 
way of the river, and by land. They called these men Moors because they 
brought coats or breastplates of steel, and helmets on their heads. They 
visited these Indians there many times and gave them axes, knives, beads, 
copper kettles, and sometimes clothing, and made gifts to the women of 



Declaration of another 
heathen Indian. 



278 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century 

cosillas que con eso tubieron buena amistad con ellos y que les dieron 
noticia de las rancherias de mas adelante a donde en otras ocasiones pasa- 
ron a verse con ellos y que al cabo de munchas lunas vino con otros a la 
rancheria del declarante Don Juan Xaviata Governador de los Jumanes 
y de los sibolos procurando noticias de los extrangeros m y que cuando 
llego a la rancheria del declarante habia ya muchas lunas que no venian 
a ella y lo estranaban los yndios de aquellas rancherias con cuya razon 
determino Don Juan Xaviata el pasar a ver donde asistian los extrangeros 
y que para eso llevo consigo al declarante con los demas que traia porque 
dijo que ymportaba tantear el camino y que no hera gente aquella de 
quien se pudiesen fiar los yndios porque venian a engafiar y que fueron 
por diversas rancherias deteniendose en las mas por adquirir la noticia 
y que no la davan en ninguna porque desian que habia mucho tiempo que 
no los vian ni sabian de ellos y que haviendo llegado a una rancheria de 
pocos yndios de nacion texas o techos n supieron que los yndios que vienen ° 
en las sierras y los de las costa del mar los habian muerto a todos que 
solo habian escapado con vida los que habian ydo a resgatar a los texas 
y entonzes pasaron a una rancheria de mas numero de gente de dicha 
nacion texa donde supieron ser cierta la noticia porque alii bieron a uno p 
de los estranjeros con los cuales hablaron y que quisieron benirse con los 
que iban con don Juan Xaviata y que salieron a hacerlo y se arrepintieron 
despues y que la causa porque se quisieron venir fue porque un capitan 
llamado Miguel les dixo que los traeria a tierra de cristianos espafioles y 
que despues don Juan Xaviata les dixo a los yndios que llevava consigo y 
al declarante que pasaran a informarse mas bien para abisar al [sefior] 
governador con toda verdad y que pasaron a la orilla de cierra y ran- 
cherias que en ella ay que son de mucha gente y que vieron que en todas 
las rancherias aun duraban los bailes que hacian por aver muerto a los 
estranjeros y que alii tenian ropa y bestidos de los que abian saqueado y 
que en otra rancheria mas adelante le dieron a don Juan Xaviata unos 
papeles y un nabio pintado embuelto en un pano bianco y que alii le mando 
al declarante y a otro su compafiero que quedo en su tierra que fuesen a 
ber la parte donde mataron los yndios a los tres estranjeros que ya el 
declarante savia donde era y que con efecto fue y bido que no habia per- 
sona alguna ni rastro de ella que solo vido vivos algunos marranos que 
pasian por el campo y dentro de la parte donde habitaban dichos ex- 
trangeros muchas areas quebradas y unos arcabuses grandisimos (que 
asi dan a entender estas naciones las piesas de artilleria) que alii no 
hallaron yndio ninguno ni avien q les diese razon de cosa alguna y asi 



m Copy B reads " de los Enemigos ". 

n Copy B reads "tejas o techas ". 

° Copy B has " Viven ". 

p Copy B reads " alii bieron Sinco ". This probably is correct. 

« Copy B has u quien ". 



Autos from Pardinas, 1688-1692 279 

ribbons and other little things, and for this reason they had warm friend- 
ship for them. They gave them information concerning the rancherias 
further on, where on other occasions they [the Frenchmen] went with 
them to see them. 

After many moons Don Juan Xaviata, governor of the Jumanos and 
of the Cibolos, arrived with others at the rancheria of the declarant, in 
quest of information concerning the foreigners. But when he arrived at 
the rancheria of the declarant it had been many moons since they [the 
Frenchmen] had come to it, which was a surprise to the Indians of those 
rancherias. For this reason Don Juan Xaviata resolved to go on and see 
where the strangers were living, and for this he took with him the declar- 
ant along with the others whom he was taking, for he said it was impor- 
tant to scrutinize the road, since they were not a people whom the Indians 
could trust, but that they had come to deceive them. 

They went by way of various rancherias, stopping in most of them to 
obtain information, but they received none anywhere, for they said that 
it had been a long time since they had seen them [the Frenchmen] or 
heard of them. But when they reached a rancheria of a few Indians of 
the Texas, or Techas, nation, they learned that the Indians who live in 
the sierras and those of the sea coast had killed them all, and that the 
only ones who had escaped with their lives were those who had gone to 
trade with the Texas Indians. They then went on to a rancheria of a 
larger number of the said Texas nation, where they learned that the news 
was true, for there they saw some of the strangers and talked with them. 
These wished to come with those that were with Don Juan Xaviata, and 
started out to do so, but later changed their opinion. The reason why 
they wished to come was because a captain called Miguel told them that 
he would take them to a land of Christian Spaniards. 

Later Don Juan Xaviata told the Indians whom he was taking with 
him and the declarant that they would go on and get better information, 
in order to inform the senor governor with all certitude. Accordingly 
they went on to the sierra and the rancherias that are in it, which have 
many people, and they saw that in all the rancherias they were still hav- 
ing dances in celebration of having killed the strangers. There the In- 
dians had clothing and suits which they had secured as spoils, while in 
another rancheria further on they gave to Don Juan Xaviata some papers 
and a painted ship wrapped up in a white cloth. 133 There he ordered the 
declarant and one of his companions, who remained in their land, to go 
and see the place where the Indians killed the three strangers, for the 
declarant already knew where it was. He did in fact go and he saw that 
there was no one there, nor a sign of any one, and the only living things 
that he saw were some pigs that were running around the fields. Inside 
the place where the strangers had lived there were many broken chests 
and some very large harquebuses (for it is thus that these nations de- 
scribe pieces of artillery). They did not find a single Indian there nor 
any one who might give them any information, and, after having ex- 
amined the place, the declarant and his companion turned back to over- 
take Don Juan Xaviata. 



280 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century 

habiendolofs] reconoscido se bolvio el declarante y su companero a al- 
canzar a Don Juan Xaviata. Fue preguntado que distancia abra de la 
junta de los Rios de Conchos y del Norte a los texas y a la parte donde 
estaban los extrangeros dijo que fueron haciendo muchos rodeos porque 
llebaban reselo pero que por el camino derecho en diez dias se puede llegar 
porque no esta lexos. Fuele preguntado si tiene dificultades de sierras o 
Rios muy caudalosos el camino; Dixo que de aqui al Rio del Norte y 
Junta ya se sabe que es muy llano y que el Padre yra al Rio r de las Noeses 
ay de por medio una sierra pequefia pero que tiene puertos muy anchos y 
llanos por donde se pasa y que desde el dicho Rio de las noeses en adelante 
es camino limpio por cualquiera parte pero que empezando s a Hover son 
muchos los pantanos y lagunas y que asi cuando el declarante a entrado es 
cuando retofian los arboles y que se estan entre aquellas naciones hasta 
que se les cae la hoja que ahora por la priesa que les daba Don Juan 
Xaviata se vinieron luego y que asi se lo dixo el declarante al Capitan 
y espafioles que encontraron que ya a la hora de esta llovera mucho en 
aquellas partes y que tambien hay otro Rio muy grande que pasa alia 
cerca y que por tiempo del ano hay en aquellos llanos muncho ganado que 
parecen bacas pero mayores y que no tienen el pelo como reses sino como 
los carneros hechos lana y pardos todos que este ganado es muchisimo 
porque se cubren los llanos y que se mudan en faltandoles el pasto y se 
ban a otras partes que lo que ha dicho es la verdad en que se afirmo sien- 
dole dado a entender no supo dezir su edad es al parezer de mas de treinta 
y seis anos no firmo por no saber firmolo el ynterprete con el Sefior Gov- 
ernador y Capitan General. [Don Juan Ysidro de Pardinas Villar de 
Francos. Joseph de Villava. Ante mi Don Luis de Valdes secre- 
tario de gobernacion y guerra.] 

En el Parral en dose dias del mes de Abril de mill y seiscientos y 
ochenta y nuebe anos el Sargento Mayor Don Juan Ysidro de Pardinas 

Villar de Francos Cavallero del horden de Santiago Governa- 

dor y Capitan General deste Reyno de la Nueba Vizcaya por 
Su Magestad habiendo visto las declaraciones antecedentes y 
que por ellas parece que los franzeses que habian hecho pie en 
tierra adentro de puerto del Espiritu Santo no estan en la parte que ocu- 
paban y que parece los consumieron los yndios barbaros de aquel pais y 
en atencion a que los rebeldes que imbaden esto Reino continuan mun- 
chas hostilidades en diversas partes de el a que es necesario acudir con 
la gente de guerra que lleva a su horden el Capitan Juan de Retana y a 
que segun parece al presente no ay necesidad urgente a que pase y que el 
tiempo le obliga a detenerse mas del que combendra. En cuya considera- 
cion y las demas que se le ofrecieron por el servicio de su Magestad. Dixo 
que luego y con efecto se despache orden al dicho Capitan Juan de Retana 
para que el puesto en que le hallare se buelba a este Real recorriendo las 
naciones de indios con que a estado dexandolos amigablemente debajo la 
Real obediencia con hordenes de que den noticia[s] de la novedad que 

r Copy B reads " y que para yr al Rio ". This obviously is correct. 
B Copy B reads " pero que en empesando ". 



Auto 



Autos from Pardinas, 1688-1692 281 

He was asked how far it was from the junction of the Conchos and 
Del Norte Rivers to the Texas Indians and the place where the foreigners 
were. He replied that they had gone in a roundabout way, because they 
went with misgiving, but that by the direct road it is possible to reach 
there in ten days, for it is not far. 

He was asked if the way is obstructed by sierras or large rivers. He 
replied that from here to the Rio del Norte and to La Junta it is already 
known that the way is very level, and in order to go to Rio de las Nueces, 
there is a small sierra in between, but it has wide and level passes through 
which one can pass, and that from the said Rio de las Nueces it is a clear 
road everywhere, but that when it begins to rain many marshes and lakes 
are formed, and therefore when the declarant goes there he goes at the 
time when the trees are sprouting, and remains among those nations until 
the fall of the leaf. On this occasion, being urged to make haste by Don 
Juan Xaviata, they came quickly. Hence the declarant told the captain 
and Spaniards whom they met that this is the time when it will be raining 
very much in those parts ; also that there is another large river near there ; 
and that at certain times of the year those plains are full of cattle resem- 
bling cows, but larger, and having hair not like cows but like sheep's wool, 
and all brown. These cattle are very numerous, for they cover the plains, 
and when pasture fails in one place they move to another. 

What he has said is the truth; he affirmed his statement after it was 
explained to him. He could not tell his age, but it is apparently more 
than thirty-six years. He did not sign because he did not know how. The 
interpreter signed it with the sefior governor and captain-general. Don 
Juan Isidro de Pardinas Villar de Francos. Joseph de Villalba. 
Before me, Don Luis de Valdes, secretary of government and war. 

At El Parral on the twelfth day of the month of April, 1689, the 
sargento mayor Don Juan Isidro de Pardinas Villar de Francos, knight 
of the Order of Santiago, governor and captain-general of the 
kingdom of Nueva Vizcaya for his Majesty, having noted the 
preceding declarations and that from them it appears that 
the Frenchmen who had gained a foothold within the port 
of Espiritu Santo are no longer in the place which they were occupying, 
but that it appears that they were destroyed by the barbarous Indians of 
that country, and in view of the fact that the rebels who are invading 
this kingdom are continuing many hostilities in various sections, to which 
it is necessary to repair with the soldiers whom Captain Juan de Retana 
has under his command, and since it appears that at present there is no 
urgent necessity for him to go on, and since the weather would compel 
him to delay longer than would be advisable — in consideration of which 
and of all the other things which occurred to him for the service of his 
Majesty, he declared that at once an order should be despatched to the 
said Captain Juan de Retana at whatever place it might overtake him, 
for him to return to this camp, first receiving the nations of Indians with 
whom he has been, and leaving them amicably under the royal obedience, 
with orders to give notice of any news that they may hear of the for- 
eigners being seen in those parts in case they return. For this purpose 



Auto. 



Carta de los Religiosos de 
los texas. 



282 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century 

sintieron de a ber extranjeros en aquellas partes en caso que buelban para 
lo cual agasajara con algunos dones a los capitanes y cavesas de los dichos 
yndios y que se entregue a Don Juan Xaviata dicha horden para que por 
la posta la lleve o despache dicho Capitan y que de los efectos de paz y 
guerra que Su Magestad tiene destinados a este Reyno se vistan y soco- 
rran dicho Don Juan Xaviata by los de su comitiva para que mas obligados 
continuen su cuidado y asi lo proveyo mando y firmo. [Don Luis de 
Valdes Secretario de gobernacion y guerra.] 

Muy Reverendo Padre Nuestro Custodio. Biva Jesus. La gracia del 
Divino Amor asista a Vuestra Paternidad Muy Reverenda. Fue el 

Altisimo Senor servido de que esta probin- 
cia de los techas pidiera el Santo Bautismo 
para lo cual dispuso su Exelencia el Senor 
Virrey de esta nueba Espana Embiar Re- 
ligiosos acompanados a sien soldados l por 
temor que nos sucediera alguna cosa en los yndios que no se conozca com 
forme determinacion y por tema de los f ranceses u (que se desia) abia 
por estas partes como de facto se hallaron cinco en diferentes rancherias 
de yndios y estos llevaron a su Exelencia llegado[s] pues a esta probincia 
de los techas a sido tanta la nobedad que causo a los yndios circunvezinos 
que los mas dias (desde que estamos aqui) vinieron yndios a vernos y 
entre ellos nos hablo el portador desta de los soldados que estaban en el 
passo del nuebo mexico disiendonos que desde esta provincia de los techas 
al paso no hay mas que cinco dias y que si quisieramos escrivir que el 
llevaria la carta visto pues tan buena ocasion (si es que hable verdad el 
yndio) determine de escrivir esta para que nos conociera por sus sierbos 
y si en algo podemos servirle que nos avise que con todo amor y como 
hermanos lo haremos. Aqui estamos tres sacerdotes y un donado con 
tres soldados que nos dejo el Rey los sacerdotes somos el Padre Fray 
Francisco de Jesus Maria el Padre Fray antonio Ordoy y La nada que 
abajo esta firmado venimos del Colegio de la Santisima Cruz de Quere- 
taro Nuestro Padre Comisario que nos trujo se bolvio por mandarlo asi 
su Exelencia y para traer mas religiosos el cual se llama Fray Damian 
Massanet hijo del colegio sobre dicho y lo aguardamos por todo Marzo o 
Abril. Agora Padre Mio Nos vino un yndio que nos dijo que de lejos 
hacia el Norte vendrian unos hombres blancos a vernos que segun las 
senas juzgamos que son franzeses estos han de estar aqui por ultimos de 
Febrero no sabemos si querran bengarse de los espanoles porque se 
llebaron los franzeses que estaban por estas partes digo que si el camino 
es tan brebe y si es posible que bengan algunos soldados para ver si bienen 
estos franzeses seria de grande estimacion para Su exelencia hasta que 
nosotros demos abiso de lo que hay porque si pudieramos aver si luego 
avisaremos v pero no es posible por causa de los Rios que hay tan grandes 

1 Copy B reads " de sien soldados ". 

u Copy B reads " que no se conosia su firme determinacion y por temor de los 
franceses ". 

v Copy B reads " porque si pudieramos avisar luego luego avisaremos ". This appears 
to be correct. 



Letter from the religious 
of Texas. 



Autos from Pardinas, 1688-1692 283 

he shall make gifts to the captains and chiefs of the said Indians. Let the 
said order be delivered to Don Juan Xaviata, so that he may take or send 
it with all speed to the said captain. From the peace-and-war budget 
which his Majesty has designated for this kingdom, let the said Don Juan 
Xaviata and those of his company be provided with clothing and supplies, 
so that they will the more dutifully continue their care. Thus did he pro- 
vide, order, and sign. [Don Luis de Valdes, secretary of government 
and war.] 

Very reverend father, our custodio : 184 May Jesus live. May the grace 
of the divine love be with your very reverend paternity. The Most High 

was pleased that this province of the Techas 
should ask for holy baptism, for which rea- 
son his Excellency, the viceroy of this New 
Spain, 135 gave orders to send religious, ac- 
companied also by one hundred soldiers, 18 * 
through fear that something might happen to us among the Indians who 
were not acquainted with his firm determination, and also through fear 
of the Frenchmen (who, it was said) were in those parts, as indeed there 
were five at different rancherias of Indians, whom they took to his Excel- 
lency. Since we arrived at this province of the Techas so great has been 
the excitement caused among the neighboring Indians that nearly every 
day (since we have been here) Indians have come to see us. Among them 
the bearer of this letter, one of the soldiers who was at El Paso in New 
Mexico, spoke to us, telling us that from this province of the Techas 
to El Paso it is no more than five days' journey, 137 and that if we wished 
to write he would carry the letter. Seeing such good opportunity (that 
is, if the Indian speaks truly), I determined to write this so that you may 
know that we are your servants, and that if we can serve you in anything 
let us know and we will do it with all brotherly love. 

Here we are, three priests and one lay brother with three soldiers 188 
whom the king assigned to us. The priests are Father Fray Francisco de 
Jesus Maria, Father Fray Antonio Ordoy, 139 and the unworthy one whose 
signature is below. We are from the College of the Holy Cross of Quere- 
taro. 140 Our father commissary, who brought us here, returned by order 
of his Excellency in order to bring more religious. He is Fray Damian 
Massanet, 141 son of the aforesaid college, and we expect him at the latest 
in March or April. 

My dear father, an Indian just came to see us and told us that from 
some distance to the north some white men 142 would come to see us, and, 
judging by the descriptions, we believe that they are Frenchmen. They 
should be here by the latter part of February. We do not know whether 
or not they are coming to take vengeance upon the Spaniards for having 
taken away the Frenchmen who were in these regions, but I say that if 
the road is so short, and if it be possible for some soldiers to come and 
see if these Frenchmen are approaching, it would be a great assistance 
to his Excellency until we can give him information of what is happen- 
ing, because if it were possible for us to send the information immedi- 



Auto 



284 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century 

y estar llobiendo siempre. Por donde han de venir estos franzeses ay un 
Rio que n.o pueden pasar cavallos lo pasan a nado como an hecho otras 
veces que han venido nosotros no podemos saber lo que hay en esta tierra 
porque no ha mas que tres meses que estamos aqui y nos habemos detenido 
en aprender las lenguas destos techas; lo que bemos es que todo lo que 
nos han dicho a sido verdad el Altisimo Sefior nos guarde y a Vuestra 
Paternidad y a su feliz Compafiia de mis carisimos hermanos los asista 
y los lleve w de su Santo Amor deste pueblo de mi Santo Padre San Fran- 
cisco de los techas Hoy cuatro de Septiembre del afio de mil y seiscientos 
y nobenta. Beso La Mano de Vuestra Paternidad [Muy Reverenda]. 
La misma nada. Fray Miguel Font cuberta. 

En el Real de Minas del Parral en siete dias del mes de Julio de mil y 
seiscientos y nobenta y dos afios el Sefior Sargento Mayor Don Juan 

Ysidro de Pardifias Villar de Francos cavallero del horden de 

Santiago Governador y Capitan General de este Reyno y pro- 
bincias de la Nueba Vizcaya por su Magestad. Dijo Que por 
cuanto hoy dia de la fecha acaba de llegar a su presencia don 
Juan Xaviata Yndio Governador de los sibolos y Jumanes del Rio del 
Norte por la parte deste Reyno y que ha traydo una carta de los Religiosos 
que asisten en la mision de los yndios que llaman texas y que parece que 
es escrita a cuatro de Septiembre del ano pasado de mil y seiscientos y 
nobenta al Reverendo Padre Custodio del nuebo Mexico y que la distincia 
que refiere de una a otra parte es muy corta y es necesario saverlo con el 
devido f undamento mandaba y mando que se examine en forma al dicho 
don jan xaviata sobre ello y dichas distancias y partes donde estubo y 
para quien le dieron los religiosos dicha carta la qual se ponga por cavesa 
desta declaracion y de este auto y para dicha declaracion nombraba y 
nombro por interprete a Mathais del hierro el cual estando presente juro 
por dios Nuestro Senor en forma de derecho de usar bien y fielmente a 
su leal saber y entender el dicho cargo de interprete por entender muy 
bien la lengua en que habla el dicho don juan xaviata e su senoria le 
disernio dicho oficio y dicho interprete lo asepto y firmo. [Don Juan 
Ysidro de Pardinas Villar de Francos. Mathias del Hierro. Ante 
mi Don Luis de Valdes secretario de gobernacion y guerra.] 

En el parral en siete dias del mes de julio de 1692 el senor sarjento 
[mayor Don Juan Ysidro de Pardinas Villar de francos Cavallero del 
horden de Santiago Governador y Capitan General deste Reino 
y probincias de la nueba Vizcaya por su Magestad para lo 
contenido en el auto Antesedente] hizo parecer a don juan 
xaviata yndio governador de los sibolos y xumanos del rio del 
norte por la parte deste govierno y mediante Mathais del hierro interprete 
nombrado le resibio juramento lo que hizo [por Dios nuestro Senor y la 
serial de la cruz so cargo del qual prometio desir verdad en lo que fuese 
preguntado y siendo de que] tiempo habia que paso a la tierra de los 
texas y a que efecto y que tiempo se detubo en ella y que si estubo antes 

w Copy B has " llene ". This obviously is correct. 



Auto 



Auto 



Autos from Pardinas, 1688- 169 2 285 

ately we would do so, but it is not possible on account of the large rivers 
and the never ceasing rain. 

In the direction from which these Frenchmen are coming there is a 
river 143 which they cannot cross on horseback. They cross it by swim- 
ming, as has been done on other occasions, as when we ourselves came 
here. It is not possible for us to know what is happening in this land, for 
we have only been here for three months and our time has been taken up 
in learning the languages of these Techas Indians. What we see is that 
all that they have said to us has been the truth. May the Lord Most High 
guard your paternity and your happy company of my beloved brothers. 
May He keep them and fill them with His holy love. From this pueblo 
of my holy father, San Francisco de los Techas, to-day, September 4, 1690. 
I, the same unworthy one as ever, kiss the hand of your Paternity. Fray 
Miguel Font Cuberta. 144 

At the mining camp of El Parral, on the seventh day of the month of 
July, 1692, the senor sargento mayor Don Juan de Pardinas Villar de 
Francos, knight of the Order of Santiago, and governor and 
captain-general of this kingdom and provinces of Nueva Viz- 
cay a for his Majesty, declared that inasmuch as to-day, the 
date of this writing, there has just arrived in his presence 
Don Juan Xaviata, Indian governor of the Cibolos and Jumanos of the 
Rio del Norte, in a section of this kingdom, and inasmuch as he has 
brought a letter from the religious who are living at the mission of the 
Indians called Texas, which it seems was written on the fourth of Sep- 
tember of the year 1690, to the reverend father custodio of New 
Mexico, 145 and inasmuch as the distance mentioned from the one place 
to the other is [said to be] very short, and it is necessary to know it with 
proper certainty, he ordered that the said Don Juan Xaviata should be 
formally examined in regard to it and the said distances and places where 
he was, and for whom the religious gave him the said letter, which shall 
be placed as a heading for this declaration and this auto. 

For the said declaration the governor named as interpreter Matias del 
Hierro, who, being present, swore by God, our Lord, in legal form, to 
exercise well and faithfully his loyal knowledge and understanding in the 
discharge of the said office of interpreter, for he understood very well 
the language which the said Don Juan Xaviata speaks. His lordship ap- 
pointed him to the said office and the said interpreter accepted and signed 
it. Don Juan Isidro de Pardinas Villar de Francos. MatIas del 
Hierro. Before me, Don Luis de Valdes, secretary of government 
and war. 

At El Parral on the seventh day of the month of July, 1692, the senor 
sargento mayor Don Juan Isidro de Pardinas Villar de Francos, knight 
of the Order of Santiago, governor and captain-general of 
this kingdom and provinces of Nueva Vizcaya for his Majesty, 
in accordance with the contents of the preceding auto, caused to 
appear before him Don Juan Xaviata, Indian governor of the 
Cibolos and Jumanos of the Rio del Norte, in a section of this jurisdiction. 



Auto 



286 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century 

o despues en el passo del nuebo mexico y que distancia hay de alii a los 
texas y para quien le dieren x la carta que ha entregado al Sefior Gover- 
nador y Capitan General dijo que en conformidad de la horden que su 
senoria le dio de que procurase saber si volvian estrangeros al puerto del 
Espiritu Santo y al puesto donde estubieron antes corrio noticia entre los 
yndios de que habia otras gentes en los texas por cuya razon f ue a recono- 
cerlo y que hallo a tres religiosos que hablaban espanol y que estubo con 
ellos y les dijo hera cristiano y que habia estado con espanoles y que no 
estaban muy lexos y que habia Religiosos como ellos y que le diesen carta 
para que le creyesen y asi le dieron la que trae que no estubo en el paso 
del Nuebo Mexico porque salio derecho de la Junta de los Rios para los 
texas [y] que despues paso a ver a los espanoles que habia en aquellas 
partes con quienes estubo y hablo diversas veces de la detencion que tubo 
fue porque como no hera gente sospechosa les parecio no habia necesidad 
de dar abiso y que asi andubo entre diversas naciones hasta ahora diez 
lunas que estando para venir con dicha carta tubo noticia de que los yndios 
Satagolillas simbles y y otras naciones le mataron cantidad de los suyos 
porque no se conjuran con ellos contra los espanoles hubo de salir en 
busca de dichas naciones con gruesa de gentes con quines ha tenido y tiene 
guerras que hasta ahora duran y que no hubiera venido tan pres[t]o a 
este Real por dicha causa sino por llegar al pueblo de San Antonio en 
busca del Governador de los Julimes para que pase a la junta de los Rios 
y le socorra con cuatrocientos o quinientos yndios de los suios contra los 
dichos que son tambien de los rebeldes que ynfestan estas partes y que 
no ha estado en el paso del Nuebo Mexico en esta ocasion. Fuele [re]pre- 
guntado que como la carta es escrita al Padre Custodio de aquellas mi- 
siones y que dise haberles dicho el declarante a los Padres que habia cinco 
dias de camino de alii al dicho Paso dixo que los Padres y los ynterpretes 
no le debieron de entender que lo que el dixo fue que habia cinco dias de 
camino a la Junta de los Rios donde havia havido Padres de su habito 
porque de alii al paso del nuevo Mexico es necesario caminar dos lunas 
y por tierra de muchas naciones caribes que la carta la pidio para que lo 
creyera el Sefior Governador como se lo prometio aunque fuera de los 
extrangeros que por eso le travjo z la dicha carta y que tenga por cierta 
que esta mas cerca de aqui la tierra de los texas que del paso del Nuebo 
Mexico f ueronle hechas otras preguntas y repreguntas y a todas respondio 
lo que dicho tiene en que se afirmo y ratifico siendole dado a entender 
su declaracion no supo dezir su edad con individuacion solo dise ser de 
mas de cincuenta afios y no firmo por no saber firmolo el ynterprete con 
Su Senoria. [Don Juan Ysidro de Pardinas Villar de Francos. 
Mathais del Hierro. Ante mi Don Luis de Valdes Secretario de 
gobernacion y guerra.] 

x Copy B has " dieron ". 

y Copy B gives " Satagolilas Simblis ", or " Sataqolilas Simblis ". 

* Copy B has " truxo ". 



Autos from Pardihas, 1688- 1692 287 

Through Matias del Hierro, designated interpreter, he administered to 
him the oath, which he made before God, our Lord, and the sign of the 
cross, under burden of which he promised to tell the truth concerning 
what he might be asked. 

He was asked when it was that he went to the land of the Texas In- 
dians, and for what purpose, how long he remained there, whether it was 
before or afterwards that he was in El Paso, New Mexico, how far it 
is from there to the Texas Indians, and for whom did they give him the 
letter which he has delivered to the senor governor and captain-general. 
He replied that in conformity with the order which his lordship gave 
him to try to find out whether any foreigners had returned to the port of 
Espiritu Santo and the place where they were before, and because the 
news was current among the Indians that there were some other people 
among the Texas — for this reason he went to investigate it. 

He found three religious who spoke Spanish and he was with them 
and told them that he was a Christian, that he had been with Spaniards, 
and that the latter were not very far away, and that there were religious 
like them, and that they should give him a letter so that they would believe 
him. Accordingly they gave him the one that he brought. He was not 
at El Paso, New Mexico, because he went directly from La Junta de los 
Rios to the Texas Indians. Afterwards he went to see the Spaniards who 
were in those parts, and was with them and spoke to them several times. 
The reason why he delayed so long was because, as they were not suspi- 
cious people, it seemed to him that there was no need to give information 
concerning them, and so he wandered among different nations until now, 
a period of ten moons. When he was ready to come with the said letter 
he learned that the Satapayogliglas, Sisimbles, and other Indian nations 
had killed a number of his people because they would not join with them 
against the Spaniards, and he had to go out with a body of men in search 
of the said nations, with whom he has had and is still having wars that 
have lasted until now. For the said reason he would not have come so 
soon to this camp if it had not been that he went to the pueblo of San 
Antonio in search of the governor of the Julimes, in order to ask him 
to go to La Junta de los Rios and aid him with four or five hundred of 
his own Indians against the said nations, who are also among the rebels 
who infest these regions. He has not been at El Paso, New Mexico, on 
this occasion. 

He was asked how it happened that the letter is written to the father 
custodio of those missions [at El Paso], and how it was that the letter 
says that the declarant had told them that it was only five days' travel 14a 
from there to the said El Paso. He replied that the fathers and inter- 
preters could not have understood him, for what he said was that it was 
five days' travel to La Junta de los Rios, where there had been padres of 
their habit, for from La Junta to El Paso, New Mexico, it is necessary 
to travel two moons, and through the land of many Caribe nations. He 
asked for the letter so that the senor governor would believe him, as he 
had promised him he would do, even though it should be in matters not 
concerned with the strangers. For this reason he brought the said letter, 
and he is certain that it is nearer from here to the land of the Texas than 



288 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century 

En el [Real del] Parral en ocho dias del mes de Julio de mil y seiscien- 
tos y nobenta y dos anos el Sargento Mayor Don Juan Ysidro de Par- 
dinas Villar de Francos Cavallero del horden de Santiago Gov- 



Auto 



ernador y Capitan General de este Reyno y probincias de la 
Nueba Vizcaya por Su Magestad habiendo visto la declaracion 
antecedente fecha por Don Juan Xaviata Governador de los 
yndios sivolos y jumanes mando se acumule a los demas autos en esta 
razon fechos y que de todos ellos se saquen los testimonios necesarios 
para su Magestad en su Real y Supremo Consejo de Yndias y que en uno 
se pongan originales las dos foxas escritas en la lengua franzesa que los 
anos pasados trujo el dicho don Juan Xaviata en atencion a que en este 
Gobierno no hay persona que las entienda y pueda escrivir con pro- 
piedad. Y que se le den gracias a dicho Don Juan Xaviata por su cuy- 
dado como lo hizo dicho Senor Governador regalandolo y vistiendolo y 
lo mando continuase con el zelo y cuydado que ha obrado y que con 
presteza de cualquier abiso de lo que fuere noticiado y asi lo probeyo y 
mando y firmo. Don Juan Ysidro de Pardinas Villar de Francos. 
Ante mi Don Luis de Valdes Escrivano de Gobernacion y Guerra. 

Concuerda este traslado con los autos originales de que se haze men- 
cion que para este efecto me entrego el Senor Governador y Capitan 
General de este Reyno que quedan en poder de su Seiioria de adonde lo 
saque a que me remito ya ynserto y verdadero Correxido y concertado y 
para que de ello conste de mandato verbal de Su Sefioria doy el Presente 
en el Real y Minas de San Joseph del Parral en treinta de Marzo de mil y 
seiscientos y nobenta y tres anos. 

Testigos Jose de Solorzano y Jose de Araujo Presentes. 
Y lo signe en testimonio de verdad. 

Miguel de Aranda, 

Escrivano Real. 



Autos from Pardinas, 1688-1692 



289 



Auto 



from El Paso. They asked him other questions, and requestioned him, 
but to them all he answered what has already been said. 

His declaration having been explained to him, he affirmed and ratified 
it. He could not give his age exactly ; he only says that he is more than 
fifty years old. He did not sign his name because he did not know how. 
The interpreter signed it with his lordship. Don Juan Isidro de Par- 
dinas Villar de Francos. Mat! as del Hierro. Before me, Don Luis 
de Valdes, secretary of government and war. 

At the camp of El Parral on the eighth day of July 1692, the sargento 
mayor Don Juan Isidro de Pardinas Villar de Francos, knight of the 
Order of Santiago, and governor and captain-general of this 
kingdom and provinces of Nueva Vizcaya for his Majesty, 
having seen the preceding declaration made by Don Juan 
Xaviata, governor of the Cibolos and Jumanos Indians, or- 
dered that the other autos made on this subject should be collected and 
that of them all there should be made the certified copies necessary for 
his Majesty in his royal and supreme Council of the Indies, and, in view 
of the fact that there is no one in this kingdom who understands them 
and can write them properly, that in one of them there should be placed 
the originals of the two sheets written in the French language which the 
said Don Juan Xaviata had brought here. 

He also ordered that thanks should be given to the said Don Juan 
Xaviata, as was, in fact, done by the said senor governor, who made him 
gifts and clothed him. And he ordered Don Juan Xaviata to continue 
with the zeal and care with which he had acted, and to bring information 
quickly of any news that he might hear. 

Thus did he order, promulgate, and sign. Don Juan Isidro de Par- 
dinas Villar de Francos. Before me, Don Luis Valdes, clerk of gov- 
ernment and war. 



This copy agrees with the original autos, to which reference has been 
made, which the senor governor and captain-general of this kingdom 
delivered to me for this purpose, and which are now in the possession of 
his lordship. I made the copy from them and I refer to them. The copy 
is accurate, corrected, and compared. In order that it may go on record, 
I issue, by verbal order of his lordship, the present writing at the camp 
and mines of San Joseph del Parral, on March 30, 1693. 

Witnesses : Jose de Solorzano and Jose de Araujo, present. 

I signed it in testimony of its truth. 

Miguel de Aranda, 

Royal clerk. 



Carta de los Vezinos de 
Sonora escripta a su excel- 
encia dando quenta del esta- 
do en que se hallan. [San 
Juan Bautista, 6 de Febrero 
de 1693.] 



290 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century 

[Documentos escogidos del expediente intitulado :] Testintonio de Los 
auttos hechos sobre las Providencias dadas en tiempo de Don Gabriel 
de el Castillo Governador de el Parral Sobre operaciones de Guerra 
Y otros puntos. [31 de Mayo de 1691 hasta p de Febrero de 1694.] 
Bino con carta del Virrey de 16 de abril de 1695* 

Excelentisimo Senor: Don Pedro Garcia de Almasan, Don Juan de 
Escalante, Pedro de Peralta, Joseph Romo de Vivar, y Francisco de 

Mendoca, Thenientes de Alcalde mayor y 
Capitanes a guerra de los Reales de Minas 
de San Juan Bautista, Nuestra Senora de 
el Rosario de Nacozari, San Antonio de la 
Natividad, el Santo Nombre de Jesus de 
Bacanuchi, y San Francisco Xavier de 
Nacatobori de la provincia de Sonora : 
Damos quenta a Vuestra excelencia de el 
estado en que nos hallamos y se halla esta provincia pues el dia treinta y 
uno de Diciembre de el afio passado de noventa y dos fue Dios servido 
de llebarse para si a nuestro Alcalde mayor en ocasion que estaba para 
celebrar una junta de Vezinos tocante a dar quenta a Vuestra Excelencia 
de el miserable estado en que al presente se halla Viendo que los enemigos 
Revelados a la Real corona continuan muy a mano con sus Robos, b muer- 
tes Y atrocidades, por lo qual nos parecio por la obligacion de ministros 
de Su Magestad, Y leales Vasallos teniendola al presente de nuestro cargo 
y considerando el manifiesto rriesgo de los Reales de ella mayormente los 
fronterizos nos parecio Juntamente c para ynformar a Vuestra Excelen- 
cia no sacando ningun Vezino por no dexar las fronteras en mayor peli- 
gro y assi senor lo que passa es lo siguiente. 

a A. G. I., Guadalajara, 67-4-1 1. The documents as herein printed constitute only a 
part of the above-entitled expediente, which contains 202 manuscript folios, or the 
equivalent, according to the copy in the University of Texas Library, of 355 typewritten 
pages. The documents as herein printed, however, do not constitute a complete section 
of the entire expediente. For example, there are, according to the University of Texas 
transcript, no less than 112 documents, or closely related groups of documents, between 
folios 1 and 143, inclusive, and of these Mrs. Bandelier copied, either in whole or in 
part, only 23. These are published hereinafter in the order in which they were copied 
by Mrs. Bandelier, and no complete document that was omitted in the Bandelier trans- 
script has been added from the University of Texas transcript. Documents, however, 
that were copied only in part by Mrs. Bandelier have been completed by adding in the 
text, in brackets, the words or sentences that were omitted from the Bandelier transcript. 
Only in the titles of the documents have additions been supplied, also in brackets, by the 
editor. 

In order that the various omissions occurring in the Bandelier copy, as herein printed, 
may be apparent, the folio numbering is retained, also within brackets, as it occurs in 
the Bandelier transcript. The Bandelier folio numbering is frequently from one to four 
numbers different from the folio numbering in the University of Texas copy. Attention 
has been directed in a note to such differences. — C. W. H. 

b The University of Texas copy, hereinafter referred to as Copy B, reads "muy a 
menudo en sus Robos ". 

c Copy B has "juntarnos ". 



Autos from Parral, 169 1- 1694 



291 



Letter from the residents 
of Sonora, written to the 
viceroy, 147 giving an ac- 
count of conditions existing 
among them. [San Juan 
Bautista, February 6, 1693.] 



[Documents selected from the expediente entitled:'] Certified copy of the 
autos made concerning the action taken during the administration of 
Don Gabriel del Castillo, governor of El Parral, with respect to mili- 
tary operations and other matters. [May 31, 1691, to February 9, 
1694.] I* came zvith a letter of the viceroy of April 16, 1695. 

Most Excellent Sir: Don Pedro Garcia de Almazan, Don Juan de 
Escalante, Pedro de Peralta, Joseph Romo de Vivar, and Francisco de 

Mendoza, deputy alcaldes mayores and mili- 
tary captains for the mining camps of San 
Juan Bautista, Nuestra Senora del Rosario 
de Nacosari, San Antonio de la Natividad, 
El Santo Nombre de Jesus de Bacanuche, 
and San Francisco Xavier de Nacatobori of 
the province of Sonora, [greeting] : 

We are giving an account to your Excel- 
lency of the state in which we and this province are, for on the thirty- 
first day of December of the past year, 1692, God was pleased to take to 
himself your alcalde mayor, at a time when he was about to hold a junta 
of residents to consider rendering an account to your Excellency of the 
miserable conditions prevailing in this province at present, due to the 
hostiles, who, rebellious against the royal crown, continue to commit rob- 
beries, murders, and atrocities. For this reason, as ministers of his 
Majesty and loyal vassals at present in charge of the province, and con- 
sidering the manifest peril of these camps, especially those on the fron- 
tier, it has seemed to us that we should jointly report to your Excellency, 
and that we should refrain from withdrawing any resident (from these 
camps), in order not to leave the frontiers in greater peril. In fact, Sir, 
what is occurring is as follows : 

Your Excellency ordered that twenty soldiers from the presidio of 
Sinaloa and ten from Cuencame and El Gallo should be given to Captain 
Francisco Ramirez de Salazar, so that he might maintain these frontiers 
with them until your Excellency might take other action. After he re- 
ceived the soldiers he took the field, but he perceived that they were not 
sufficient, on account of such great numbers of the enemy as were invad- 
ing and are now invading this province, nor could he hold and guard all 
the passes by which they enter. In view of this, having had experience 
in such wars, he resolved to go and place himself at the feet of your 
Excellency and to report what seemed to him ought to be done for its 
security; and although various remonstrances were made to him by the 
royal justice and the residents against his leaving this province in the 
dangerous state in which it was, we could not persuade him [to stay], 
for he replied that he wished to inform your Excellency, by word of 
mouth, of the situation as it appeared to him, and that he would not be 
following the dictates of his conscience unless he did so. 

A few days after he left, the enemy, seeing how small the force was 
on account of the soldiers left in his charge having been distributed at 
four points of the frontiers, threw themselves upon the pueblo of Opotu, 



20 



292 Nueva Viscaya in the Seventeenth Century 

Haviendo Vuestra Excelencia mandado que al capitan francisco Rami- 
rez de Salazar se le entregassen Veinte soldados del Presidio de Zinaloa 
y diez de Cuencame, Y Gallo para que con ellos mantubiese estas fron- 
teras Ynterin que Vuestra Excelencia daba otra probidencia Y havien- 
dolos Recevido Salio a campafia Y Reconocio no eran suficientes para 
tanto enemigo como Ymbadian e ymbaden esta provincia ni podia asegru- 
rar Y guardar tantas entradas como tienen, Y en esta attencion como 
practico y experimentado en estas Guerras Resolvio el yr a ponerse a los 
pies de Vuestra Excelencia e Ynformar lo que parecia mas acertado para 
el seguro de ella Y aunque por la Real Juusticia Y Vecinos se le hizieron 
diferentes requirimientos no dejasse esta Provincia por el riesgo en que 
quedaba no lo pudimos conseguir porque respondia que de Voca queria 
Ynformar a Vuestra Excelencia todo lo que se le ofrecia y que no cum- 
pliria con su consciencia si asi no lo hacia y Pocos dias que salio biendo el 
enemigo las pocas fuerzas que havia por razon de haver dejado los sol- 
dados de su cargo [folio 2] divididos en quatro partes de las fronteras: 
se arrojo al pueblo de Opotu donde mato e hirio muchos de los Yndios 
cristianos llebandose vivos algunos muchachos y el ganado mayor y 
cavallada de aquella Mission, Y soberbio con esta Victoria, passo al Real 
de Nacozari y dio en las Minas que actualmente se empesaban a travajar 

Y tapearon a los que estavan dentro para matarlos Y a el mismo tiempo 
se arrojaron al Real y a diferentes cassas que estan en las Bertientes del 
y Siendo sentidos de los pocos Vezinos Salieron al Reparo y en esta 
ocasion mataron muchas personas y se llebaron toda la cavallada, mulada 
y ganado mayor que havia Y desde entonces estan las minas paradas 
por estar metidos en las sierras por donde ellos tienen sus entradas, y los 
mineros y comercio estar sumamente atrassados por estas ymbasiones tan 
repetidas y su magestad muy danificado por los Reales quintos que podia 
percivir si dichas minas se travajaran por ser muy considerables de ley 
y Unicas en esta Provincia, Ruina muy considerable para los Vassallos. 

Y acavado (Senor) de executar estas maldades passaron a la mission y 
Valle de Santa Maria Bassaraca Y en el puesto de tamichopa estancia de 
el dicho capitan Ramirez hizieron lo mesmo matando onze personas y 
entre ellas los dos Governadores de Santa Maria y san Juan Guachinera 
llebandosse todo quanto havia en ella Y otras maldades que cada dia 
continuan a su salvo, Viendo que no se les aplica ningun freno, Y en 
medio de estas Guerras y calamidades Viviamos con el consuelo que consta 
yda d del dicho capitan francisco Ramirez a la corte daria Vuestra Ex- 
celencia la providencia necessaria para que esta provincia bolbiesse en si 

Y estando alentados con estas esperanzas tenemos noticias que el dicho 
capitan Ramirez murio en Zacatecas de buelta para esta provincia Y que 
Vuestra Excelencia le havia concedido cinquenta Soldados ; Cossa que nos 
a desconsolado como se deja considerar si bien nos queda la esperanza de 
que Vuestra Excelencia se servira de mandar que los dichos cinquenta 
soldados passen con la brevedad possible por quanto esta provincia se Va 
despoblando Y si no se acude con la presteza que se requiere no dude 
Vuestra Excelencia se acabara brebe con mucha ruina de ambas Mages- 

d Copy B reads " que con la yda ". This is correct. 



Autos from Parral, 1 691- 169 4 293 

where they killed and wounded many of the Christian Indians, and from 
where some boys and the cattle and horses of that mission were carried 
off alive. Elated with this victory, the enemy went on to the camp of 
Nacosari and attacked the mines that were just beginning to be worked, 
and closed up those [workers] who were within, in order to kill them. 
At the same time they attacked the camp and various houses that are situ- 
ated on the [mountain] slopes. When the few inhabitants heard the In- 
dians, they issued forth to defend themselves. On this occasion they [the 
enemy] killed many persons and carried off the horses, mules, and cattle 
that were there. Since then, the mines have been closed, for they are 
situated in the passes of the sierras through which the enemy enter. 
Mining and commerce are greatly retarded by these repeated attacks ; his 
Majesty suffers the loss of the royal fifths that he would receive if the 
said mines were being worked, for the legal fifths are considerable and 
the mines are the only ones in this province; and his subjects are greatly 
damaged. 

Having committed these outrages, Sir, the hostiles went on to the mis- 
sion in the valley of Santa Maria Basaraca, 148 and at Tamichopa, where 
is the estancia of the said Captain Ramirez, they continued their atroci- 
ties, killing eleven persons, among them the governor of Santa Maria 
and the governor of San Juan Guachinera. From there everything was 
carried away. Moreover, seeing that nothing was done to check them 
they continue to commit, every day, other outrages with impunity. 

We lived in the midst of these hostilities and calamities in the hope 
that when the said Captain Francisco Ramirez should reach your court 
your Excellency would take the necessary measures to restore this prov- 
ince to its former state ; but while we were supporting ourselves with these 
hopes, we learned that the said Captain Ramirez, to whom your Excel- 
lency had granted fifty soldiers, had died in Zacatecas while on his re- 
turn to this province. This has been a great blow to us, as may be be- 
lieved, but nevertheless we retain the hope that your Excellency will be 
pleased to order the said fifty soldiers to come on as quickly as possible, 
for this province is being depopulated, and if aid is not brought with 
requisite promptness, your Excellency may be sure that it will soon be 
destroyed, with great loss to both Majesties. 

At the frontier mining camps and pueblos of the native Christians, we 
are at present hourly fearing great damage, for the enemy is very large in 
numbers and is growing stronger every day, for they are adding some 
nations that were living quietly, until the present time, in their heathen 
state. Seeing that these are not punished, the native Christians living 
among us will, in their foolish way, revolt with them, as they have tried 
to do at various times. (This is even now being experienced at the pueblo 
of Toape, mission of the Reverend Father Marcos Antonio Xapud, juris- 
diction of the Real de San Joseph de Opodepe, where most of the rebel- 
lious Indians are away from the said pueblo and are in the sierra, not 
caring to obey the said reverend father missionary, or the deputy alcalde 
mayor of that jurisdiction, who at present is in the said sierras with some 
of the residents, attempting to persuade the newly revolted natives to come 
down peaceably. For this reason, the said deputy has not attended this 



294 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century 

tades [folio 3] Y al pressente quedamos por oras aguardando en los 
Reales de minas fronterizos Y Pueblos de los naturales cristianos muchos 
danos por ser el numero de los enemigos muy copiosso y cada dia ba 
creziendo mas f uercas agregando assi algunas naciones que asta oy bibian 
en su gentilidad quietos, Y los cristianos que biben entre nosotros biendo 
que no se Castiga a estos con su fragelidad se alzaran con ellos como lo 
an Yntentado diferentes vezes (Y al presente se experimenta en el pueblo 
de Toape mision de el Reverendo Padre Marcos Antonio Xapud Juris- 
diccion del Real de San Joseph de Opodepe que estan fuera del dicho 
pueblo los mas de los Yndios rrebelados en la sierra sin haver querido 
obedecer al dicho Reverendo Padre missionero ni al theniente de Alcalde 
mayor de aquella juridiscion quien al pressente se alia con algunos vezinos 
de la dicha sierra procurando atraer y bajar de paz a los naturales nueba- 
mente Revelados por cuia racpn dicho theniente no a concurrido a esta 
Junta), Y si entonces no lo consiguieron fue por hallarse esta provincia 
con golpe de vezinos: oy lo haran con mucha facilidad porque estan 
mirando lo descaecido Y despoblado de la tierra Y si esto sucede (lo que 
Dios no quiera) Costara mucho a su Magestad el bolberlo a restaurar Y 
todo se ataxara Viniendo los cincuenta soldados a cargo de perssona prac- 
tica y experimentada en estas partes Y que con Zelo y cristiano mire esta 
provincia y Procure Recuperarla; que haviendo faltado el dicho capitan 
francisco Ramirez de Salazar despues de otras que ay en esta Provincia 
son muy a proposito para el efecto, el Capitan Andres de Resaval, el 
capitan francisco Pacheco Zevallos, el capitan Don Juan de Escalante 
perssonas que a muchos anos assisten en esta provincia Y a todas las 
funciones de guerra que se an ofrecido arresgando sus vidas y haciendas 
con toda promptitud Zelo y Vijilancia; Y aunque el ano passado de 
noventa y dos por el mes de Agosto acavado dichos enemigos de executar 
los danos y muertes referidos el capitan Juan Fernandez [folio 4] de la 
f uente Salio en su busca con los soldados de su Cargo Y los encontro en 
parte accomodada para castigarlos como con efecto les mato algunos y 
viendose los enemigos en parage yncomodo para ellos Y la chusma cerca 
temerossos no diessen con ella pidieron pazes a dicho capitan quien se las 
concedio y duraron quince a beinte dias teniendolos cercanos a su Presidio 
de donde empezaron a robar bolbiendose a las sierras y parages donde 
antes residian y se arrimaron a estas fronteras por reconocerlas muy 
flacas y desde luego bolbieron a combocar las naciones de Soba y Guipuru 
y mucha parte de los Pimas y otros y juntos por el mes de noviembre se 
llebaron de las fronteras de Bacanuche San Antonio de la natividad, 
Reales de Minas y del pueblo de chinapa todas las cavalladas y muladas 
que havia dejando a sus moradores, Ympossibilitados a buscar el sus- 
tento para sus familias; y ayer entraron a las siete de la manana en el 
Real y Minas de Nacozari Y se llebaron las muladas de los duenos de 
Haziendas de sacar plata y demas vezinos y a este mismo tiempo en- 
traron en el Valle de Theuricachi e distante de dicho Real Veinte leguas 
y se llebaron lo que havia en el asi de espafioles como de naturales havi- 
endo cojido a Un Yndio christiano de aquel valle con quien tuvieron larga 

e Copy B has " Heuricachi ". 



Autos from Parral, 1691-1694 295 

junta.) If, on previous occasions, the natives did not succeed in taking 
possession of this province, it was because it had many residents. But 
to-day the natives can very easily take possession of it for they are aware 
of the weakened and depopulated condition of the country. If this hap- 
pens (which God forbid), it will cost his Majesty a great deal to re- 
cover it. 

All this may be prevented if the fifty soldiers come in charge of some 
person who has had experience in these districts, and who will look after 
this province with Christian zeal, and try to recover it. Although the said 
Captain Francisco Ramirez de Salazar is lost to us, there are, among 
others in this province who are very well suited for the purpose, Captain 
Andre de Resaval, Captain Francisco Pacheco Zevallos, and Captain Don 
Juan de Escalante, all of whom have lived for many years in this prov- 
ince, and, who, risking their lives and property with all promptitude, zeal, 
and vigilance, have taken part in all of the military operations that have 
occurred in it. 

In the past year, 1692, in the month of August, just after the enemy 
had committed the said outrages and murders, Captain Juan Fernandez 
de la Fuente went in pursuit of them with the soldiers in his charge and 
encountered them in a place well suited to punish them, and in fact he 
did kill some. But when the enemy saw themselves in an unfavorable 
position and their band of women and children so near, fearing to attack 
with them, they begged the said captain for peace, which he granted them. 
The peace lasted fifteen or twenty days, during which time they were 
kept near his presidio. There they began to rob, and finally returned to 
the sierras and places where they were living before. They gathered on 
these frontiers because they knew them to be weak, and immediately 
began to convoke the nations of Soba and Guipuru, a great part of the 
Pimas, and others, and all together, in the month of November, they car- 
ried away from the frontiers of Bacanuche, San Antonio de la Natividad, 
Reales de Minas, and the pueblo of Chinapa, all the horses and mules that 
there were, leaving the inhabitants without means of seeking sustenance 
for their families. Yesterday, at seven o'clock in the morning, they 
entered the camp and mines of Nacosari and carried off the mules of the 
owners of the smelters and of the inhabitants. At the same time they 
entered the valley of Theuricachi, twenty leagues distant from the said 
camp, and carried off everything in it that belonged either to Spaniards or 
to the natives. After a lengthy conference with a Christian Indian of 
that valley, whom they had captured, they did a thing which these rebels 
have never before been seen or heard to do — they set him free without 
doing him any harm. From this we infer that there may be a conspiracy 
between the hostile and Christian Indians to institute a general uprising 
against the Spaniards. This, Sir, will mean the definite loss of the prov- 
ince on account of the miserable state of its inhabitants, for the enemy 
has left them without mounts and so poor that even should they wish 
to unite and go out against the enemy (as they have done against all the 
nations), they cannot do so because they are so few in number, as we have 
stated and represented to your Excellency, and as the alcalde mayor of 
this province and its residents have done on divers occasions. 



296 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century 

platica Resultando de ella el hacer Una hazdo f Jamas Vista ni oyda de 
estos Rebelados que fue soltarlo sin hacerle ningun daiio de donde nos 
queda la pressuncion de alguna conjuracion que este con los de sus pueblos 
y de estos a los demas cristianos puedan remober Unibersalmente contra 
los espanoles. Y a esto Sefior, a llegado a la ultima ruina por el misero 
estado en que los moradores de esta provincia se hallan pues unicamente 
los an dexado tan a pie y tan pobres que aunque quieran Unirse y salir 
(como lo han hecho en todas las naciones) no pueden como tambien por 
ser tan pocos como llebamos referido y representado [folio 5] a Vuestra 
Excelencia a quien en dibersas ocassiones lo tenia hceho el alcalde mayor 
de esta Provincia y Vecinos de ella por cuio motibo no nos alargamos 
a repetir mas lastimas y desdichas a Vuestra Excelencia cuia excelentisima 
perssona guarde nuestro sefior felices y dilatados afios para el amparo 
y remedio de esta provencia, Real de San Juan Bautista Cavezera de la 
provincia de Sonora y febrero Seis de mil seiscientos y noventa y tres. 
A los pies de Vuestra Excelencia. Pedro Garcia de Almazan. Don 
Juan de Escalante. Francisco de Mendoca. Joseph Romo de Vivar. 

[Folio 5, revez.] Noticia que halle en Sombrerete de las hostilidades 
que de quarenta dias a esta parte han hecho los Yndios enemigos de que 

doy quenta al Excelentismo Sefior Conde de 



Noticiale Don Gabriel de 
el Castillo a Su Excelencia 
de Dichas Hostilidades. 
[Sin fecha.] 



Galve son las siguientes. 6 

En la Jurisdiccion de San Juan de el Rio 
entre Palmito y el Alamo diez y ocho leguas 
del presidio de Cuencame a mediado febrero 
deste ano Una esquadra de Yndios enemigos 
de las rancherias de el Tecolote Viniendo por Cavos el Yndio Contrerillas 
y lorencillo mataron doze personas que se Componian de dos familias 
siete mugeres tres muchachos todos mestizos Un hombre espafiol y Un 
negro libre. Doze dias despues esta misma esquadra en la hacienda de la 
pastoria de Joseph de castrejon en el paraxe que llaman de las cruzes 
treze leguas de cuencame mataron Un sirviente y se llebaron Un mucha- 
cho. Dos dias despues llegaron a la estancia de Matheo Gomez seis leguas 
de sombrerete, Y se llebaron seis manadas de Yeguas y passaron con ellas 
acia su tierra. Y como dos leguas del camino por donde Yban se apar- 
taron a la estancia que llaman de San Sevastian del General Don An- 
tonio de la Campa Cos, Y dieron el Albago en los pastores de sus ganados 
Y le mataron tres esclavos, Y dos libres Y se llebaron Un muchacho Vivo 
y una manada crecida de yeguas y cojieron su derrota a buscar las Ran- 
cherias de dicho Tecolote : Asi mismo se llebaron del Real de Cuencame 
treinta Vacas chichiguas de la Viuda Dona Michaela de Cossi y de la 
estancia del Br. h Cossio se llebaron asta Veinte mulas y cavallos y en 
alcance de esto Ultimo salio el sargento mayor Juan Bautista Escorzo con 
los soldados de su Presidio, Y a doze leguas de distancia los alcanzo en 
el potrero de San Juan de casta Y les quito asta quarenta bestias Sin 

f This probably a miscopy for " hecha ". 

s According to Copy B " siguientes " is the last word on f . 6. 

h This may be an abbreviation for " Bachiller " or " Bernardo ". 



Autos from Parral, 169 1- 1694 



297 



Don Gabriel del Castillo 
makes a report to his Ex- 
cellency concerning- the said 
hostilities. [Undated.] 



For this reason we refrain from relating more sorrows and misfor- 
tunes to your Excellency, whose most excellent person may our Lord pre- 
serve for long and happy years, for the protection and improvement of 
this province. Real de San Juan Bautista, capital of the province of 
Sonora. February 6, 1693. At the feet of your Excellency. Pedro 
Garcia de Almazan. Don Juan de Escalante. Francisco de Men- 
doza. Joseph Romo de Vivar. 

The information which I had in Sombrerete concerning the hostilities 
which, for forty days, in that region have been committed by the hostile 

Indians, and of which I give an account to 
the most Excellent Sefior, the Count of 
Galve, 149 is as follows : 

In the jurisdiction of San Juan del Rio, 
between Palmitos and El Alamo, eighteen 
leagues from the presidio of Cuencame, in 
the middle of February of this year, a band of hostile Indians from the 
rancherias of El Tecolote, under the leadership of the Indians, Contre- 
rillas and Lorencillo, killed twelve persons, namely, two families of seven 
women and three boys, all half-breeds; one Spaniard; and a free negro. 
Twelve days later this same band, at the sheep ranch of Joseph de Castre- 
jon, at the place called Las Cruces, three leagues from Cuencame, killed 
a servant and carried off a boy. Two days afterwards they arrived at 
the farm of Mateo Gomez, six leagues from Sombrerete. and drove off 
towards their own country six herds of mares. Turning aside from the 
road they were travelling, they went two leagues to the farm called San 
Sebastian, belonging to General Don Antonio de la Campa Cos, where 
they surprised the shepherds with their herds, killed three slaves and two 
free men, and carried off one boy alive and a large drove of mares. They 
then went on their way toward the rancherias of the said Tecolote. They 
also carried off from the Real de Cuencame thirty milch cows of the 
widow Dona Michaela de Cossi, and from the farm of Br. Cossio they 
took as many as twenty mules and horses. In pursuit of these last the 
sargento mayor Juan Bautista Escorza went out with soldiers of his 
presidio. Within a dozen leagues he caught up with them at Potrero de 
San Juan de Casta, where he took from them forty animals, without 
having been able to do any more because he had encountered them in a 
place where he could not do them any harm. He also took a captive from 
them. Don Gabriel del Castillo. 



Don Gabriel del Castillo, governor and captain-general of this kingdom 
of Nueva Vizcaya, by grace of his Majesty. Such a report has been given 

me concerning the murders, atrocities, and 
horse-thefts that the hostile Indians, in arms 
against the royal crown, have committed 
since the middle of the month of February, 
that one fears the total depopulation of the 
ranches as well as the towns which, forming 
the outlying districts of this kingdom, join the frontier of Nueva Galicia. 



Copy of an order given to 
Sargento Mayor Juan Bau- 
tista Escorza. [Durango, 
April 2, 1693.] 



. . . [Folio 14] Copia de 
orden dado al sargento 
mayor Juan Bautista Es- 
corza. [Durango, 2 de Abril 
de 1693.] 



298 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century 

haver podido hacer otra operacion por haverse empenolado [folio 6] en 
parte adonde no les pudo hazer dano y tambien les quito un cautibo. Don 
Gabriel del Castillo. 

Don Gabriel de el Castillo Governador [y Capitan general de este Reino 
de la Nueva Vizcaya por su Magestad. Por quanto se me a dado noticia 

de las muertes y atrocidades y robos de cava- 
lladas que los yndios enemigos rebelados con- 
tra la Real Corona han hecho desde mediado 
el mes de Febrero deste ano de tal manera 
que se puede temer el total despueble de las 
haziendas del campo pastorias y pueblos de 
que se componen los contornos de todo el 
reyno con la raya de la nueba Galicia y que en el tiempo presente de secas 
es el oportuno en que executan los yndios enemigos la continuacion de 
sus hostilidades y deseando aplicar el remedio conveniente con la mas 
prompta brevedad que ser pueda para el mayor servicio de ambos Mages- 
tades y conservacion destos Reinos y quietud de sus moradores estantes 
y traxinantes] por el Pressente ordeno al Sargento mayor Juan Bautista 
Escorza capitan de el Presidio de el Paraxe que con veinte soldados de 
los treinta y cinco que oy deve tener en su pressidio y otros veinte soldados 
que el capitan Luis de Quintana capitan del presidio del Gallo, y otros 
diez soldados del capitan Martin de Ugalde, capitan de Presidio de Zerro 
gordo le remitiran al Real Chico en Virtud de orden que les e dado para 
ellos y todos los Yndios amigos que pudiera sacar del dicho presidio del 
Paraje y Cuencame, saiga con la mejor brebedad posible a campana bien 
amunicionada, Armado y abastecido de Bastimentos, y de- todo lo neces- 
sario a lo menos por dos l [folio 15] meses y desde luego recorra los 
paraxes siguientes, [Observando su reconocimiento segun las seguras 
noticias tubiere] Rio De Guanabal — Bocas de Picardia — Bocas de San 
Diego — Boca de Patron — Portero de San Juan de Costa — La Muerta — 
San Ygnacio — San Lorengo — Guachilla — Baja — Bentanas — Sierra de 
Acatita Rexistrando las quatro bocas que tiene para entrar en ella. 
Mapimi — Boca de la Cadena — Zienaga de San Joseph — Pozo hediondo — 
Y si